Rebirth: I am in Jin-Cha-Ji
Page 851
Liao Chengzhi said, "Currently, some Southeast Asian countries have Communist Party organizations. Some have begun participating in parliamentary struggles, but others are campaigning for 'land reform.' From our Party's perspective, they are fraternal parties, and we should support them. However, our united front work involves many Chinese businessmen, including ordinary overseas Chinese, who own considerable land. Therefore, they oppose the Southeast Asian Communist Party's 'land reform' slogan."
From the Party's perspective, it supports Southeast Asia's red movement and its fraternal parties. However, from the perspective of united front work and overseas Chinese affairs, some overseas Chinese oppose the Southeast Asian Communist Party's proposals.
Wei Hongjun had never encountered this problem before.
After all, Wei Hongjun had previously been in charge of Party affairs, foreign affairs, and the United Front. Therefore, his focus had always been on national development, and in terms of diplomacy, he was more concerned with the changing attitudes of countries like Britain, France, the United States, and the Soviet Union. But now, after listening to Liao Chengzhi's report, he discovered that there were some contradictions between the Party's export of revolution and its United Front work.
Wei Hongjun thought for a moment and said, "I hope the United Front Work Department and the External Liaison Department will jointly write a report on Southeast Asia, especially detailed information on the Communist Party organizations in Southeast Asian countries. I will discuss this issue with Comrade Wang Jiaxiang."
This is no small matter.
Wei Hongjun didn't dare to give any instructions casually.
We should first understand this. Southeast Asia has a complex history, and promoting revolution there was a major issue for China in the 1960s and 1970s. Every major power in the world has its own base, and Southeast Asia should have been China's base.
Unfortunately, China has been bullied for the past hundred years. The People's Republic of China was founded too late, and there are too many forces behind Southeast Asia.
But if China wants to regain its position as a global power in the future, it must seize control of Southeast Asia. However, Wei Hongjun has no idea how to seize control of Southeast Asia, how to tie it to China. Therefore, Wei Hongjun must know the details of the current situation of the Communist Party in Southeast Asia.
"Secretary Wei."
When Wei Hongjun and the United Front Work Department were having a meeting, Zhao Han walked in.
Zhao Han was a member of the December 9th Movement and remained in Shanxi-Chahar-Hebei during the War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression and the Chinese Civilization War. After liberation, he was transferred to the National Organization Committee, where he served as Director of the General Office and Secretary-General. Later, when the National Organization Committee was split up, he began serving as Deputy Director of the Personnel Bureau.
After Wei Hongjun was elected as a member of the Political Bureau Standing Committee at the Fifth Session of the Seventh Central Committee, Zhao Han was transferred to the Political Secretary's Office of the Secretariat as a section chief.
In fact, he served as Wei Hongjun's confidential secretary, commonly known as the leader's chief secretary.
The current Secretariat's Political Secretary's Office serves the seven members of the Politburo Standing Committee. Confidential secretaries to these members serve as section chiefs, each boasting high qualifications and ranks. However, in reality, the Political Secretary's Office primarily serves the Chairman.
Because Comrade Xiuyang's confidential secretary was personally in charge of Comrade Wang Guangmei, it was called "Liu's Office," though it was only nominally under the Political Secretary's Office. The confidential secretaries of the Premier, Chen Yun, and Deng Xixian were all affiliated with the State Council. Marshal Nie's confidential secretary was with the newly established Political and Legal Affairs Commission.
Wei Hongjun's confidential secretary Zhao Han works in the Secretariat and has just joined the Political Secretary's Office.
Zhao Han said, "Secretary Wei, there's news from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Charles de Gaulle has accepted the invitation of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and plans to visit our country in May in a private capacity. The Chairman has asked you to discuss with the Prime Minister, General Chen, and others how to receive Charles de Gaulle. You'll also need to determine the specific content of the discussion."
1007 Prepare for Reception
Charles de Gaulle is coming, which is a big event for China's diplomacy.
Charles de Gaulle carries a lot of weight.
His influence is even greater than that of former British Prime Minister Attlee, who came to China earlier this year. Attlee became British Prime Minister only because the Labour Party was in power. Charles de Gaulle, on the other hand, was a man who could single-handedly form a political party.
Therefore, after Charles de Gaulle expressed his willingness to accept China's invitation to visit China, the central government attached great importance to it.
The Chairman instructed Qi Benyu to personally inform the Premier and Wei Hongjun, requesting that they discuss the matter and come up with the best reception and negotiation plan. Although the Foreign Affairs Working Committee had been established, with General Secretary Chen as its Secretary, the Premier remained a member of the Politburo Standing Committee in charge of foreign affairs, holding the most weight in the diplomatic field.
But Wei Hongjun's situation is a little special.
The current situation within the Party Central Committee is that the Central Committee is the highest authority in the Party, while the Politburo exercises supreme power on behalf of the Central Committee. However, at the central level, the Politburo Standing Committee is the day-to-day decision-making body on behalf of the Politburo, while the Secretariat serves as the administrative body of the Politburo. Although the Fifth Session of the Eighth Central Committee established some regulations regarding the Secretariat's functions and imposed some restrictions on its powers,
But the Secretariat is still very powerful.
Although regulations state that the Secretariat has no authority over matters outside of Party committees, as the Party Central Committee's administrative body, any decisions made by the Politburo Standing Committee and the Politburo must ultimately be communicated, implemented, and supervised by the Secretariat.
For example, whenever the Politburo issues any directives to central ministries and local governments, the Secretariat compiles the Politburo's decisions and then conveys the Politburo's directives to the relevant ministries and local governments.
Then you have to monitor their progress.
At present, the Politburo Standing Committee members are basically responsible for their own responsibilities. Therefore, under normal circumstances, the Secretariat directly communicates with the Chairman.
This means that the Secretariat does not have the power to lead ministries or specific matters, but it does have the power to understand the development of things and express opinions on these matters. It then reports what it has learned to the Chairman and the Politburo Standing Committee.
The reason Gao Gang was so powerful in the central government was because of the special function of the Secretariat. If he hadn't been dissatisfied and wanted to directly lead those ministries and commissions, he wouldn't have been pushed back.
That's what happened this time.
Charles de Gaulle's visit to China was a matter for the Foreign Affairs Committee. The Premier and General Secretary Chen could discuss the details. However, the Chairman specifically nominated Wei Hongjun to attend, so that he could express his opinions in his capacity as First Secretary of the Secretariat.
Apart from the Premier, Wei Hongjun and General Chen, the others at this meeting were basically cadres from the Foreign Affairs Commission and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.
"Mr. Chen, your Ministry of Foreign Affairs has quietly accomplished something great."
Wei Hongjun saw Chen Shuai and joked with him.
This time, the work was truly remarkable. Although Charles de Gaulle had not appeared in French politics for a long time, his influence in France was still very great. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs was able to invite Charles de Gaulle to visit China in a private capacity.
This is definitely a landmark event in promoting relations between China and France.
"The Red Army comrades have made great contributions to this. It was precisely because of their judgment that we were able to make early contact with all parties in France."
Mr. Chen felt very happy.
After he was transferred to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, he was actually under a lot of pressure.
General Chen wasn't the type of cadre who was meticulous and reserved. He was outspoken and forthright, a trait that was particularly useful in uniting all sides during the war years. However, after arriving at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, he seemed somewhat out of place given the Premier's constant emphasis on "no small matter in diplomacy."
So I received some criticism from the Prime Minister during my work.
Tell him not to speak without restraint outside.
Fortunately, the Premier and General Chen had a long-standing friendship, and General Chen was a tolerant person who would not give up his duties just because of criticism. Therefore, General Chen accepted criticism in the diplomatic field while serving as Minister of Foreign Affairs.
This time, I made efforts in Britain, France and the United Kingdom, and unexpectedly caught a big fish.
Charles de Gaulle is coming.
Wei Hongjun was still very interested in how the Ministry of Foreign Affairs had managed to hook Charles de Gaulle. So he asked directly, "I heard that General Charles de Gaulle lives in seclusion in France. How did you invite him?"
"After the Battle of the Suez Canal, when Britain and France were forced to retreat by the United States and the Soviet Union, the domestic situation in both countries was not very good. France, in particular, has been trying to maintain its colonies diplomatically in recent years, but has been unsuccessful. Conflicts have constantly broken out in former French colonies, calls for independence have grown louder, and some have even begun fighting against the French army. Therefore, maintaining France's colonies has not been easy in recent years. Not only has it not brought any benefits to France, but it has also placed a huge economic burden on them. France's current fiscal deficit is becoming increasingly serious, and inflation is rampant. Many people in the country are dissatisfied with the current French government. The current French cabinet is already in jeopardy, and there is already widespread public opinion in France calling for General de Gaulle to return to power."
Fan Hui spoke.
Fan Hui had very little experience in the party, having joined it in 1948, just before liberation.
However, he had long-standing connections with the Party and was a prominent figure in the press. Therefore, he was immediately recognized and appointed to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, where he served as Director of the European Department. After China, Britain, and France broke the diplomatic deadlock and established representative offices, he went to Britain.
He served as Resident Charge d'Affaires in the UK and was also responsible for all the Foreign Office's work in Europe.
After the Ninth National Congress, Fan Hui officially became Assistant Minister of Foreign Affairs and continued to be in charge of the European Department, now called the European and African Department, responsible for work in Europe and Africa.
He explained the specifics to Wei Hongjun, saying, "Our people met with General de Gaulle, and initially the discussion focused on the issue of colonization. We did not support France's colonial policy; rather, we criticized it. We stated that the independence of colonial nations is an unstoppable trend. However, the colonial issue is, after all, a historical legacy. Therefore, we believe that France should propose a feasible plan for the independence and liberation of colonial nations and peoples."
"Later, we began discussing economic cooperation. France is currently experiencing severe inflation, and many factories are operating at below capacity. We expressed to General de Gaulle our admiration for French industry and our willingness to do business with the French industrial sector."
"Finally, we discussed the current world situation and expressed support for Europe to have its own independent diplomacy. General de Gaulle was very talkative and showed great interest in the topics we raised. He later agreed to visit my country."
Many people in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs were surprised that Charles de Gaulle agreed to visit China.
Why did he agree?
But no matter what, the successful invitation to Charles de Gaulle was a huge breakthrough in China's diplomacy.
"Comrades, General de Gaulle is visiting China in a private capacity. We are discussing the specific date. We are holding this meeting mainly to analyze General de Gaulle's visit to China. What are his goals? What kind of results does he hope to achieve during this visit? We must also analyze how we should receive General de Gaulle and how we should communicate with him so that we can achieve the goals we both want. We must prepare for the reception in advance and also prepare for the negotiations. When this opportunity comes, we must seize it."
The Prime Minister interrupted the conversation.
Let’s get to the point.
Wei Hongjun was the first to speak: "I'd like to ask, is it likely that General de Gaulle will come out?"
“It should be quite large.”
Fan Hui said, "France currently faces too many domestic problems for the current government to resolve. Although General de Gaulle has kept a low profile in France in recent years, his support is growing. The French people are also beginning to support General de Gaulle's return to office. The current war between France and Algeria is putting immense pressure on France's economy and diplomacy. Therefore, we predict that General de Gaulle will return to office within a year or two."
"If this is the case, then General de Gaulle's choice to visit our country this time is an even bigger event."
Mr. Chen spoke.
"During the Battle of the Suez Canal, the US and the Soviet Union stripped Britain and France of their swagger. Britain and France still have a certain advantage over their former colonies, but they are powerless against powerful nations like the US and the Soviet Union. Although Britain and France were once world hegemons, they now have to seek a different path or become vassals of US imperialism."
Mr. Chen directly stated the current situation in Britain and France.
If Khrushchev's aggressive march to Poland and his ultimately disgraceful retreat revealed his inner weakness, leading to widespread ridicule within the socialist camp, then the same can be said of Britain and France during the Battle of the Suez Canal.
So humiliating.
It started out very arrogant.
Egypt suffered heavy casualties and was forced to retreat step by step.
As a result, while the Soviet Union was dealing with the Hungarian issue, it warned Britain and France that if they dared to continue attacking Egypt, they would crush Britain and France. As a result, Britain and France were frightened and immediately didn't know what to do.
And at this time the United States got involved.
On the one hand, it warned the Soviet Union not to attack Britain and France, but on the other hand, it warned Britain and France to withdraw from Egypt.
The end result was that Britain and France left Egypt in disgrace. The world witnessed the rise of the US and the Soviet Union and the decline of Britain and France, and as a result, Middle Eastern countries began to search for a new leader. The influence of the US and the Soviet Union infiltrated the Middle East.
At the same time, it also gave many people in British and French colonies hope for independence. They had previously been quite afraid of Britain and France. Unexpectedly, Britain and France were so vulnerable in front of the United States and the Soviet Union that they didn't even have the courage to fight, and the Battle of the Suez Canal ended.
Once a hegemon loses its deterrent power, it marks the beginning of its complete collapse. This is the process Britain and France are currently experiencing in their colonies. As General Secretary Chen said, the US and the Soviet Union have stripped Britain and France of their underwear. The colonized nations, previously afraid to resist, have now seen Britain and France's weakness.
"Comrade Chen Yi is right. Britain and France must either become completely dependent on American imperialism or find a new path."
"Prime Minister, no matter how much Britain and France have declined, they were once world hegemons. How could they willingly become dependent on American imperialism and become its puppets? It's just that the situation is stronger than people, leaving them with little choice."
Vice Foreign Minister Wu Xiuquan spoke up.
He said, "Charles de Gaulle's visit to my country this time is to seek a new path. Britain and France are absolutely unwilling to completely decline and still want to struggle. Establishing a new relationship with my country is also a new option for them. We should consider the issue from this perspective."
Wei Hongjun did not interrupt.
Listening to everyone's discussions, I realized that these people were all veterans of the diplomatic field, and their assessment of the world situation was quite accurate. Everyone believed that Charles de Gaulle had a good chance of making a comeback, and that his visit to China was intended to reach some consensus with China.
This is to maintain Europe's dignity and prevent France from becoming a real younger brother of the United States.
If a consensus is reached this time, then after Charles de Gaulle comes back, the relationship between China and France is likely to develop by leaps and bounds.
The Prime Minister is also listening to everyone.
After a while, the Prime Minister said, "I've summarized everyone's opinions. Everyone believes that General de Gaulle's visit to China this time is intended to improve diplomatic relations with us and find a new path for France. From this perspective, our goal in this meeting with General de Gaulle is to resolve Sino-French diplomatic relations and further strengthen economic exchanges between China and France. To achieve this goal, we must discuss with General de Gaulle how to bridge differences and find some common ground."
"Prime Minister, the last time Attlee visited China, the Chairman told him that, seriously speaking, there are no fundamental, unsolvable contradictions between us and Britain and France. Some diplomatic differences can be resolved through dialogue."
Wu Xiuquan said it very directly.
Are there any unresolvable conflicts between China and France at present?
not at all.
The current contradictions between the two countries are, on the one hand, the contradiction between the socialist camp and the imperialist camp, and on the other hand, the contradiction between France's desire to maintain the colonial system and China's opposition to colonialism. In addition to these, there are also some other trivial contradictions.
But these contradictions are not fundamental.
"Comrade Wu Xiuquan is right. Comrade Khrushchev proposed the 'Three Peaces' theory at the 20th Congress of the CPSU. After we put forward the judgment of 'long-term coexistence' at the Ninth Congress, both the socialist camp and the imperialist camp have sought a path to peaceful coexistence. There are certainly contradictions between the socialist camp and the imperialist camp, even enemy-enemy contradictions, but they are not to the point of imminent conflict or intractable resolution. Therefore, this is not a serious contradiction between China and France."
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