Rebirth: I am in Jin-Cha-Ji

"Chairman, what I'm thinking about is that those cooperatives want to open factories, but they don't know how to do it. They run into obstacles everywhere at the district and county agencies. Why is this happening?"

"This reminds me of the time after we captured Zhangjiakou. Our military region's drama club continued to expand, with a large number of young students joining. While its strength seemed to have increased, its propaganda effectiveness was rapidly declining. Comrade Duan Chengwei brought this issue to my attention at the time and identified its root causes at our democratic life meetings. He argued that the club was pursuing 'highbrow' art and beginning to reject material accessible to the 'lowbrow'. This indicated that our cadres were becoming bureaucratic and were beginning to stray from the mass line. This phenomenon must be rectified."

The chairman nodded.

Everyone has experienced this.

As the number of intellectuals within the Party increased, many theatre groups began producing highbrow, highbrow works. This went against the needs of the revolution at the time, and eventually the Central Committee began to crack down on this behavior.

"I remember that Comrade Duan Chengwei served as Comrade Ren Peiguo's political secretary for a period of time during the last years of the Anti-Japanese War."

"Yes."

Wei Hongjun nodded and said, "Comrade Duan Chengwei was transferred to the Central Committee and worked in the Organization Department for four or five years."

"Well, keep talking."

"Chairman, I believe the principles here are the same. They both touch upon the fundamental question of who we serve. There's nothing wrong with pursuing 'highbrow' art, but just because we pursue 'highbrow' art, we can't treat the masses who can't appreciate 'highbrow' art as 'lowbrow'. And then accuse the masses of being uneducated and incapable of artistic appreciation. That's putting the cart before the horse."

"What they should do is continuously raise the people's cultural level and their ability to appreciate art, so that they can ultimately understand and appreciate 'highbrow' art. This is the mission of comrades in literature and art in this era. They should adapt to the needs of the people and help them improve their artistic appreciation, rather than forcing them to adapt to their 'highbrow' art and then mocking them for being uneducated if they can't understand it."

"The same is true for our Party and government. In our interactions with the people, we must clearly distinguish whether the people adapt to us or we adapt to them. For example, when the people need a problem, they turn to our Party and government agencies. However, they lack a deep understanding of these agencies and don't know which department to approach, resulting in them running into obstacles everywhere. So whose fault is this?"

"Is it the fault of the people, who are so uneducated and don't understand the responsibilities of the various Party and government departments? I don't think so. I think it's our Party and government's fault. The Party and government should serve the people, and that means helping them solve their problems. We should adapt to the people's current level of understanding, rather than having them adapt to us."

"This time, some rural cooperatives want to open factories, but they don't know which departments to contact or what to prepare. This isn't a problem for these cooperatives or the people, but a problem for our Party and government. It's our Party and government that haven't considered this, causing these cooperatives to run into obstacles everywhere."

"If our Party and government establish a department whose primary responsibility is to handle letters and visits and receive the public, then when the people need help, they can directly go to such a department. They can clearly tell the people what kind of certification they need and which department to contact. By establishing a communication department between the Party and government and the people, many problems can be smoothly resolved. Our Party and government should not be aloof and distance themselves from the people."

"Of course, this is just my initial idea. If possible, I'd like to have each department send some people to work together. People can handle their daily affairs in one place, rather than running around to different departments. However, this isn't perfect yet, and we need to continue exploring it."

The Chairman listened quietly to Wei Hongjun's words.

But he nodded repeatedly.

Chairman Mao has always emphasized the mass line and has always attached great importance to connecting with the masses, and there have been attempts in this regard before. However, Wei Hongjun's idea is more comprehensive, integrating the work of the entire Party and government with the work of welcoming the masses.

"Letter and petition work and mass reception work are put together."

"Yes. We should integrate petition work with public reception work, and integrate petition departments with major Party and state departments. This way, petition departments can become an important link between the Party and government and the masses. At the same time, we can hold a public reception day at the petition department every week or every two weeks. Important Party and government leaders would take turns receiving the masses on this day, listening to their opinions and helping them solve problems."

"As our country's economy develops, various social problems will increase exponentially. Therefore, we need a department like this to ease conflicts and strengthen the relationship between the Party and the government and the people."

After a moment, the Chairman laughed heartily and said, "Not bad, that's a good idea. So what do you want to do next?"

The Chairman was really interested and very happy.

The Chairman's favorite point about Wei Hongjun's statement is the question of who serves whom. He worries most about Party cadres degenerating, forgetting their original aspirations and betraying the purpose of serving the people. Seeing Wei Hongjun like this, the Chairman is increasingly hopeful that he will take the lead in Party affairs.

"Chairman, my idea is to merge the petition departments of the General Office of the CPC Central Committee and the General Office of the State Council, as well as some similar petition departments in other central ministries and commissions, to form a Central Petition Bureau directly under the Secretariat. We should establish a comprehensive petition system and a system for receiving the public, including a set of regulations for the subsequent handling of petitions and public reception issues. We can't just appear to be close to the people without addressing their real problems. After the Central Petition Bureau is established, we should establish petition bureaus in every province, city, district, and county, and establish a comprehensive petition system and public reception system. Let it become the most direct communication platform between the Party and the government and the people."

"well."

The Chairman became more and more satisfied as he listened, and then asked, "Have you considered specific cadre candidates?"

1012 Firm Support

"Chairman, I haven't thought about it that far. I want to first consider the issue of the Letters and Calls Bureau, and then consider the cadre issue. However, my idea is that the cadre in charge of the Letters and Calls Bureau should not be too low-level. If not a member of the Central Committee, they should be an alternate member. This will reflect the central government's emphasis on letters and calls work and encourage other departments to follow suit. Besides, without cadres of a certain level, we can't do a good job in letters and calls work and reception of the masses, let alone coordination with other departments."

The most important task of the Letters and Calls Bureau is to coordinate with various departments and resolve issues raised by the public. However, if the head of the Letters and Calls Bureau is too low-ranking, other departments will look down on the Bureau.

In the early days of the People's Republic of China, sometimes it was not the departments that had great power, but the cadres themselves who had great power.

It may be difficult to understand.

But that's the reality. It's like a ministry: if a marshal becomes the head, you'll be treated differently than if a major general becomes the head. Your department might not have much power, but if a marshal becomes the head, it suddenly becomes powerful.

The same goes for the Letters and Calls Bureau.

If low-ranking officials went to the Petitions Bureau and wanted to handle any matter, they would be ignored. That would make petition work awkward. So Wei Hongjun directly stated that the candidate must be either a member of the Central Committee or an alternate member.

Only when cadres of this level go to the Petition Bureau will everyone know that the central government attaches great importance to petition work and will not treat the petition department as a piece of shit.

The chairman nodded.

I agree with Wei Hongjun's view. Therefore, he said, "Once a task is determined, the remaining issue is the cadre issue. If the cadres are well chosen, the work will be twice as effective with half the effort. But if the cadres are wrongly chosen, the work will be half as effective with twice the effort. However, it is not easy to find a member or alternate member of the Central Committee to take charge of the Letters and Calls Bureau."

There are only so many Central Committee members and alternate members in the country, less than 180 in total.

Leaders of central Party and government ministries and commissions, local Party and government leaders, and the Central Military Commission and major military regions—these individuals alone have essentially grabbed all the seats. Even many provincial governors haven't managed to secure alternate membership in the Central Committee. You can imagine how valuable these Central Committee members and alternate members are these days. Furthermore, with the Ninth National Congress having just concluded, many positions have been reshuffled. Transferring someone to oversee the Petitions Bureau wouldn't be easy.

This is also a headache for Wei Hongjun.

Petition work is very important, but the current members and alternate members of the Central Committee are all in high positions and have great power. They may not be willing to give up their original jobs to take charge of petition work.

The Chairman and Wei Hongjun attach great importance to petition work, but in the minds of some cadres, they may feel that coming here is like being exiled.

"Yes. So my idea is to first find a deputy minister from the Propaganda Department to take over and set up the Central Letters and Calls Bureau. Then, we can slowly find a cadre who can take charge of letters and calls work."

"Not good, not good."

The chairman shook his head.

"Since you have a general idea about the establishment and development of the Central Bureau of Letters and Calls, you should first staff it with cadres. Let the leading cadres of the Bureau of Letters and Calls participate in the establishment of the Central Bureau of Letters and Calls from the beginning. This not only involves the establishment of the organization, but also the establishment of various systems. Only in this way can they become more familiar with the work of letters and calls and the cadres of the Bureau of Letters and Calls."

"After I return, I will discuss this with the comrades in the Secretariat."

"How about I introduce you to a cadre?"

"Chairman, please speak."

"Comrade Xia Houwen, Political Commissar of the Shenyang Military Region. You're old comrades, so you should be very familiar with him. I'm deeply impressed by him. When the Northeast Base Area was first established, he not only had a broad perspective and sufficient courage, but he was also able to work diligently to develop the base. He was able to lead troops in battle, establish bases, and did an excellent job in land reform in ethnic minority areas. The Letters and Calls Bureau needs a cadre like him who is down-to-earth, courageous, capable, and able to connect with the masses. What do you think?"

"Comrade Xia Houwen is very suitable for this job."

Since the Chairman mentioned Xia Houwen's name, Wei Hongjun certainly would not object.

Xia Houwen, 50, became an alternate member of the Central Committee at the just-concluded Ninth National Congress. Wei Hongjun had considered letting Xia Houwen leave the military system, but he hadn't made up his mind.

After all, Xiahou Wen had led troops in battle for more than 20 years before he got his current position as the political commissar of a major military region. It wasn't easy for him to leave the army.

Unexpectedly, the Chairman mentioned Xia Houwen's name.

What Wei Hongjun didn't know was that Chairman Mao was deeply impressed by several cadres who had established the Northeast Base Area at the end of the Anti-Japanese War. In particular, Xia Houwen was one of the cadres who ranked highest among those who had established the Northeast Base Area.

Most importantly, Xiahou Wen had a good temper and had no problem partnering with anyone. He single-handedly established the Ximan Military Region in the Northeast, and regardless of who the Northeast Bureau and the Northeast Military Region sent to serve as its commander or as Party and government officials, Xiahou Wen fully cooperated. He never claimed to have established the Ximan Military Region on his own, claiming that the Party, government, and military officials were essentially his old comrades and subordinates, and that he would exclude outsiders.

Xiahou Wen was like a workhorse, treading the finest of fields while establishing his base. Whenever the frontline troops needed food, soldiers, or personnel, Xiahou Wen was the first to deliver. It was precisely because of Xiahou Wen's personality and work style that Chen Yun, Gao Gang, Zhang Wentian, and even General Lin were all very pleased with his work.

After all, who wouldn't like a cadre who's capable, resolutely obeys orders, and doesn't cause trouble? Besides, Xia Houwen is also a veteran Red Army soldier, having accompanied the Central Red Army on the Long March. Currently, the Central Committee is very confident in and values ​​such cadres.

The Chairman smiled and said, "Assuming a political commissar of a major military region is in charge of petition work, he might not be able to adapt to it. You will have to do more work when the time comes."

"Chairman, there will be no problem. Comrade Xia Houwen is a time-tested and steadfast Communist Party member. He will go wherever the Party needs him to work and will not bargain with the Party."

“All our party members should do the same.”

The Chairman continued, "This incident is still due to a problem with Party discipline. Comrade Hongjun, I have an idea that you can discuss with other comrades. The Secretariat currently has seven secretaries and three alternate secretaries. However, I am wondering if the Secretary of the Party Group of the newly established Central Bureau of Letters and Calls and the First Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Youth League should also join the Secretariat as alternate secretaries."

"Chairman, I will discuss this matter with other comrades."

"The Secretariat is the Party Central Committee's office. Important Party committee departments should all be involved. Only in this way can we more clearly implement the Party Central Committee's spirit and quickly deal with problems."

"Yes."

Wei Hongjun was very grateful to the Chairman.

Because the Chairman is further increasing Wei Hongjun's voice in the Secretariat. Although Wei Hongjun is a member of the Politburo Standing Committee and the First Secretary of the Secretariat, it does not mean that he can have the final say in the Secretariat.

There are so many Politburo members and alternate members in the Secretariat.

Besides, each secretary in the Secretariat has a division of labor.

Wei Hongjun could manage and intervene in matters within their division of labor, but he also had to respect the opinions of the secretaries and alternate secretaries. Therefore, in many cases, Wei Hongjun could only provide guiding principles and could not take charge of specific matters.

When it comes to big things, we still have to vote by raising hands.

The Chairman asked the Party Secretary of the Central Bureau of Letters and Calls to become the alternate secretary of the Secretariat, and also named Xia Houwen as the head of the Central Bureau of Letters and Calls. This shows that the Chairman supports Xia Houwen as the alternate secretary of the Secretariat.

This alone will allow many people to see how much trust the Chairman has in Wei Hongjun.

After Wei Hongjun took charge of the Secretariat, he originally intended to start with Party building, starting with cadre appointments. However, a series of unforeseen events led Wei Hongjun to focus on petition work first.

After discussions with Secretariat officials, Wei Hongjun formally submitted a "Report on Strengthening Petition Work" to the Politburo. With the Secretariat's proposal and the Chairman's approval, the Politburo quickly adopted the report.

The Political Bureau formally approved the establishment of the Central Bureau of Letters and Calls, merging the current letters and calls departments of the General Office of the CPC Central Committee, the General Office of the State Council, and other departments, placing it under the leadership of the Secretariat. Xia Houwen, Political Commissar of the Shenyang Military Region, was appointed Director and Party Secretary of the Central Bureau of Letters and Calls.

Other officials in the Letters and Calls Bureau had to wait until Xia Houwen took office before submitting reports to the Secretariat.

The Secretariat and the Military Commission jointly issued an order to the Shenyang Military Region, requiring Xia Houwen to report to Beijing within 20 days. As for the new political commissar of the Shenyang Military Region, the Military Commission was still in the process of deciding.

Originally, Zhou Huan was supposed to replace Xiahou Wen.

However, some cadres in the Shenyang Military Region were somewhat hostile to Zhou Huan. He had taken advantage of Gao Gang's misfortune, implicating many cadres in Northeast China, which had caused them considerable discontent. Therefore, Zhou Huan was unable to be promoted to a regular position.

Of course, Wei Hongjun now has to meet with Lin Xiling, who caused a stir.

"Comrade Xiaolin, please sit down."

When Wei Hongjun saw Lin Xiling for the first time, he realized what a stubborn girl she was.

Because of a "secret leak," she was detained by the Beijing Municipal Public Security Bureau for several days. But Lin Xiling held her head high, as if she wasn't the one who had just emerged from the police station. Perhaps, in the mind of a young girl like her, a stint in jail was actually something worth celebrating. It seemed to better demonstrate her courage to resist.

Lin Xiling sat in front of Wei Hongjun and raised her head and said, "Can I call you Comrade Wei Hongjun?"

"Of course. A few years ago, the Secretariat made a regulation based on the Central Committee's proposal. From now on, party members should address each other as comrades, not by official title. Even though you're not a party member, it's okay to address each other that way."

"Then I want to ask Comrade Wei Hongjun, are you going to shoot me or put me in jail?"

"hehe."

Wei Hongjun smiled.

"Do you know what execution by firing squad means? I just wanted to have a chat with you today. Comrade Kobayashi, I've read some of your articles. You've learned Marxism-Leninism quite well, and your knowledge of dialectical materialism is also acceptable. I actually agree with what you said, which is that you oppose the claim that socialism and communism are the best societies. You believe that the word 'best' itself is metaphysical. Socialism and communism are merely one stage of society. Therefore, the word 'best' replaces dialectics with metaphysics."

"You also think this is correct?"

"That makes sense."

When Lin Xiling heard Wei Hongjun say this, she immediately became interested and said, "Yes, I don't understand why some people don't understand this truth. I am dissatisfied with real life. Even if I were born five hundred years later, I would still be dissatisfied. If I were satisfied with reality, how can I drive society forward? It is normal for people to be dissatisfied with reality, and dissatisfaction with reality should be encouraged. Only when people are dissatisfied with reality will they have the motivation to develop. When I say dissatisfied with reality, I don't mean a specific dissatisfaction. Yet, some people say that I am dissatisfied with New China and that my ideas are reactionary."

Lin Xiling said this while feeling very unconvinced.

"Philosophically speaking, you're right. Matter is in motion, and human society is advancing. It's humanity's pursuit of a better future that keeps society moving forward. Even if we enter communism in the future, it doesn't mean our society will stand still."

"Yes, yes. If monkeys were content with reality, how could we be human now?"

Seeing Lin Xiling's words, Wei Hongjun couldn't help laughing again.