Rebirth: I am in Jin-Cha-Ji
Page 771
In the middle, they obey the leadership of the planned economy. Such enterprises, although the ownership is somewhat complex,
It is a complex system, but it is state capitalism within a socialist economy. This type of state capitalism can be considered a member of the socialist economic system.
皮
This is the Chairman’s theoretical judgment on these Sino-foreign joint ventures.
With the Chairman's judgment, the rest of the process becomes much easier. He has already theoretically addressed the issues of cooperation with foreign and Chinese businesses. What remains is how to define and manage them through policy and legal means.
While Wei Hongjun was considering this issue, Comrade Xiuyang sent a notice to Wei Hongjun through the General Office of the Central Committee.
Comrade Xiuyang should convene a meeting of the Secretariat.
When Wei Hongjun arrived, he found the Secretary and Alternate Secretary of the Secretariat present. This was a rare occurrence, as the Secretariat secretaries usually had their own responsibilities. Previously, Gao Gang, Peng Zhen, and Rao Shushi were responsible for the daily work of the Secretariat. After the First National People's Congress, Peng Zhen took over the work of the Secretariat, leaving Gao Gang, Chen Tanqiu, and Rao Shushi as the three responsible persons for handling the daily work of the Secretariat.
But today, in addition to Gao Gang, Chen Tanqiu, and Rao Shushi, Wei Hongjun, Peng Zhen, Deng Xixian, Li Fuchun, Deng Zhihui, Xi Zhongxun, Yang Shangkun, and others were all present. Even Luo Shuai, who rarely attended meetings, was there.
Two people were absent, one of whom was Tan Zhenlin, who was handling issues in Hainan, and the other was Wang Jiaxiang, who was with the Prime Minister in Geneva.
Comrade Xiuyang presided over the meeting.
Because Comrade Xiuyang was in charge of Party affairs, he had the authority to convene Secretariat meetings. Of course, under normal circumstances, Comrade Xiuyang would not convene Secretariat meetings without authorization. When Comrade Xiuyang convened Secretariat meetings, it was usually on the Chairman's behalf.
"Comrades, today I have been entrusted by Comrade Li Desheng to convene a meeting of the Secretariat mainly for two matters."
Comrade Xiuyang went straight into the meeting.
He said, "First, at the last enlarged Politburo meeting, the Chairman proposed that Party members and cadres not celebrate their birthdays, which received a lot of attention. Comrade Peng Zhen, please elaborate on this."
Peng Zhen said: "Many people strongly support the Chairman's proposal that Party members and cadres not celebrate birthdays. Just a few days ago, Vice Chairman Huang Yanpei wrote a letter to the General Office of the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress, proposing that the state not celebrate individual birthdays. I forwarded this letter to Comrade Li Desheng and Comrade Xiu Yang."
"Yes, that's it."
Comrade Xiuyang said, "After reading this report, Comrade Li Desheng believes that it is best to stop celebrating the nation's birthdays so that they don't become a routine. Therefore, I have convened a meeting of the Secretariat today to hear your opinions. If you agree, we will issue a document in the name of the Secretariat stating that New China will no longer celebrate birthdays in the name of the nation. Let me share your opinions."
"Comrade Peng Zhen, what does the National People's Congress mean?" Gao Gang asked Peng Zhen.
Peng Zhen said: "After Vice Chairman Huang Yanpei proposed it, Vice Chairmen Li Jisen and Zhang Lan both expressed their support."
After Peng Zhen finished speaking, Gao Gang didn't say anything.
Luo Shuai said, "At the last Politburo meeting, a resolution was passed not to celebrate birthdays for Party members and cadres. Since they don't celebrate birthdays, then there's no need to celebrate birthdays in the name of the state."
Wei Hongjun also nodded and said, "I support it. There is absolutely no need to celebrate birthdays in the name of the state."
These decisions were all approved by the Politburo. This time, however, the proposal came from the National People's Congress, and it was more explicit. To put it bluntly, many democratic figures were very unhappy with the large-scale birthday celebrations for Comrade Stalin that took place in New China.
Now that Comrade Stalin has passed away, and it just so happens that the Politburo is meeting and the Chairman has proposed not to celebrate his birthday, they put forward this suggestion.
However, this suggestion is still acceptable, and Wei Hongjun also supports it.
This is not ancient times, when emperors and officials celebrated three festivals and two birthdays.
The other secretaries also nodded. Comrade Xiuyang looked at Gao Gang, since Gao Gang was the General Secretary of the Central Committee who presided over the work of the Secretariat. Gao Gang had no objection, so he nodded.
"Okay, that's settled. The Secretariat should draft this notice as soon as possible and distribute it to all Party committees."
After the first proposal was passed, Comrade Xiuyang continued, "Secondly, Comrade Li Desheng stated that the Party will no longer refer to it as Li Desheng Thought. If it is necessary to mention it in articles, documents, or speeches, it can be referred to as 'Comrade Li Desheng's works' or 'Comrade Li Desheng once instructed such terms.'"
After Comrade Xiuyang said this, everyone fell silent this time.
Since the death of Comrade Stalin, the Soviet Union has changed, and so has China. Especially after receiving Zhang Wentian's report and Wei Hongjun's analysis, the Chairman has instructed the Propaganda Department to handle Comrade Stalin as low-key as possible and not to publicize Comrade Stalin's achievements on a large scale.
It can be said that it is following the pace of the Soviet Union.
Then the Chairman became increasingly low-key in publicity.
During a previous Central Committee meeting, Wei Hongjun had heard Chairman Mao say that "Li Desheng Thought" is Marxist-Leninist thought and should not be promoted in isolation, as this could easily lead to misunderstandings within the global communist movement. Therefore, the Chairman instructed the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and external relations departments to stop mentioning "Li Desheng Thought" in their external communications, and even more so, to refrain from lumping him in with Marx, Engels, Lenin, and Stalin.
Unexpectedly, the Chairman not only stopped promoting "Li Desheng Thought" in the world, but also planned not to use "Li Desheng Thought" in the country.
"Li Desheng Thought" has been used within the Party for ten years, from the Seventh National Congress until now. Now that it's suddenly being discontinued, everyone feels a bit reluctant. But this is what the Chairman has always said.
The Chairman was so low-key, one reason was that he opposed the cult of personality, and the other was that he did not want to compete with Khrushchev for the right to speak in the international communist movement.
So no one objected.
Seeing no one objected, Comrade Xiuyang said, "Then this one is approved." While seemingly simple, these two matters involved the issue of "Li Desheng's Thought," which was why Comrade Xiuyang had urgently convened this Secretariat meeting. Xiuyang had called the Secretariat meeting with Zhizhi not to approve these proposals, but to inform the Secretariat secretaries in advance. This would make it easier for them to accept them later and for the departments they were responsible for to accept them.
937 Budgetary Revenue and Budgetary Expenditure in 1954
Geneva is achieving great results.
On June 1954, 6, after the fourth round of negotiations between China and Britain in Geneva, Britain publicly announced the relaxation of trade controls on China. (Historically, Britain relaxed trade controls on China in 21, which led to China's large imports of machinery and equipment from Western countries in the 1957s.)
Although Britain had already opened a trade route to Hong Kong and relaxed some trade controls when China and Britain negotiated the prisoner issue, this was only a private agreement between China and Britain.
On the surface, the UK still follows the provisions of COCOM.
During the Sino-US negotiations, the US removed some items from its embargo list. However, these items were limited to consumer goods. The Western world's "embargo" on China remains very strict, especially regarding the importation of machinery and equipment, where US controls are extremely stringent.
But Britain set a precedent.
Although some sensitive machinery and equipment, especially those related to national defense, are still under embargo, the UK has completely lifted the ban on general machinery and equipment and industrial products.
This makes the US position very embarrassing.
Because the biggest fear of nations in a coalition is the emergence of a "traitor." Now that Britain has become a "traitor," the alliance will soon fall apart.
The most successful negotiations were with the United Kingdom.
Of course, the same is true in other aspects.
After the negotiations concluded, Burmese Prime Minister U Nu expressed his desire to visit China. These island nations in Indochina are now afraid of China, leading to two differing approaches. One, like Myanmar, actively seeks to improve relations with China. The other, like Thailand, fears China and is wary of it, seeking protection from other powerful nations.
China supports Myanmar's desire to improve relations with China. The primary reason China prioritizes its relationship with Myanmar is to set an example for the countries of Indochina. It wants to show them that they don't need to fear China, that China will not invade them, and that they should not join the United States in building an anti-China encirclement. Consequently, the central government quickly agreed to Burmese Prime Minister U Nu's request for a visit and extended a warm welcome.
At the same time, Eastern European socialist countries were lining up to visit China. Leaders from East Germany, Poland, and Romania were all preparing to visit China. The Chairman chose to keep a low profile both internationally and domestically.
But there is no point in keeping a low profile on many things.
The victory in the Korean War and the rapid development of China's socialist economy in recent years have boosted Chairman Mao's reputation. Eastern European countries have felt this deeply, as trade between China and Eastern Europe has been growing.
Especially now that Comrade Stalin has passed away, the Chairman's status has been further enhanced, so they all want to strengthen their relations with China.
Of course, these are nothing.
After the Geneva Conference, two countries showed a very positive attitude. One was Thailand, which had long maintained a poor relationship with China, had been protected by the United States, joined the US "Southeast Asia Collective Defense Treaty," and had sent troops to the United Nations during the Korean War. Thailand's relationship with the People's Republic of China was very difficult.
Because Thailand is an ally of the United States.
In the US, China is portrayed as a vicious, overbearing, and unreasonable nation. It's fair to say that all socialist countries are portrayed in this way by the US. Furthermore, Chiang Kai-shek sent people to Southeast Asia to spread the propaganda that the CCP is a man-eating demon.
As a result, Thailand was really scared and did not dare to contact China at all.
However, Thailand participated in the Geneva Conference on security issues on the Korean Peninsula as a member of the UN forces. Furthermore, Thailand still had some issues to discuss with China. Although China and the United States reached a deal on prisoners in 1952, the US still had not yet fully returned the prisoners.
China would not release all prisoners until the United States had fulfilled its commitments. Furthermore, these negotiations were separate, private, and the United States focused solely on its own prisoners. This wasn't to say the United States ignored the prisoner issues of its allies. Rather, it was because Britain set a bad precedent by ignoring the United States as its "leader" and conducting its own prisoner negotiations with China. As a result, many other countries, anxious to follow Britain's lead, began to negotiate privately with China through various channels. With morale weakened and the United States unable to lead, the United States focused solely on its own prisoners. Consequently, the prisoner issue, which should have been resolved jointly, became a situation in which China had to negotiate with each of the UN member states one by one.
But Thailand has not been in contact with China. It is not because they do not want to contact China, but because they were very anti-communist before, and for a while they had no channels to contact China and could not negotiate.
The Geneva Conference was the best opportunity. It was only after this encounter with the Prime Minister and Chen Shuai that the Thai negotiating representative, Prince Vang, discovered that the Chinese, often portrayed as demonic, were actually quite respectable. The Prime Minister exuded a rare gentleness, and Chen Shuai, though a military officer, was also forthright and bold, possessing a convincing quality. From the Prime Minister down to the staff, not a single member of the Chinese delegation was rude or menacing; on the contrary, they were all polite and knowledgeable. They bore no resemblance to the barbaric and brutal imagery they were often portrayed as.
Furthermore, China and Myanmar held border negotiations, during which the Prime Minister made numerous assurances. The most important of these concerns were the export of revolution and the issue of overseas Chinese, issues of paramount concern to Southeast Asian nations. The Prime Minister expressed New China's policies directly and openly.
First, New China will never export revolution.
When the Chairman discussed the issue of exporting revolution, he also talked about socialist revolution. He said that if the Soviet Red Army had not defeated Nazi Germany, it would have been impossible for the socialist countries in Eastern Europe to establish themselves simply by exporting revolution.
The same is true in Southeast Asia.
Simply exporting revolution will not transform Southeast Asian countries into socialist states. In this sense, exporting revolution is meaningless. New China can coexist peacefully with all non-socialist countries; it does not require all Southeast Asian countries to become socialist. Therefore, the Premier emphasized that New China's diplomacy is non-interference in the internal affairs of other countries and will not export revolution.
Second, overseas Chinese should have the freedom to choose, and Southeast Asian countries and overseas Chinese should respect each other. The Premier stated that overseas Chinese respect the sovereignty of Southeast Asian countries and the legal legitimacy of legitimate governments in Southeast Asia. New China will not foster communist parties among overseas Chinese, and overseas Chinese will not form anti-government organizations. Similarly, Southeast Asian countries should provide overseas Chinese with political, economic, and legal protections. Southeast Asian countries should treat overseas Chinese as ordinary citizens, or as ethnic minorities in need of care.
Only when both sides respect each other can the problem of the 1000 million overseas Chinese in Southeast Asia be solved.
The Prime Minister's remarks attracted Thailand.
Thailand's total population is less than 3000 million, but its overseas Chinese population alone numbers 300 million. Furthermore, these overseas Chinese are wealthy and economically powerful. Thailand's proximity to the United States is driven by both the strength of the United States and the stability of Taiwan's overseas Chinese population.
But Thailand is located in the Indochina Peninsula after all, and it is impossible not to be influenced by New China.
With the Prime Minister's statement, Prince Wang became even more eager to engage with China. At the Baipingwa Conference, Prince Wang was hesitant to make any major moves, as the Americans were watching. So, after reaching a prisoner agreement with the Prime Minister, Prince Wang immediately returned to Thailand to begin discussions on establishing diplomatic relations with China. Thailand soon quietly informed China that it hoped to hold secret negotiations in Burma.
Besides Thailand, the other country with the greatest influence is France. The two sides also had very good talks at the Geneva Conference.
After Britain announced the relaxation of trade controls on China, France also announced the relaxation of trade controls on China. Once Britain and France took the lead, the trade forestry operation that the United States had led during the Korean War completely collapsed.
Although other Western countries have not yet followed suit, they are already eager to do so.
Less than a decade had passed since the end of World War II. The Chinese economy had recovered somewhat, but who could possibly abandon relations with a country as powerful as China? Previously, they were wary of the United States and didn't dare to collaborate with China privately. Now that Britain and France had taken the lead, they were no longer afraid.
And France is not content to negotiate in Geneva.
France still wanted to see for itself what the new China was like. Therefore, after coordinating with the Prime Minister and receiving the approval of Britain, the French government decided that Senator Edmond Michelet would lead a parliamentary and trade delegation to visit China in September 1954. This was the first visit to China by a Western politician since former British Prime Minister Attlee.
When news of the Geneva Conference reached France, even Charles de Gaulle, now in seclusion, couldn't resist expressing his views in the newspapers. His message was simple: France and Europe, regardless of whether they acknowledged it or not, regardless of their favorable or unfavorable views of their opponents, the Chinese Communist Party, were in Asia. Europe would either completely abandon its interests and influence in Asia, or it would have to recognize China as an Asian power.
At the same time, de Gaulle commented on the content of the conversation between Attlee and the Chairman. He strongly supported the Chairman's statement that there were no fundamental contradictions between China, Britain, and France.
Charles de Gaulle believed that the benefits of cooperation between China, Britain and France outweighed those of confrontation.
Everyone should actively engage and find a way to cooperate. Charles de Gaulle even stated that although China was once very poor and backward, it was not just a regional power, but a global power. Britain and France should actively woo China, making it a great power on par with the Soviet Union. Only in this way could the current Sino-Soviet alliance be undermined.
It can be said that China's presence at the Geneva Conference is rapidly expanding its influence. Time slowly entered July.
On July 1954, 7, after four months of negotiations, the conference adopted the "Final Declaration of the Geneva Conference".
Longer than in history.
Historically, China has been focused on resolving the issues on the Korean Peninsula and the Indochina Peninsula, thereby stabilizing its periphery and creating a peaceful environment. However, this time and space are different. The resounding victories in the Korean War dramatically elevated China's international standing. Originally, the imperial family's image of China was still that of a nation repeatedly bullied by Britain, France, the Eight-Nation Alliance, and Japan.
But who could have imagined that the People's Republic of China, founded by the Chinese Communist Party, would actually defeat the United States, considered the world's most powerful nation, on the Korean Peninsula? When reports of the battle in Korea were released, many countries initially thought there was something wrong with the news. They simply couldn't believe that the Chinese army could defeat the American army.
But the repeated battles that followed convinced the world that New China was no longer the Qing Dynasty or the Republic of China. It was no longer the country that bullied others at will. Even the army's combat effectiveness had reached an all-time high.
As a result, after the Prime Minister arrived in Geneva with a large delegation, the Chinese delegation's workload increased dramatically compared to history. Many countries wanted to contact the new China.
Therefore, during the Geneva Conference, China held separate negotiations with representatives from various countries. This took up too much of China's energy. The Indochina Islands issue, however, could not be resolved without China's participation. Ultimately, the Prime Minister chose a strategy of first improving relations with Britain and France, and then resolving the Indochina issue. This was because Britain and France had historically been the primary stakeholders in Indochina, as the peninsula had once been a colony of both countries.
As long as Britain and France can support it, this meeting will surely achieve good results.
This strategy was successful.
After Britain and France engaged China individually, they both expressed a willingness to strengthen ties with China. If Britain and France were willing to make some concessions on the Indochina Peninsula, the Indochina Peninsula issue would be easily resolved. This is how the "Final Declaration of the Geneva Conference" came about.
The declaration consists of 13 articles, the main contents of which include: ending the hostile actions of Cambodia, Laos and Vietnam and establishing international supervision and inspection; Cambodia, Laos and Vietnam will not participate in any military alliance and will not allow foreign countries to establish military bases on their territories; Vietnam will implement universal suffrage and unification; the participating countries will respect the sovereignty, independence, unity and territorial integrity of Cambodia, Laos and Vietnam and will not interfere in their internal affairs.
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