Rebirth: I am in Jin-Cha-Ji

"Yes. When we promote a cadre, we publicly announce it at the cadre's current unit and their former unit. Not only the name and appointment are announced, but also their history. During the publicity period, everyone can raise objections to the cadre's appointment. If the issues raised are genuine, the cadre's appointment will be rescinded. If no substantive issues arise during the publicity period, the appointment will be officially approved."

Chen Tanqiu thought carefully about Wei Hongjun's words.

It is indeed a good way to build democracy and supervision in the promotion and appointment of cadres.

Chen Tanqiu couldn't help but look at Wei Hongjun again. Wei Hongjun was a legend within the Party, not only during the war years but also in the State Council after the founding of the People's Republic of China.

Whether it is rural construction, the oil front, agricultural reclamation construction, or light industry construction, no matter which area of ​​work we focus on, we have achieved remarkable results.

He is now in charge of the work of the Secretariat and has very unique insights on party building and cadre training.

Although he has never been in charge of the work of the Organization Department, he has a complete set of ideas.

Wei Hongjun's suggestion gave Chen Tanqiu great inspiration.

Chen Tanqiu could only sigh, no wonder Wei Hongjun was able to reach his current position. Veteran cadres like Deng Zhihui and Zhou Bin also had a good relationship with Wei Hongjun.

Chen Tanqiu thought for a moment and said, "Your idea is quite feasible. However, I need to discuss the specific implementation with the comrades in the Organization Department."

"What I mean is, we should first try it out in some places. Start with the appointment of county cadres, then try it out in government agencies and factories. If the results are good, we can summarize the experience, obtain central approval, and promote it nationwide."

"it is good."

Chen Tanqiu nodded in agreement.

After finishing the conversation with Chen Tanqiu, Chen Tanqiu immediately started to devote himself to work.

He first contacted the Central Committee of the Communist Youth League and discussed the development issues of party members with it.

Chen Tanqiu supported Wei Hongjun's idea that party members, including party activists, should have a complete development system.

The work of the Central Committee of the Communist Youth League should be under the leadership of the Party Central Committee. Communist Youth League members should serve as reserve personnel for Party membership.

Given this, the development of League members cannot be blindly pursued. We cannot simply focus on numbers and arbitrarily expand membership on a large scale. League members should be made representatives of the youth. Only young activists should join the Communist Youth League, allowing the Youth League to truly become a representative and role model for youth, and to become their own organizers.

Party organizations and youth league organizations should exist together among young people, they should develop together, and they should also be different.

How to coordinate the relationship between the party organization and the youth league organization, and how to enable the youth league organization to provide the party organization with better-quality party members, requires the Organization Department and the Central Committee of the Communist Youth League to do a good job.

Wei Hongjun also participated in several joint meetings between the Organization Department and the Central Committee of the Communist Youth League.

Wei Hongjun emphasized that whether it is a party organization or a youth league organization, it must maintain its advanced nature and purity, and must be representative.

The Organization Department and the Central Committee of the Communist Youth League must more clearly formulate the disciplines that party members and league members must abide by.

The Organization Department and the Central Committee of the Communist Youth League must constantly monitor individual Party members and League members for disciplinary issues. If someone consistently violates discipline, they are deemed unqualified as a Party member or League member. Both the Party organization and the League have the right to request that such a Party member or League member withdraw from the organization.

Of course, what Wei Hongjun said were the general policies and directions. The specific matters should be left to the Organization Department and the Central Committee of the Communist Youth League to come up with detailed plans.

In addition to this matter, Chen Tanqiu began to formally formulate cadre regulations.

The main issue is the number of years required for cadre selection. To prevent the phenomenon of skipping levels for promotion, the Organization Department has clearly defined the number of years required for each level.

Of course, this also creates some tension between the current administrative levels and actual job titles. Some people have low administrative ranks but high actual job titles, while others have high administrative ranks but low actual job titles. Therefore, this also requires the Organization Department to come up with a specific plan.

This is a big matter and needs to be approved by the Central Committee.

Then there is the issue of the cadre publicity period.

Chen Tanqiu's choice was to start with five provinces, including Liaoning, Hebei, Hubei, Sichuan, and Jiangsu, and select one county from each province for the experiment.

Under Wei Hongjun's promotion, the Organization Department took significant action. However, Wei Hongjun was in charge of the Secretariat and would not only handle the Organization Department's issues.

Wei Hongjun is talking to cadres from the Propaganda Department.

"Secretary Wei, this is what many newspapers are saying. They believe that interviews with Party committees and government agencies are becoming increasingly difficult. Even the leaders of these departments are refusing reporters' interviews, making their work increasingly difficult."

"This is the case with Party committees and government agencies. Many factories also take an unwelcoming attitude towards journalists. They refuse to cooperate with reporters' interview requests and even deny them entry."

Deng He reported to Wei Hongjun the current difficulties of the newspaper.

Wei Hongjun looked through the complaint letters from these newspapers.

They all criticized the Party committee departments and government agencies, as well as factories of all sizes, for becoming increasingly bureaucratic and increasingly disregarding journalists' right to interview.

Not only did they refuse interviews with reporters, they also refused to answer some of their questions, and in some places they even refused to let reporters in. Many articles in newspapers now are written by the propaganda agencies of party committees and government agencies and then sent to the newspapers.

This made many newspapers very dissatisfied and they asked the Propaganda Department to make the decision for them.

Many of the current leaders of newspapers across China are very powerful figures. Some are well-known newspaper publishers from the Republican era, while others are cadres who have participated in the revolution for many years.

Many of them were once responsible for propaganda in various base areas.

So their influence is enormous. They don't want to be a mouthpiece, just reprinting government articles. They want their reporters to actually interview some of the issues.

"What does the Propaganda Department mean?"

"Many of our departments should have a communication mechanism with newspapers. Right now, many departments are reluctant to receive reporters, believing they are coming only to cause trouble. This, however, deprives newspapers of their supervisory power and the people of their right to know."

Deng He spoke.

The newspaper issue needs to be resolved. If the confrontation between the Party committee, government agencies, and the newspaper continues, who knows what will happen in the future.

While the Propaganda Department holds considerable power, this issue cannot be resolved solely by the Propaganda Department. After all, with so many Party committees, departments, and government agencies involved, it's hard for the Propaganda Department to handle all of this.

Wei Hongjun nodded and said, "This is a problem. However, I think both sides have problems with this problem."

"Let's talk about our Party committees and government agencies first. The better their performance, the less they can tolerate even the slightest criticism."

"This is a huge issue. Our cadres must be brave enough to accept criticism. Furthermore, even if our Party committees, departments, and government agencies are criticized, it doesn't necessarily mean there's something wrong with their work. We can't be perfect in our work, and it's normal for problems to arise and receive criticism. Our Party and government shouldn't become alarmed by criticism. Even more so, our leaders shouldn't assume their subordinates have done something wrong based on criticism. We must not only bravely accept criticism, but also become accustomed to it."

"Only in this way can we do our work better. This is a problem for the Party committees and government agencies."

"But there are also problems with newspaper reporters. I've received some complaints about this. Many cadres believe that some newspaper reporters are nitpicking, deliberately engaging in verbal battles with our cadres, and then exaggerating their reports."

"Many reporters at newspapers like to sensationalize, deliberately exaggerating minor incidents and making them look serious. This has caused many officials to be afraid to meet with reporters. This is a problem with newspaper reporters."

"Journalists must seek truth from facts when reporting, and must not deliberately exaggerate or create confrontation. The Propaganda Department needs to establish some rules in this regard. Reporters involved in false or exaggerated reports should be punished."

Duan Chengwei heard Wei Hongjun's words and said, "Secretary Wei, both sides have problems, and our Propaganda Department acknowledges that. But both sides must communicate, otherwise the Propaganda Department's work will not be able to continue."

Wei Hongjun said, "Didn't the newspaper say that the Party committees and government agencies wouldn't give them an interview opportunity? Then give them this opportunity. Our Party committees and government agencies can hold press conferences every once in a while—every ten days, half a month, or even twenty days. Each department can send someone to attend and answer questions from reporters."

"If people think this approach is the right approach, there will be some miscommunication. For example, when reporters ask questions, the Party committees and government agencies won't be able to answer them. It could be that our cadres aren't paying attention, aren't aware of it, or simply don't know how to answer."

"Then both sides can communicate well before the reception. Reporters can submit questions about what topics will be discussed, providing a rough outline so that our Party committees, departments, and government agencies can prepare. If problems still arise after this, it's a problem with the competence of our cadres."

"Some of our important ministries should have their own spokespersons and be prepared to receive reporters."

Deng He nodded.

Since the Party committee departments and government agencies are unwilling to receive reporters, then they will be received publicly.

If you have any questions, please ask during the public reception.

It's not like our Party hasn't held press conferences like this before, but we haven't established a system for doing so. We only hold press conferences when something important happens.

Wei Hongjun's current point is that we can establish an institutionalized, regular press conference system to strengthen the connection between the Party and government and journalists.

"Secretary Wei, I think this is a good idea."

"I agree too."

The cadres in the Propaganda Department all agreed.

Wei Hongjun said, "The Propaganda Department and the newspaper should discuss this, and then come up with a specific plan for discussion at the Secretariat. If we want the ministries and local governments to cooperate, we'll ultimately need the Politburo's approval."

"Yes."

Wei Hongjun does not waste a minute in handling party building and party propaganda work.

So does everyone else.

On September 1957, 9, the Second National People's Congress officially began.

Comrade Xiuyang served as the head of the presidium of the National People's Congress and the chairman of the National People's Congress presided over the meeting.

1024 Second National People's Congress

1311 National People's Congress deputies gathered in Beijing.

The meeting atmosphere was very good.

Since the founding of the People's Republic of China on May 1948, 5, the country has undergone remarkable changes year by year. Even in rural areas, where the "income inequality gap" is particularly severe, the improvement in living standards is noticeable.

Transportation infrastructure, fertile farmland, water conservancy development, grain production, livestock, health and hygiene campaigns, and literacy campaigns—in less than a decade, the countryside has undergone more changes than in the previous thousand years. Of course, to achieve all this, the rural people paid a huge price. It's often said that this generation has suffered the hardship of three lifetimes, and that's truly true.

During the busy farming season, they cultivate the land, build bridges and roads, and participate in water conservancy projects during the slack season. In their spare time, they also participate in learning, such as literacy and modern health knowledge.

It can be said that there is no time to rest.

Once a vast labor force is organized, much can be accomplished. The unleashed power of the masses is limitless. Of course, how can you mobilize such a large number of people to work so hard and actively participate? It's definitely not just slogans.

Propaganda and organization are extremely tedious and difficult tasks. New China was able to organize the masses to actively participate in production labor. In addition to the visible material changes, there were other changes.

Cooperative meetings, auditing of cooperative accounts, etc., are all aimed at cultivating the people's sense of ownership.

In the old society, they were the beasts of burden, but in the new society, they were to become human beings, masters of the land. If you look closely at many of the things New China has done, you will find that they are actually instilling in the people the idea that they should be masters of their own destiny.

Although many people were not fully aware of this and did not immediately understand what it meant to be the master of one's own household, the fact that poor peasants, formerly illiterate, bullied, and helpless in their own lives, had the opportunity to participate in cooperative affairs and in the major undertakings of rural development was a profound spiritual transformation.

The song goes, "Stand up and become the master," but later generations couldn't grasp its specific meaning. Living in New China, they couldn't understand what it felt like to be someone who had spent their entire lives working like slaves, being bullied and having no control over their own life, suddenly being able to participate in rural affairs.

But the vast majority of farmers who have experienced the old society can feel it truly.

In the past, they were hired farmhands for landlords and rich peasants, enduring anything just to survive. But now, they can participate in cooperative affairs and even represent them at township and county meetings to express their ideas. This change in status can have a huge impact on people's thinking.

This is the spiritual change.

The fact that New China was able to mobilize so much human and material resources and enable so many people to actively participate in national construction is inseparable from this political change.

Not to mention that the central government's decision to raise wages also raised the prices of grain and oil, which were purchased and sold under the unified system. Furthermore, as urban wages rise, the prices of agricultural and sideline products will also adjust accordingly. As a result, approximately a quarter of the extra funds generated in cities will flow back to rural areas through the unified purchase and sale of grain and oil, as well as agricultural and sideline product markets, increasing the income of rural cooperatives.

The "scissors gap" between urban and rural areas still exists, but the central government is also working hard to reduce it.

To reduce the "scissors gap" and support improvements in rural living standards, the central government is lowering the prices of commonly used industrial products in rural areas. This is because, after years of development, the cost of these products has been declining. This cost reduction is due to both the decline in raw material prices following the development of China's heavy industry and increased factory efficiency.

As a result, the living standards in rural areas are gradually improving.

The entire country is currently thriving. The convening of the Second National People's Congress under such circumstances is naturally a joyous occasion. Naturally, with rapid development comes many problems, and the representatives have brought many proposals.

The presidium of the Second National People's Congress was elected at the preparatory meeting of the Second National People's Congress.

The presidium consists of a total of 97 people.

The main tasks of the presidium are to control the progress of the meeting, review the proposals of the NPC representatives, review the list of candidates for the election, etc.

Then, Comrade Xiuyang, Chen Yun, Marshal Nie, Chen Tanqiu, Peng Zhen, Zhao Zhensheng, Wu Lanfu, Liao Chengzhi, Li Siguang, Li Zhuchen, Cai Chang, Li Dazhang, Li Fanwu, Xu Guangping, and Li Jinxi were elected as executive chairmen of the meeting to preside over the meeting.