The Chairman looked at the Secretariat's report and said, "Strengthening the professional capabilities of the political and legal departments to prevent wrongful convictions from occurring at the source is the right approach. The Central Committee needs a strong department to strengthen the leadership of the political and legal departments."

“This will take some time.”

Marshal Nie spoke.

He said, "Currently, most of our comrades in the public security, procuratorial, and judicial systems haven't attended formal law schools. They've only had short-term training and gained experience on the job. Therefore, they have many problems, including a rather rough work style and violations of the law. To change this situation, we need to strengthen their education, requiring them to take regular refresher courses. We also need to increase the proportion of graduates from formal institutions within the public security, procuratorial, and judicial systems, and increase the number of educated cadres within them."

"This requires unified deployment and arrangements, leveraging the advantages of our socialist system to change this situation as quickly as possible."

Comrade Xiuyang spoke.

As the Ninth National Congress approaches, adjustments to party affairs departments have also been put on the agenda.

With the current stability and development of the national economy, many unprecedented issues are increasing. Consequently, society's expectations of the public security, procuratorial, and judicial systems are becoming increasingly high. Therefore, the central leadership has a definite idea: to establish a leadership body for the public security, procuratorial, and judicial systems.

The Gao Gang incident, despite Wei Hongjun's intervention, disrupted the Chairman's plans for the Central Committee. He had originally intended to establish a three-pronged leadership structure. After the Gao Gang incident, the Chairman had been considering personnel arrangements for the Central Committee after the Ninth National Congress. Then came Khrushchev's "Secret Report," and the Chairman changed his mind.

We must further strengthen the Party's leadership.

So in the Politburo, each member of the Standing Committee is in charge of a different area.

The Chairman has already discussed this idea with some members of the Standing Committee. The establishment of a department overseeing public security, procuratorial, and judicial affairs, and placing it in the hands of Marshal Nie, is currently the unspoken agreement. While this type of centralization has its drawbacks for public security, procuratorial, and judicial affairs, it is extremely necessary for their growth.

"The real issue is about retirement."

The commander-in-chief put down the documents in his hand, took off his glasses, and slowly spoke, "I've looked at the list compiled by the Secretariat of democratic parties and non-party members who will be retiring next year. Almost all the core members of the democratic parties are on the retirement list next year. I can roughly understand why they were so hasty to make trouble at the symposium."

The Political Bureau Standing Committee held a meeting.

It is not what people imagine, that everyone speaks in a vague way and one has to guess what others are thinking.

Actually not.

On the contrary, he was very plain and simple. Some of his words were even so direct that when the Party Central Committee later released some archival materials, many people did not believe that these were the words of the central leadership at a central meeting.

It’s really too real and too direct.

The commander-in-chief's words were similar. No beating around the bush, just like Wei Hongjun's remarks at the Secretariat. They were both very direct, stating that these people suddenly launched a tirade at the symposium over the retirement issue.

The retirement system puts too much pressure on them and will wipe out their core personnel.

So they attacked before they were ready.

"They won't rest until this issue is resolved. The fact that they're tackling this issue at a forum shows they've already discussed it many times. This is the United Front Work Department's forum, and they'll soon discuss these issues at the National People's Congress, the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference, and other forums."

To study hard and then become an official, to manage the family, govern the country and bring peace to the world, this has been the dream of most scholars in China since ancient times.

These democrats who have received modern republican education are no exception.

Although they may appear to be indifferent to fame, wealth and power, deep down, they want more than anyone else to get a position in the new government so that they can realize their dream of ruling the country and bringing peace to the world.

The early days of New China were quite chaotic.

There is so much to do.

There were many things they couldn't get involved in. Now that New China had finally stabilized and begun focusing on national development, it was time for them to show their talents. However, according to their retirement plans, they would have to leave their current positions before they could fully demonstrate their talents.

How could they be willing to withdraw from the political stage like this?

So now is their final charge.

Some are desperate.

Only by changing the current retirement policy can they remain in politics. Therefore, they will not simply give up and will become more turbulent than in history. Historically, they have not felt this urgent, but in this time and space, they have no way out.

We can only take advantage of the opportunity of the "secret report" to move forward.

The Prime Minister said: "This situation does exist. This problem must be solved, otherwise some problems will continue to occur."

“It’s actually pretty simple to handle.”

The commander-in-chief smiled.

"It's because the 'Secret Report' has such a negative impact that it's somewhat constraining our actions. But it's easy to be a thief for a thousand days, but you can't be on guard against thieves for a thousand days. In battle, we must take the lead and never follow the pace of others."

Seeing the commander-in-chief speak, everyone looked at him.

"I'm going to write my retirement report."

This surprised everyone.

Although the Commander-in-Chief was 1957 years old in 71, the same age as Dong Biwu and Lin Boqu, he was different after all. He was the symbol of the PLA. Although after the founding of the People's Republic of China, the Commander-in-Chief gradually faded from people's sight.

But when the People's Republic of China was founded, the pictures of the Chairman and the Commander-in-Chief were all hung. The Chairman and the Commander-in-Chief have always been called the revolutionary leaders of the Communist Party of China. Since the "Zhu-Mao Red Army", the names of the two have been put together.

Therefore, everyone thinks it would be more appropriate for the commander-in-chief to retire when he reaches the tenth level.

The chairman said, "That's not necessary. It's not a big deal."

If a revolutionary leader of the Communist Party of China were forced to step down because of the words of a few democrats, that would be a joke. Furthermore, if the commander-in-chief were to retire, the personnel arrangements for the Ninth National Congress would have to be adjusted again.

Comrade Xiuyang also said, "Yes."

The Prime Minister, Chen Yun, Marshal Nie, and Wei Hongjun all had the same attitude.

It's definitely not the case that the commander-in-chief is going to retire.

But the Commander-in-Chief shook his head and said, "I will be 71 next year, and my energy is not what it used to be. Since the founding of the People's Republic of China, the number of our party members has increased. And with party members and cadres gaining power, violations of party discipline and national laws have become more and more frequent. We need younger and more energetic cadres to take charge of this work. And as long as I retire, I don't think anyone on the list compiled by the Secretariat will have any reason to refuse to retire. As long as the 1957 retirements proceed normally, there will be no other voices in the future."

The commander-in-chief had this idea before.

The commander-in-chief doesn't care much whether it's five years more or five years less.

Ever since the Commander-in-Chief gave up his high-ranking position and generous salary in the Yunnan Army and came out to find a way to save the country and the people, he has not paid much attention to these things. He is very satisfied to have witnessed the founding of New China and the good economic development of New China in recent years.

Therefore, the commander-in-chief does not take retirement very seriously.

The commander-in-chief's concerns weren't just about this particular symposium. The CCP's advantage in China today is simply too great. The democratic parties can only express opinions, but truly influencing CCP policy is extremely difficult.

The commander-in-chief was still worried about the "secret report".

Although China has temporarily suppressed the "Secret Report," no one can guarantee that it will not spread nationwide. China is currently in a prime stage of stable development and must not allow a repeat of what happened in Eastern Europe.

That's why the commander-in-chief chose to retire.

If the commander-in-chief chooses to retire at the Ninth National Congress, it will be the biggest news in China. Everyone, inside and outside the Party, and even internationally, will be paying attention to this matter. Who will care about the affairs of the democratic parties?

The influence of so-called democrats is nothing compared to that of the Commander-in-Chief.

Furthermore, the Commander-in-Chief plans to abide by the retirement policy and retire at the Ninth National Congress. What rank do you hold? How dare you question the retirement policy and refuse to leave? National public opinion will blast you to death.

Wei Hongjun really admires the commander-in-chief.

Although the Commander-in-Chief gradually faded out of the spotlight after the founding of New China, as long as he was still there, who would dare to underestimate him? Although the Commander-in-Chief didn't talk much, once he spoke, no one dared to really ignore his opinions.

I didn't expect him to be more decisive than I imagined.

If you say you want to retire, you have to retire.

The commander-in-chief's smooth retirement is not only a bombshell for the democratic parties currently clamoring for a change in retirement policy, but also for the Communist Party itself. Perhaps the commander-in-chief's retirement has truly cemented the retirement policy within the party. If the commander-in-chief can retire, who dares to refuse?

993 Solution

The commander-in-chief's choice surprised several members of the Politburo Standing Committee.

Because there were no signs at all.

The commander-in-chief seemed to have a diminishing presence in the central government. But as long as he was there, everyone felt a sense of stability. Perhaps the commander-in-chief had been away from the front lines for too long, so it seemed he no longer had any direct support.

But within the military, the Commander-in-Chief remains the respected and prestigious figure. This is a habit formed over the years, and in everyone's mind, he is always the Commander-in-Chief. Whenever the military is discussed, two people inevitably come to mind: the Chairman and the Commander-in-Chief.

But everyone also respects the commander-in-chief's choice.

The commander-in-chief usually doesn't speak, but when he does, it's not a joke.

Soon, everyone began to consider the new arrangements for the Central Committee following the retirement of the Commander-in-Chief, a member of the Politburo Standing Committee. After all, a vacancy on the Politburo Standing Committee would necessitate the election of a new member at the Ninth National Congress, a major event for the entire Central Committee. Each Politburo Standing Committee member was more than just a cadre. Each member had their own set of political philosophies, backed by a large cadre of cadres supporting them. Therefore, the new Standing Committee would require a period of renewed coordination.

At the Fifth Session of the Eighth Central Committee, Wei Hongjun had just replaced Gao Gang on the Standing Committee, and after the Ninth National Congress, the Standing Committee was expected to undergo further changes. The changes in the core leadership of the Central Committee were too rapid and too numerous in such a short period of time.

Furthermore, the commander-in-chief's retirement will not only create a vacant seat on the Politburo Standing Committee, but also a vacant seat on the Politburo. Combined with the retirements of Dong Biwu and Lin Boqu, there will be three vacancies on the Politburo. Furthermore, the Central Committee had previously intended to expand the Politburo's membership from 17 to 19. This would significantly alter the entire Politburo.

The Political Bureau is the highest leading body of the Party.

Any change in anyone in the Politburo is a big deal.

So every member of the Politburo Standing Committee has his or her own ideas.

Everyone has selfish desires.

During such a major upheaval, everyone wanted to recommend their favorite cadres, those with similar political ideologies, to the Central Committee. Having one more cadre supportive of one's political philosophy increased the likelihood that the Central Committee would adopt their proposals, a fact every Politburo Standing Committee member desired. The Chairman's considerations weren't about this, but rather the layout of key Central Committee cadres after the Commander-in-Chief's departure.

After discussing the commander-in-chief's issue, everyone started talking about the United Front Work Department.

The Politburo Standing Committee was extremely dissatisfied with the performance of Li Weihan, Minister of the United Front Work Department. He was completely at a loss in the face of the sudden situation. Throughout the entire symposium, there was no responsiveness at all.

He doesn't look like a well-tested senior cadre of our party at all.

Most of these senior CCP officials have fought on bloody battlefields or engaged in perilous underground work, and have witnessed countless emergencies. Many who failed to cope with these situations paid the price for the revolution. Li Weihan, a high-ranking Party official during the Agrarian Revolution, had also seen the world.

But thirty years have passed, and even a small symposium has been turned into this.

The United Front is a crucial policy of our Party. Don't think the United Front Department is a useless department, serving only to maintain close ties with pro-democracy figures. In fact, the current United Front Department possesses considerable power.

The United Front Work Department is not only responsible for uniting these democratic parties and non-partisans, but is also responsible for formulating policies for ethnic minority regions and training minority cadres. Currently, ethnic issues are prevalent in China's border regions, all of which require coordination by the United Front Work Department. In these border regions, the United Front Work Department holds considerable power. For example, Minzu University of China was established during Li Weihan's leadership of the United Front Work Department. Beyond these responsibilities, the United Front Work Department also oversees overseas Chinese affairs, Hong Kong, Macao, and Taiwan affairs.

These things are very complicated and unexpected situations may occur at any time.

Therefore, the Prime Minister has always been directly responsible for united front work and diplomatic work.

Li Weihan had truly disappointed the Central Committee this time. At this meeting, everyone had considered changing the head of the United Front Work Department, but the timing was not right, so no direct adjustment was made.

One reason is that the Ninth National Congress is approaching, and the other is that the current situation needs to be stable.

We must not let people think that the CPC Central Committee is in a panic.

Because a small symposium would result in the reshuffling of a senior central government official, everyone tacitly agreed to postpone the matter, believing the United Front Work Department issue could be resolved after the Ninth National Congress.

Although Comrade Li Weihan's position could not be adjusted, the Standing Committee decided that the United Front Work Department would not hold similar symposiums for a short period of time. This effectively deprived the United Front Work Department of its right to contact democratic parties for a period of time.

The commander-in-chief's retirement wasn't something he could simply apply to the central government. This was the first time since the founding of the People's Republic of China that a commander-in-chief of this rank was retiring, and this was a matter that needed to be addressed both within and outside the Party.

I want to give everyone some mental preparation before the Ninth National Congress.

If he had announced his retirement at the Ninth National Congress without any prior communication, who knows how it would be discussed both inside and outside the Party. They might have fabricated all sorts of intra-Party struggles and compiled a CCP-style "secret report."

So, immediately after the Standing Committee meeting, the Central Committee convened an enlarged Politburo meeting. At the meeting, the Commander-in-Chief personally announced his intention to retire at the Ninth National Congress. Regardless of how everyone felt about the Commander-in-Chief's retirement, everyone was instantly shocked.

After all, he served as the commander-in-chief of the Chinese Communist Party's military for nearly thirty years. And since the Seventh National Congress, he has been a core leader of our party.

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