Wei Hongjun couldn't help but look at Gao Gang.

Gao Gang's idea was brilliant. If this division of labor were approved by the Secretariat, Gao Gang's position within the Party would be greatly enhanced. At the Ninth National Congress in 1957, he would have every chance to pursue the position of second-in-command within the Party. Gao Gang was aiming for the position of second-in-command within the Party, or perhaps the successor position.

But Wei Hongjun also understood.

The Chairman is 63 years old this year. He was 1957 at the Ninth National Congress in 65. The Chairman's age was already quite old in those days. He only pursued the second-in-command position at the Ninth National Congress, and only had a chance at the Tenth or Tenth-70th National Congresses. After all, the Chairman would have been by the Tenth National Congress, and the Eleventh National Congress was the retirement age for the Chairman. Therefore, Gao Gang had a chance to succeed him at the Eleventh National Congress.

Gao Gang is so anxious now because of the deployment of the Ninth National Congress.

After Gao Gang finished speaking, he looked at everyone.

Gao Gang has given up a lot of power. For the past few years, Gao Gang's word has been almost absolute within the Secretariat. However, once this division of labor is implemented, not only will the Secretariat's power increase significantly, but the status of the Secretariat secretaries and alternate secretaries present here within the Party will also rise significantly. Furthermore, most of the current Secretariat secretaries and alternate secretaries were transferred from local Central Committee bureaus.

Each of them is a capable core cadre in the central government.

Gao Gang's influence in the Secretariat would decline in the future, but in order to enhance the status of the Secretariat, Gao Gang was willing to give it up.

At this time, Wei Hongjun said: "I think there are some problems with this division of labor." He had to speak up.

As the second-ranking official in the Party Secretariat, how would others perceive Wei Hongjun if he went along with the crowd? Others would assume he supported Gao Gang and was working with him to strengthen the Secretariat. Wei Hongjun couldn't stand such an unjust accusation. Furthermore, Wei Hongjun didn't support Gao Gang taking over. Gao Gang was a very capable official, but his personality wasn't suited to being the Party's top leader.

So Wei Hongjun said, "Let me talk about the rural work I've been responsible for. The Rural Work Department is solely responsible for rural work, and the Rural Work Department's Party Group reports to the Politburo Standing Committee at regular intervals. Comrade Gao Gang, I'd like to ask. Regarding agriculture, which is part of the Secretariat's division of labor, does it mean that the Rural Work Department's Party Group will no longer report directly to the Politburo Standing Committee, but instead report to the Secretariat? The Rural Work Department was established at a Politburo meeting, and its work has always been reported only to the Central Committee, the Politburo meetings, and the Politburo Standing Committee. If you want to change this, you must obtain a resolution from the Politburo."

Since he wanted to talk, Wei Hongjun didn't hesitate and came straight to the point.

The Rural Work Department is a department directly under the Politburo.

Daily work is reported to the Political Bureau Standing Committee, reports are made to the Political Bureau when the Political Bureau meetings are held, and work is reported to the Central Committee when the National Party Congress is held every year.

This was determined when the Politburo established the Rural Work Department. Now, if the Secretariat wants to interfere in the work of the Rural Work Department, it must obtain authorization from the Politburo.

As Wei Hongjun finished speaking, Deng Xixian also spoke up: "Yes. I have the same question. Whether it is light industry or heavy industry, it is the responsibility of the administrative department and the management of the State Council. Like the Ministry of Rural Affairs, the State Council Party Group also reports to the Political Bureau Standing Committee at regular intervals. Or the Vice Premier of the State Council, on behalf of the State Council Party Group, reports to the Political Bureau Standing Committee on the work of the department under his charge. If my division of labor is to be responsible for heavy industry, then who will report to me, the State Council Party Group, or Comrade Li Fuchun? I dare not accept the work report from the State Council Party Group and Comrade Li Fuchun."

The same goes for Deng Xixian.

Just be clear and direct. Don't make it confusing. Just say that the division of labor is heavy industry.

Division of labor is a heavy industry, and what exactly is responsible for must be made clear directly.

Whether it was to directly interfere in the affairs of heavy industry, or to require the various departments of heavy industry to report to him, Deng Xixian directly expressed that it was inappropriate.

Wei Hongjun and Deng Xixian both served as top officials in local central government bureaus and are now vice premiers of the State Council and members of the Politburo. While they have no division of labor within the Secretariat and do not participate in its day-to-day work, their voices carry considerable weight.

Not just in the Secretariat, even at Politburo meetings, if two people speak, their voices carry weight. If two people stand together and speak, even the Chairman has to consider their opinions.

Now both of them mean the same thing.

The division of labor within the Secretariat must be clearly defined, clearly defining what it covers. It cannot be done vaguely.

How does the Party Central Committee currently manage various central government agencies? For example, the State Council is the highest administrative body. Previously, Dong Biwu and others advocated for "separation of Party and government," meaning they hoped the Party Central Committee would not interfere in the work of the State Council. However, this idea of ​​"separation of Party and government" was later criticized. Despite this criticism, however, its influence remains.

Public opinion opposes the "integration of the party and the state."

The Party is the Party, and the government is the government. The Party's direct management of the government is currently criticized. Therefore, the Party Central Committee distinguishes between the Party committee and the government in its public documents.

But this does not mean that the Party Central Committee does not manage the State Council.

However, the Party Central Committee does not directly interfere in the work of the State Council. Instead, it establishes Party groups within the State Council and various ministries and commissions. The Party Central Committee can then legitimately listen to the work reports of these groups and issue various instructions to them. The Party Central Committee manages these groups, which in turn means that the Party Central Committee manages its subordinate Party organizations, a legitimate and legitimate matter.

The Party Central Committee manages the State Council through the Party Group of the State Council, the Party Groups of the various offices of the State Council, and the Party Groups of the various ministries and commissions of the State Council.

So this is how it currently operates. The Secretariat, the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection, the State Council Party Leadership Group, the National People's Congress Party Leadership Group, the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference Party Leadership Group, the Supreme People's Court Party Leadership Group, and the Supreme People's Procuratorate Party Leadership Group all report to the Politburo Standing Committee at regular intervals. So, nominally, Wei Hongjun reports to the Politburo, not as Vice Premier, but as Deputy Secretary of the State Council Party Leadership Group.

This is what Wei Hongjun and Deng Xixian asked directly.

If the Secretariat divides the work, how should this process be changed? Do you want the State Council Party Group to report to the Secretariat?

Gao Gang smiled and said, "How could the Secretariat possibly ask the State Council Party Group to report on its work? The Secretariat's division of labor is to strengthen its ties with these departments."

"Then there's no need to divide the work among the secretaries of the Secretariat in this way. We can just set up several offices to handle these tasks, just as we did before. We can continue to do so in the same way as before. The Secretariat is a department of the Party Committee, and the division of labor mainly involves the Party Committee departments. There's no need to involve the work of administrative departments."

Wei Hongjun pushed back directly, feeling helpless.

Wei Hongjun had originally wanted to see what the Premier meant. Unexpectedly, after Zhang Wentian made a fuss at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs meeting, the Premier was scrambling to put out the fire, and in the end, he had to intervene himself.

But now that he had come forward, Wei Hongjun didn't hide it. "Comrade Wei Hongjun is right."

Deng Zhihui spoke up, "The Secretariat is a department of the Party Committee, and the division of labor among Secretariat secretaries should also be the division of labor within the Party Committee, not the division of labor within administrative departments like agriculture, light industry, or heavy industry. Comrade Gao Gang, as the First Secretary of the Secretariat, this division of labor is extremely inappropriate and ill-considered."

Deng Zhihui had wanted to talk about Gao Gang for a long time.

The two had little interaction during the revolutionary era. After the founding of the People's Republic of China, Deng Zhihui was transferred to the central government, and he and Gao Gang had little interaction either. But Deng Zhihui genuinely disliked Gao Gang's style.

So he speaks very aggressively.

No face was given to Gao Gang, a member of the Politburo Standing Committee.

"That's right. The Secretariat should just take care of the Secretariat's affairs. If they take care of everything, it would be a mess."

Tan Zhenlin also spoke, and his words were even more unpleasant. He opposed Gao Gang's division of labor.

Gao Gang was genuinely angry with Deng Zhihui and Tan Zhenlin. These two, along with Wei Hongjun, were all from western Fujian. Although Tan Zhenlin was from Hunan, he was also one of the founders of the western Fujian base. After all, they all came from western Fujian.

None of them know how to appreciate favors.

If the Secretariat becomes stronger, they, as secretaries and alternate secretaries of the Secretariat, will also benefit.

However, although Deng Zhihui and Tan Zhenlin were only alternate members of the Politburo and alternate secretaries of the Secretariat, they were both very experienced. When they were in the Central Soviet Area, they had both suffered attacks for supporting the Chairman.

Just as Gao Gang was about to explain, Chen Tanqiu, Secretary of the Secretariat and Head of the Organization Department, spoke up, "Comrades, what you said makes sense. Comrade Gao Gang, I also think this division of labor is somewhat inappropriate. The Secretariat is a department of the Party Committee, and its main responsibilities include propaganda, organization, united front work, party discipline, general office work, and liaison with political and legal departments such as the courts and procuratorates. As for administrative matters, the Secretariat's offices can serve as liaisons, and it shouldn't be the responsibility of the Secretariat Secretary."

Gao Gang wiped his glasses, feeling a little annoyed.

He was most angry at Wei Hongjun. Although the two men did not come from the same trenches, they had fought side by side on issues such as the land reform movement, the issue of rich peasant party members, land issues, the national debt issue, propaganda issues, and the free market for agricultural and sideline products, and they shared many political philosophies.

Gao Gang has always believed that even if the two are not political allies, they are political comrades-in-arms.

Gao Gang believed that if he was lucky enough to take over, he would definitely make use of Wei Hongjun, who shared the same philosophy. Besides, Wei Hongjun was young, ten years younger than him, so he still had opportunities in the future.

How come Wei Hongjun doesn’t know these principles?

As long as Wei Hongjun supported the division of labor within the Secretariat, there would be no problem. However, Wei Hongjun was the first to take the lead in opposing it. Once Wei Hongjun took the lead, everyone else jumped out.

Seeing so many people opposing it, he realized that there was no way around the division of labor within the Secretariat this time.

In this case, he didn't force it.

His goal was always to reach the Ninth National Congress. Since this approach was blocked, Gao Gang had to think of other solutions. A new idea had already occurred to Gao Gang, so he said, "Since the comrades all have different opinions, let's discuss the division of labor within the Secretariat."

Chapter 964: A Crackdown at the Rural Work Conference

Gao Gang wanted to divide the work in the Secretariat and strengthen its strength, but he was moved back by several people.

But Wei Hongjun knew Gao Gang would never let this go. The Ninth National Congress was truly crucial, potentially influencing the Party's internal arrangements for the next decade. For Gao Gang, the Ninth National Congress was his best chance to succeed him as Party Chairman. Since the Secretariat approach was failing, he had to find another path.

Wei Hongjun actually had some guesses about how he would go.

Gao Gang had been a troublemaker in the Central Committee for a while, and both Comrade Xiu Yang and Comrade Wu Hao had suffered considerable setbacks. He even publicly promised positions to some cadres, and then spread rumors about the situation within the Central Committee, especially about Comrade Xiu Yang and Comrade Wu Hao, to local officials.

He directly stated that the Central Committee intended to assign Comrade Xiu Yang to oversee NPC work and Comrade Wu Hao to oversee foreign affairs. At the time, the Commander-in-Chief was too old among the five secretaries, and Comrade Chen Yun had been relatively low-profile. So, Gao Gang's statement that the Chairman wanted Comrade Xiu Yang to oversee NPC work and Comrade Wu Hao to oversee foreign affairs was actually quite simple: he was the future successor to the Party Chairmanship.

He openly stated that he wanted to be the successor in order to win over local members and alternate members of the Central Committee. He told these members that Comrade Xiu Yang and Comrade Wu Hao had already been eliminated from the competition for the successor position at the Party Central Committee.

This approach genuinely confused many local officials. After all, Comrade Xiuyang had been criticized by the Chairman for his handling of rural, capitalist, and trade union issues, and the State Council had been dealt a blow, with all key departments being transferred to the Planning Commission. Gao Gang, as the Director of the Planning Commission, was a highly sought-after leader at the central level, leading many local officials to believe that he was the Chairman's chosen successor. Gao Gang used this method to win over local officials and prepare for the upcoming National Party Congress.

However, his actions of spreading confidential information within the Central Committee and criticizing central leaders like Comrade Xiu Yang and Comrade Wu Hao at the local level seriously violated the Party's organizational discipline. This was especially true since Comrade Xiu Yang and Comrade Wu Hao were key Party leaders and many of their matters were Party secrets, making them impossible to disseminate casually.

Some local officials were indeed deceived. However, many of them also had strong connections with the central leadership. They used their own channels to report this matter to the central government.

As a result, at the central meeting, Gao Gang was besieged by the central leadership.

The current situation isn't much different from the historical situation. Wei Hongjun could imagine that, in order to gain more support from the Central Committee members and alternate members at the Ninth National Congress, Gao Gang would inevitably resort to wooing local Central Committee members and alternate members. But how could Gao Gang win them over? After all, many of them were unfamiliar with him. So Gao Gang would have to do the same as he did in the past.

But if Gao Gang made this move, he would definitely be hit on the head.

So Wei Hongjun didn't care much.

Gao Gang's current situation makes him enemies everywhere in the Central Committee. It is impossible to achieve the desired effect.

Wei Hongjun could only say that Gao Gang had had a very smooth journey.

In fact, given his current position and age, there's no need to rush. As long as he continues to handle the work of the Secretariat well and work diligently, Gao Gang, with his position within the Secretariat, will be able to gather a group of cadres, consolidate his foundation, and have a real chance of competing for the position of Party Chairman in the future.

Unfortunately, he was too anxious, jumping the highest among all the central leaders. Wei Hongjun was now considering how far Gao Gang's case would escalate and what he would do when the time came. Wei Hongjun was not only considering Gao Gang's future personnel arrangements. After this incident, Wei Hongjun was more concerned about the Secretariat.

The current powers and responsibilities of the Secretariat are unclear.

Gao Gang's desire to divide the work within the Secretariat makes sense. The Secretariat handles the day-to-day work of the Party Central Committee, and the Secretariat Secretary should not be in the current situation. He is basically just a figurehead in the Secretariat, but does not handle the work of the Secretariat.

The Secretariat should still be reformed.

The Secretary of the Secretariat should not be in the current situation.

However, these issues could not be resolved in a short time. So Wei Hongjun put all these behind his mind, because he had more important things to deal with.

National Rural Work Conference.

Wei Hongjun and Deng Zhihui convened a gathering of approximately 340 cadres from across the country responsible for rural work at the municipal level and above for this National Rural Work Conference.

In addition to local government officials in charge of rural areas, there are also officials from the Ministry of Agriculture and Reclamation.

Wei Hongjun presided over the meeting.

First, cadres from each province reported on their work.

After everyone finished reporting on their work, Wei Hongjun talked to everyone about the current problems.

"When I was in Wuhan, I talked with Comrade Chu He about rural issues. Comrade Chu He said that in the past two years, the grain production of many rural cooperatives in Hubei has increased significantly. However, the amount of public grain and grain purchased and sold by the unified government has always been relatively fixed, so many rural cooperatives have begun to have excess grain. They want to sell some of it.

We need to exchange for some daily necessities, but because of the state's unified purchase and marketing policy, we can't sell the grain. Are there similar problems in other provinces?"

"We also have this problem in Shanxi," said Wang Qian, deputy secretary of the Shanxi Provincial Party Committee.

Wang Qian is from Shanxi. He was born in Ximenghui and worked in the 129th Division. In the early days of the Anti-Japanese War, he served as the battalion instructor of the 129th Division. Later, he was transferred to the local area and worked in the Changzhi area.

Later he was transferred to the North China Bureau and served as deputy secretary-general to Wei Hongjun.

This is because Luo Weilin experimented with mutual aid groups and rural cooperatives in Chahar, Lai Ruoyu and Tao Lujia, and Wang Qian experimented with mutual aid groups and rural cooperatives in Shanxi.

Wang Qian was in charge of piloting a rural cooperative in a county in Changzhi.

The effect is very good.

At the time, Lai Ruoyu and Tao Lujia were very supportive of Wang Qian, who later wrote a report on his experience in piloting rural cooperatives. Wei Hongjun compiled this report, along with reports from Lai Ruoyu, Chen Tao, and Luo Weilin, and submitted it to the Chairman.

The Chairman was very appreciative of Wang Qian’s report at that time.

That was in early 1948. Wei Hongjun then transferred Wang Qian to the North China Bureau to serve as his deputy secretary-general. Wei Hongjun was acting secretary of the North China Bureau at the time and needed someone to help with rural affairs. It was around that time that Wang Qian was transferred to the North China Bureau. As deputy secretary-general, his primary responsibility was to assist Wei Hongjun with daily rural affairs in the North China provinces.

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