Rebirth: I am in Jin-Cha-Ji

Chen Tao not only led mutual aid groups but also oversaw cooperatives while in Hebei, even conducting several cooperative experiments. After arriving in Guangdong, he maintained contact with Hebei, primarily to observe the effectiveness of these cooperative experiments. Therefore, he became very familiar with cooperative work. Building on the foundation of developing mutual aid groups, he trained large numbers of mutual aid group cadres in rural areas, preparing for the next phase of cooperative development.

Especially during the literacy campaign, a large number of cadres with strong mathematical abilities were trained.

Some people are born with enough talent.

These individuals will be highlighted during the literacy campaign. Chen Tao focused on training these individuals. Having previously led mutual aid groups and cooperatives, he knew that what cooperatives lacked most was managers capable of managing their ledgers. With Luo Qirong's support, Chen Tao's work went smoothly.

"Last year, after Comrade Wei Hongjun adjusted the rubber strategy, Hainan couldn't accommodate so many cadres. We took over many cadres from the South China Reclamation Bureau and continued to strengthen our work in the countryside. Last year, after we came up with the idea of ​​processing imported materials, we began developing cooperatives in several counties surrounding Bao'an County. Thanks to the strong foundation of mutual aid groups, the cooperatives have developed very smoothly. To ensure the smooth development of the Bao'an County cooperative, Comrade Chen Tao spends half his time in the county, monitoring its development."

The chairman nodded.

He praised: "The Guangdong Provincial Party Committee has done a good job. After liberation, there are more people sitting in offices and fewer people working on the front lines."

The Chairman actually praised Luo Qirong.

Have courage.

After liberation, the number of staff in major government agencies nationwide expanded rapidly. Luo Qirong relegated all these staff to the front lines, bracing himself for criticism. But the effect was positive. What the Chairman didn't realize was that while Luo Qirong was cracking down on localism, he also sent those cadres affected by it to townships and rural areas as literacy workers.

The Chairman turned his attention to Chen Tao again.

This young cadre left a deep impression on the Chairman. He possessed both theoretical sophistication and a practical spirit of hard work.

However, the Chairman did not continue the topic. Instead, he said to Wei Hongjun: "Comrade Hongjun, what do you think about cooperation between cooperatives?"

"I believe that, as long as the ownership of the cooperative is established, we should encourage cooperation between the two sides. However, once cooperatives collaborate, there are many more things involved. Managing accounts is definitely not something that ordinary mutual aid groups or cooperative accountants can do well. These cadres need to strengthen their training."

“It’s a question of ownership.”

The chairman's concern is not about accounting.

Because that’s the specific work.

The Chairman was considering the broader issues, particularly the ownership issue raised by Wei Hongjun. He paused and said, "Comrade Hongjun, I remember you previously suggested that the Central Committee should enact an economic contract law and a company law."

"Yes."

After the founding of New China, many laws related to economic development were enacted.

Like the "Land Reform Law of the People's Republic of China", "Labor Law of the People's Republic of China", "Land Law of the People's Republic of China", "Urban Real Estate Management Law of the People's Republic of China", etc.

All of these are aimed at solving many economic problems that arose after the founding of New China.

But it is far from enough.

Therefore, Wei Hongjun proposed that the central government enact a "Company Law" and an "Economic Contract Law." The central government supported the "Economic Contract Law," as even state-owned enterprises must sign contracts. Otherwise, disputes between state-owned enterprises would arise.

How to protect the rights and interests of both parties requires the law to protect the contract between the two parties.

Therefore, the Legal Committee is currently studying and formulating the "Economic Contract Law".

However, there was no response to the "Company Law." This was primarily because the Eighth National Congress confirmed that China would undergo socialist transformation, and that the corporate model of the New Democratic era would undergo significant changes. How could a clear-cut "Company Law" be issued at this time?

Wei Hongjun said, "Chairman, right now, it's just cooperation between cooperatives. Politically and economically, the two sides are almost on equal footing. Even if there are any disputes in their cooperation, it won't be a major problem. But what if there's cooperation between county-level enterprises and cooperatives in the future? Or, after the cooperatives develop, what if the county wants to turn the cooperatives into county-level enterprises? For example, if Guangzhou No. 1 Garment Factory wants to allocate some orders to cooperatives in the future, it will establish a cooperative enterprise with the cooperative. What are the characteristics of this enterprise? These issues need to be resolved legally."

“If ownership is too clear, will it breed localism?”

The Chairman listened to Wei Hongjun's words.

Indeed, now it is only spontaneous cooperation between cooperatives.

But what about the future?

This type of collaboration is likely to occur between various companies in the future. Without clear ownership, disputes are bound to arise. Let's not talk about companies, let's take the situation in Henan. The mere merger of Pingyuan Province and Henan Province has already led to serious disagreements.

Of course, what the chairman is more worried about is that higher-level agencies will embezzle cooperative assets under various names.

This is a terrible thing.

It will directly affect the central government’s overall strategy of promoting cooperatives.

However, clear ownership can foster serious localism. Historically, even after the 21st century, local protectionism has been rampant in various regions, not just now. In local markets, foreign products are excluded, and local businesses are given greater support.

Wei Hongjun said: "Chairman, this depends on our government's regulatory capabilities. Just like when we built Baotou Steel

During the period of the "Baotou Iron and Steel" campaign, steel mills and schools across the country supported Baotou Iron and Steel with over 3000 skilled workers and students. We are a socialist country, and the government controls the industries vital to our economy. Therefore, we can fully implement national plans for industrial development. Because the enterprises that control our economic lifeline are all state-owned, centrally controlled enterprises, the central government has full control over their allocations. At the provincial level, they can also implement plans for the Party's industries, because the enterprises controlled by the provincial government are owned by the people of the province.

"Ah."

"Regarding the enterprises of rural cooperatives, they are also under the leadership of the cooperatives, which in turn are under the leadership of the Party. We normally give them sufficient autonomy, allowing our frontline Party members and cadres to fully demonstrate their subjective initiative. However, when major national policies require it, cooperatives nationwide will cooperate with the state. The rural cooperative economy of cooperatives will be the most beneficial supplement to the socialist economy."

The Chairman thought for a while and then said, "Comrade Chen Tao, we can promote cooperation between cooperatives. Then record all of this and, after implementing it for a period of time, write a report to the Central Committee."

The chairman is still cautious.

New things always come with risks.

The chairman wanted to see how the cooperation was working. However, he also gave clear instructions, saying, "One more thing must be made clear. The cooperative's factory is the asset of the rural cooperative and belongs to all its members. No government at any level, under any name or pretext, is allowed to turn the cooperative's collective assets into a government-controlled enterprise."

The Chairman was in a really good mood after seeing the booming cooperative economy in Bao'an County.

This is the cooperative the Chairman wants to see.

Of course, Guangdong has its own characteristics.

But it still embodies many of the cooperative's strengths. Therefore, the chairman will not allow anyone to disrupt the cooperative's prosperity. The chairman himself is not sure how far the cooperative will develop in the future.

But the Chairman knew that rural areas must take the path of cooperative economy.

"Chairman, we will definitely take this seriously."

Tao Zhu guaranteed.

The Chairman received a ton of information today, and he needed to digest it. He hadn't yet expressed his stance on whether Bao'an County should be a priority for development. However, he wanted to see the county's situation, especially the cooperatives. So, he began visiting various rural areas.

Just as the Chairman was busy, Yang Shangkun brought him a telegram from Beijing.

A very unexpected telegram.

912 Pan Yang Incident

The sudden telegram from Beijing disrupted the Chairman's normal investigation.

Because someone in Shanghai reported that the Shanghai Municipal Public Security Bureau had maintained a group of organizations mainly composed of spies, and the direct person in charge was Hu Junhe, a former senior cadre of the Communist Party of China, who served as the secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Youth League but later betrayed the organization.

It was Shanghai Public Security Bureau Chief Yang Fan who recruited Hu Junhe and commanded this spy organization. This indicates that the Shanghai Public Security Bureau under Yang Fan's leadership harbored a lot of corruption, including a bunch of former Wang Jingwei spies, Kuomintang spies, and Shanghai Green Gang members.

Yang Fan deliberately protected these people.

In fact, it is a report against Yang Fan, but it does not only involve Yang Fan alone.

why?

What kind of organization was this alleged spy organization? First, consider Hu Junhe's identity. A 25-year Party veteran, he served as a senior CCP cadre, reaching the highest position of Communist Youth League Central Committee Secretary. After his arrest in November 1932, he joined the Central Bureau of Investigation and Statistics. Arrested by Wang Jingwei's puppet regime in September 11, he defected to Wang Jingwei's spy organization, becoming a major traitor. After Li Shiqun's death, he became the head of "Unit 1939." After the victory of the War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression, he was sentenced to 9 years in prison by the Kuomintang as a notorious traitor. Later, as the Kuomintang suffered defeat during the War of Liberation, they recalled Hu Junhe, a former master spy. The Kuomintang intended to use Hu Junhe's identity and abilities to sabotage the development of New China.

Therefore, when the Central Bureau of Investigation and Statistics withdrew, they left Hu Junhe behind in mainland China. They designated him as one of the leaders of their covert cell in the Beijing (Nanjing) and Shanghai areas. However, Hu Junhe was a clever man, though he lacked any political integrity. Seeing the CCP's imminent victory, he sent someone to Hong Kong to contact Pan Hannian, expressing his willingness to defect to the liberated areas and hoping Pan would accept him.

Pan Hannian and Hu Junhe are very familiar with each other.

During the War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression, Pan Hannian was the intelligence chief for East China, and Hu Junhe was a prominent spy for the Wang Puppet regime. While Hu Junhe may have been a powerful figure, it's impossible for a man like him to serve the Japanese wholeheartedly, or to entrust his life and property to them. A man like Hu Junhe would never trust any individual or organization. As a chameleon with few political convictions, he would have to leave some escape hatches.

Therefore, during the Anti-Japanese War, Hu Junhe not only had connections with the Central Bureau of Investigation and Statistics and the Military Bureau of Investigation and Statistics, but also with the Eighth Route Army intelligence agencies. He mainly observed who was gaining power and then chose to join them.

Therefore, Pan Hannian and Hu Junhe had many dealings during the War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression.

Hu Junhe even sometimes secretly leaked intelligence to Pan Hannian and others, demonstrating his unwillingness to be an enemy of the CCP. When Li Shiqun was alive, Pan Hannian had been in contact with him, and Li Shiqun would pass on intelligence about the Japanese army to the New Fourth Army. Hu Junhe served as a liaison between Li Shiqun and Pan Hannian.

This kind of thing happened a lot during the war.

On the intelligence front, especially with bigwigs like Hu Jun, they all believe in the idea of ​​a cunning escape. Just look at Zhou Fohai, a traitor second only to Wang Jingwei. He had direct ties to the Central Bureau of Investigation and Statistics and the Military Bureau of Investigation and Statistics, not to mention the Central Bureau of Investigation and Statistics and even had direct connections to Chongqing. He also collaborated extensively with the CCP. Zhou Fohai's situation at the time was that he would join whoever gained power in Jiangnan.

So on the intelligence front, you can't judge someone based on one or two things, because you don't know what they really think.

So Hu Junhe was willing to defect to the People's Liberation Army. Pan Hannian, out of consideration for their old friendship and believing that Hu Junhe was still very useful, accepted Hu Junhe's defection. He then introduced Hu Junhe to the Third Field Army. Thanks to Pan Hannian's connections, Hu Junhe was assigned to the intelligence department of the East China Bureau.

After Shanghai's liberation, Hu Junhe entered the city with the East China Intelligence Bureau. Due to his historical collaboration with the CCP during the War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression, and the abundance of spies in Shanghai at the time, Yang Fan, with approval from East China Bureau Secretary Rao Shushi, assigned Hu Junhe to the Shanghai Public Security Bureau as a "special intelligence officer" to participate in the anti-counterrevolutionary campaign. He was also appointed chairman of an intelligence committee composed primarily of individuals who had rebelled or surrendered. In recognition of this important position, Hu Junhe provided the intelligence department with a list of military and Central Intelligence Bureau agents in Nanjing, Shanghai, and other locations that could be used.

The Shanghai Public Security Bureau employed a large number of these former Military Intelligence Bureau and Central Intelligence Bureau spies.

In Shanghai's early anti-espionage work, these former Military and Central Bureau agents, as well as members of Shanghai's underworld organizations, played a crucial role. After all, they were familiar with KMT spies and Shanghai's underworld. They worked hard to achieve their goals.

But still the same sentence.

Such things have huge consequences.

During the Three Antis and Five Antis campaign, the Shanghai Public Security Bureau arrested many people. Many were former spies or gang members. These people were incorrigible and had committed many disgusting crimes. However, the Shanghai Public Security Bureau did not systematically identify and handle these people. Many of them remained in the Public Security Bureau.

Finally got into trouble.

Now that the letter of complaint has reached the central government, the Organization Department has sent people to investigate.

There's actually no need to investigate this.

This kind of thing was common in history. In order to quickly crack down on spy organizations, some former spies were recruited to defect, and then the spy organizations were dismantled. However, there were only two places that used spies and gang members on such a large scale.

One is Guangzhou and the other is Shanghai.

When Luo Qirong initially cracked down on localism in Guangdong, he achieved breakthroughs on two fronts: land reform in Guangdong and the public security front in Guangdong. His breakthroughs were precise and ruthless, striking directly at the core issues facing local cadres. This crushed the local cadres, and Luo Qirong immediately consolidated his position in Guangdong. He reorganized the Guangdong Provincial Public Security Department and the Department of Agriculture.

Now it's Shanghai's turn.

The Organization Department immediately handed the investigation report to the Secretariat and finally to the Central Committee.

Hu Jun and I are not a big deal. A CCP traitor, a former Central Bureau of Investigation and Statistics agent, and a former Wang Jingwei puppet regime spy, these identities doomed him to be nothing in the new China. If it weren't for Pan Hannian and Yang Fan's protection, he would still be imprisoned in the new China.

The reason the situation has escalated to this point is that Hu Junhe's direct superiors are Yang Fan, the current Shanghai Public Security Bureau Chief, and Pan Hannian, the Executive Vice Mayor of Shanghai, both of whom are currently heavyweight officials in Shanghai.

And they are not ordinary local cadres.

Pan Hannian's faction is a formidable force within the CCP's intelligence ranks. Currently, the vast majority of officers on the East China region's public security front come from this group. This group is also prominent not only in the local public security sector but also in the East China Military Region's intelligence operations.

Of course, Pan Hannian was a powerful figure, but not so powerful that the Central Committee and even the Politburo had to treat him with caution. This incident alarmed the Central Committee and the Politburo mainly because Pan Hannian was implicated in two other important figures.

One was Rao Shushi and the other was Chen Shuai. Pan Hannian worked under both of them for many years.

Especially Rao Shushi.

The two had a very good personal relationship. Although there was some dirty talk when Chen Shuai was expelled, the relationship between the two remained very close.

Pan Hannian's work before and after liberation was primarily directed by Rao Shushi. In particular, the formation of the Intelligence Committee by recruiting former Military and Central Intelligence Bureau agents into the organization at the beginning of liberation was something Rao Shushi approved.

This is what alarmed the central government.

Who is Rao Shushi?

He was the former First Secretary of the East China Bureau, newly elected to the Politburo at the Eighth National Congress, and a senior official in the Central Committee, assisting Gao Gang in handling the daily work of the Secretariat. After the Shanghai incident broke out, someone seized upon Rao Shushi.

It was a surprise attack.