The Party oath has undergone numerous changes since the First National Congress of the Communist Party of China in 1921. However, a few phrases have remained largely unchanged, particularly the phrase "obey Party discipline and strictly guard Party secrets."

For this oath, countless Party members concealed their identities and joined the revolution, leaving their parents, wives, and children unaware. The Communist Party of China established New China through its unwavering faith and ironclad discipline. But consider Cao Zhixiong, a secretary to a central leader, who, in pursuit of a romantic relationship, violated Party discipline and revealed Party secrets.

It's complete nonsense.

He ruined his future for a woman.

Lin Xiling's case wasn't originally considered serious. Many Party leaders admired her, and even the Chairman praised her writing. A young woman in her early twenties, praised by the Chairman as a writer, must be incredibly talented. Wu Yuzhang and Xie Juezai had also publicly praised this young talent. All of this suggests that the Party had no concerns about young women like Lin Xiling.

So what if she’s just a little girl?

However, after she began publicly disseminating the "secret report" at Renmin University of China, the situation changed completely. Both Lin Xiling herself and Cao Zhixiong, who leaked the original text of the "secret report," were caught up in the incident.

"Comrade Yang Shangkun, please pack up and come to the meeting. I need to convene a Secretariat meeting."

"Yes."

Wei Hongjun left in a hurry.

As they walked, they issued a notice informing the Secretary and Alternate Secretary of the Secretariat that a meeting would be held. As for the Political and Legal Affairs Commission and the Supervisory Commission, all key officials were required to attend the meeting.

Soon, several secretaries and alternate secretaries of the Secretariat arrived. Key officials from the Political and Legal Affairs Commission and the Central Supervisory Commission also arrived. Wei Hongjun saw Zhao Zhensheng, Secretary of the Secretariat and Deputy Secretary of the Political and Legal Affairs Commission, come in, so he asked, "Old Zhao, I saw the report on Lin Xiling's case. Was it really Comrade Hu Guoguang's secretary who did it?"

"I just received the report."

Zhao Zhensheng stopped and answered Wei Hongjun.

,

He looked around and saw Minister of Public Security Du Liqing sitting downstairs. So he asked, "Old Du, is your Ministry of Public Security's investigation report true?"

Du Liqing immediately said, "Secretary Wei, Lao Zhao, I wrote the Ministry of Public Security's report myself. It was indeed Comrade Cao Zhixiong who gave the original text of the 'secret report' to Lin Xiling. Cao Zhixiong has already confessed."

"Is the confession okay?"

"No, we've already verified it. After Lin Xiling got the original text of the 'Secret Report', she printed quite a few copies. We already have the evidence."

"Playing the piano randomly."

“There is no organization and no discipline.”

Organization Department Minister Chen Tanqiu, Central Supervisory Committee Secretary Tan Zhenlin, and Deputy Secretary Luo Qirong, who had just taken their seats, were all furious.

After the 20th Congress of the CPSU and Khrushchev's "Secret Report," the Central Committee was in a state of trepidation. They feared that events in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe would affect China's stability. The atmosphere throughout the Central Committee during that period was tense, and the leadership dared not take any chances.

Even in order to block the democratic parties, the commander-in-chief chose to retire.

This stabilized the situation in China.

But Cao Zhixiong, that bastard, actually leaked the original text of the "secret report" while having a relationship. If New China itself wasn't stable, who knows what kind of storm it would have caused.

Even if there were no major storms, it would still affect so many students at Renmin University of China, all of whom were candidates for cadre training by the central government.

"Comrade Zhang Dingcheng, in Cao Zhixiong's case, should we bring charges?"

Wei Hongjun asked Zhang Dingcheng, Procurator-General of the Supreme People's Procuratorate.

"No."

Zhang Dingcheng shook his head.

He said: "The leak of secrets has little to do with our procuratorate."

"Tell me more specifically."

"Regarding the issue of leaks, right after the founding of the People's Republic of China, the Party Central Committee issued the 'Decision on Strengthening the Protection of Party and State Secrets.' The Central People's Government later issued the 'Interim Regulations on Protecting State Secrets.' However, these were all Party and government documents and regulations. Some of the issues regarding leaks were later incorporated into the military system and handled by military courts. Others were incorporated into counter-revolutionary crimes. However, Cao Zhixiong's case didn't fit the bill for a military court, and calling him a counter-revolutionary was too severe. But if it wasn't a counter-revolutionary crime, then we couldn't find a charge for it at the moment."

Zhang Dingcheng shrugged.

Cao Zhixiong's case is very special among the crimes of leaking state secrets.

He did not intentionally leak military secrets, so he was not subject to a military tribunal. Although he leaked the original text of the "secret report," which had a very negative impact, it is difficult to say that he was a counter-revolutionary.

There is now a specific "counter-revolutionary crime." If Cao Zhixiong were convicted of "counter-revolutionary" status for this incident, it would be a bit of an overreaction. If Cao Zhixiong's case were handled accordingly in the future, the term "counter-revolutionary crime" would inevitably become widespread. Therefore, the term "counter-revolutionary crime" cannot be used.

However, regarding the crime of leaking secrets, there are only these two directions. If it is not these two directions, then there are no other charges for public prosecution.

Without corresponding laws, the Supreme People's Procuratorate has no way to do anything.

Wei Hongjun nodded.

The most difficult part of establishing a new country is building an effective system. Unless you simply use the previous order, establishing a new order will always be slower than the actual situation.

The same is true for the introduction of laws.

Previously, the Party Central Committee considered the crime of "leaking secrets" from the perspective of military secrets and revolution. However, it never considered what kind of provisions should apply to a case like Cao Zhixiong's.

"Our criminal law is still not perfect. Old Zhao, our Legal Affairs Committee needs to observe more closely to see if our lawmaking is lagging behind current developments. Only by keeping up with the laws for various situations can we avoid this kind of problem."

The law is certainly imperfect.

The laws of New China are socialist laws. Therefore, they must be distinct from those of old China. Simply reviewing the laws left over from the old China era is a massive undertaking. Therefore, the process of enacting laws is slower than it actually is.

It is only after a series of problems arise that some laws are introduced based on these issues.

But this is too delayed.

By the time these problems arose, the accumulated contradictions had already reached a considerable level. By then, it was already too late to research and enact new laws. Lawmakers couldn't just shut themselves away and pluck clauses from laws around the world to form the laws of New China.

They should go out.

Look at the current actual situation in New China, and then formulate laws based on the problems happening in New China.

"I will report this to Secretary Nie after I return."

Zhao Zhensheng nodded.

Since Zhang Dingcheng couldn't use the Criminal Law to deal with Cao Zhixiong, the only option was for the Organization Department to handle the case. So Wei Hongjun asked, "Comrade Chen Tanqiu, Comrade Tan Zhenlin, how should the Organization Department and the Supervisory Commission handle Cao Zhixiong's situation?"

"Given Cao Zhixiong's situation, he definitely can't be the secretary of the Communist Youth League Central Committee."

Chen Tanqiu spoke.

"Secretary? His mistake this time is quite serious. My suggestion is to expel him from the Party. A leader's secretary is a very sensitive position, so it is even more important to remember Party discipline and strictly guard Party secrets. Cao Zhixiong was the secretary of the First Secretary of the Communist Youth League Central Committee, and he handled countless core Party secrets. This time, he leaked a 'secret report,' and if he continues to leak, what else will he leak? If this were wartime, he would be brought to a military court and sentenced to death. Of course, this is peacetime, and we can't do this. But the nature of this issue is still extremely serious, and he must be expelled from the Party."

Tan Zhenlin shook his head.

After Tan Zhenlin took office as the director of the Supervisory Commission, his biggest concern was dealing with the issue of corruption and bribery among cadres.

Unexpectedly, the first major case turned out to be "leaking state secrets".

It must be dealt with seriously.

Luo Qirong said from the side, "My opinion is the same as Comrade Tan Zhenlin's. After the founding of New China, everyone thought that there was peace and no longer war, and began to forget Party discipline. A thousand-mile dike is destroyed by an ant hole, and we must never underestimate such things. In Cao Zhixiong's view, this incident may be just a small matter between a man and a woman in the midst of passionate love. But the consequences are very serious. If we don't deal with such things seriously, people will not be vigilant, and such incidents will occur endlessly in the future. Cao Zhixiong must be expelled from the Party."

Chen Tanqiu felt a little reluctant.

After all, he is a young cadre.

However, he also agreed with what Tan Zhenlin and Luo Qirong had said. With the passage of time and peace, everyone had gradually begun to relax, thinking that minor violations of discipline were nothing more than violations, not really a big deal.

But this is the most dangerous thing.

Often when we relax our guard, we are struck fatally by the enemy.

Fortunately, this time, the incident occurred to the secretary of the first secretary of the Communist Youth League Central Committee. What if it happened to the secretary of a Politburo Standing Committee member or a Politburo member? After all, the Communist Youth League Central Committee is not a core central government department, and its access to core confidential information is limited.

However, if they were secretaries of higher-ranking cadres, such as those in the Secretariat, they would be in possession of more than one or two core secrets. If these secrets were leaked, it would be a devastating event.

So Chen Tanqiu also nodded.

It can be considered as agreeing with the opinions of the Supervisory Committee.

"Secretary Wei, what should we do with this student, Lin Xiling?"

Du Liqing asked Wei Hongjun.

Lin Xiling is now under the control of the Ministry of Public Security. However, there is considerable disagreement on how to deal with her. Some believe that Lin Xiling, who attacks China's socialist system and spreads counter-revolutionary rhetoric, deserves severe punishment.

But some people also think that Lin Xiling is just a little girl.

There is no need for heavy processing.

On the contrary, it has a bad impact.

Wei Hongjun said, "What I mean is, she's just a little girl. She's not a member of our party, so it's understandable that she doesn't have such a high level of awareness. You can criticize her, but of course I don't think she'll accept it anytime soon."

"The biggest problem for students like Lin Xiling is that they have more enthusiasm than practical work experience. She grew up in a well-off family and joined the army at fourteen, where she continued her career in the art troupe. Then, due to her good performance, she was recommended to Renmin University. She's still young, having never personally witnessed the realities of New China and lacking in practical experience. All her knowledge comes from books."

"There are many such cadres in the history of our party. Because they are not familiar with practical work, they like to talk about theoretical knowledge. However, if a cadre has no practical work experience, no matter how well he learns theory, it is difficult for him to be objective and factual."

"I've read Lin Xiling's articles. She's truly a talented young woman. She's well-informed in theoretical knowledge and has a sharp perspective on issues, but she's unfamiliar with the realities of New China. So my suggestion is that she get involved in practical work. Participate in literacy campaigns, participate in national health promotion efforts, and observe the progress of rural livelihood development. When the time comes, she can lead a team and personally handle these tasks. A talented young woman like her should connect with the people and do some practical work. If she can apply her acquired knowledge and talents to practical work, she might become an outstanding cadre of our Party in the future."

"The same applies to Cao Zhixiong. We can let them make their own choices. If they want to continue their relationship, we won't interfere or suppress them. They can be assigned to the same place. If they don't want to, we will respect their choice and let them both work at the grassroots level for a period of time."

He Zai, Wang Wen and others were afraid that they would be connected to Lin Xiling.

So they tried their best to show that they had nothing to do with Lin Xiling.

But for Wei Hongjun, Lin Xiling's matter was a minor matter. Not to mention Wei Hongjun, if Hu Guoguang's secretary hadn't been implicated in the "leakage" issue, even Hu Guoguang, the First Secretary of the Communist Youth League Central Committee, wouldn't have cared much about Lin Xiling's issue.

Because for a big shot in the central government like Wei Hongjun, Lin Xiling’s matter is not a big deal, but it is not a small deal either.

The reason why Wei Hongjun made this choice is the same.

Talent is rare.

Wei Hongjun really didn't want to see these talented young people, relying on their talents, lose their fear and get involved in political turmoil. Lin Xiling was indeed talented, but her talent came from books.

Young people like her should actually work on the front line.

Look at the literacy campaign currently underway in New China, the ongoing patriotic health campaign to eradicate various infectious diseases in rural areas, and the ongoing efforts to build rural democracy. These tasks are truly great, yet also incredibly difficult. Grassroots work is complex and requires extensive experience to handle effectively.

These things cannot be solved by just reading a few books.

Many of the theories Lin Xiling proposes are actually quite sound. Whether it's regarding political or judicial development, her writings can't be said to be wrong. However, this only applies to theory. Transforming theory into reality can't happen overnight. Directly applying theory to reality will inevitably lead to failure. All theories take time and gradual implementation. To adapt theory to reality, we must also adapt theory to reality.

This is a process of mutual adaptation.

The biggest problem for talented young people like Lin Xiling is their desire to immediately apply these theories to real-world situations. If the Party and government don't immediately apply their theories to real-world situations, they assume their policies are wrong. This is due to their lack of practical experience in the field, and they don't even consider whether the real world is suitable for implementing these theories.

That's why Wei Hongjun wanted Lin Xiling to go and take a look at the grassroots level in China.

Her beautiful ideas and theories are so difficult to implement in China. Wei Hongjun hopes that talented young people like Lin Xiling, after experiencing the realities of China, can come up with theories more suitable for China and help improve China's socialist theory.

Historically, Lin Xiling was labeled a "big rightist" and later even spent over a decade in forced labor. In the 1980s, she visited her father in Taiwan, where she was also found. However, she immediately rejected the title of "anti-communist hero" bestowed upon her by Taiwan, stating flatly, "If I am required to issue an anti-communist statement, I would rather go back to mainland China and go to jail." She then criticized various aspects of Taiwan, resulting in a ban on re-entry to Taiwan.

This is Lin Xiling.

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