Rebirth: I am in Jin-Cha-Ji

This time, I went to the General Political Department very quietly.

Chen Zaizai, the Second Deputy Minister of the Armed Forces Supervision Department, was a former general who had made significant contributions in the development of the Anti-Japanese Base Area in Southern Hebei. If the Fourth and Fifth Field Armies had not marched southward with such force, their forces far exceeding those of the Second Field Army, he would have been in the Central-South Military Region.

However, there are positions for military and political cadres in major military regions now, and since he has extensive experience and a high rank, it would not be appropriate for him to go.

So, Chen Zai Zai was assigned to the General Logistics Department as Deputy Director. The situation at the General Logistics Department was similar to that at the General Armament Department. Like Yang Quanwu, Zhao Lu had been burdened with more and more duties and responsibilities, and was no longer able to handle the daily work of the General Logistics Department. The General Armament Department had already transferred Hong Xuezhi to serve as Acting Director, and the General Logistics Department also needed an Acting Director. Chen Zai Zai's transfer to the General Logistics Department, although not as Acting Director, was intended to strengthen the department's cadre structure.

Han Weiguo, Deputy Minister of the Armed Forces Supervision Department, was transferred to the Central Investigation Department as Deputy Minister.

The Central Investigation Department was formerly the Central Social Department. After merging with the Social Department of the North China Bureau, it began to be known as the Intelligence Department of the General Staff of the Military Commission and the Liaison Department. Later, it was separated and merged with other intelligence departments. Part of it was assigned to the Ministry of Public Security, while another part was renamed the General Intelligence Department, also known externally as the Liaison Department. From its inception, the General Intelligence Department was directly under the Central Committee of the Party, not the General Staff of the Military Commission.

Li Kenong served as the Minister of General Intelligence.

After the General Intelligence Department was established, numerous problems arose. Some of these proved unsolvable, leading to the creation of the Central Investigation Department. The most significant of these issues was the question of its management and funding. Although the General Intelligence Department was directly under the Central Committee of the Party from its inception, its primary function was to provide intelligence to the Central Military Commission (CMC), and its predecessor was the Intelligence Department of the CMC General Staff.

So the issue of ownership is very complicated.

It nominally belongs to the Party Central Committee, but in actual work it is under the leadership of the Central Military Commission.

In the end, no one cared about him.

Everyone wanted information from the General Intelligence Department, but no one was willing to pay him a salary.

Around 1954, the venerable General Intelligence Department couldn't even afford to pay salaries. The CMC's intentions were clear: while Li Kenong was Deputy Chief of the General Staff and the General Intelligence Department was a key intelligence source for the CMC, it wasn't a subordinate department of the CMC and didn't belong to it. Military spending for the CMC was regulated, and it couldn't be allocated solely to the General Intelligence Department.

If the CMC gave military funds to the General Intelligence Department, how would it be subject to future audits? How would the purpose of the funds be explained? Furthermore, if the CMC paid salaries to an intelligence unit directly under the Party Central Committee, what would the consequences be? With such a sensitive matter, who would be held accountable if anything went wrong?

So the Military Commission refused to give money to the General Intelligence Department.

However, the situation at the Party Central Committee remains unresolved.

The Central Committee's Supply Department, responsible for logistics for departments directly under the Party Central Committee, believes that while the General Staff Department is directly under the Party Central Committee, it is not included in the list of central ministries and commissions for confidentiality reasons. The General Intelligence Department handles its daily work independently, but when matters arise, it is managed by the Secretariat, which is effectively the Central Committee's General Office. If the Supply Department transfers funds to the General Staff Department, who will be held responsible for any problems that arise during the subsequent review of funds and accounts?

Since it is directly managed by the Central Committee and the Secretariat, it should be the responsibility of the General Office of the Central Committee.

What a waste of time.

This terrified Li Kenong, already in poor health. Despite being recuperating, he ignored his health and rushed out to address the situation. However, no matter how hard he tried, he couldn't resolve the issue. Finally, Li Kenong approached Yang Shangkun, director of the General Office of the Central Committee, and argued that the General Intelligence Department was a Party department and best placed within the Party. Furthermore, to ensure its continued presence within the Party, he proposed changing the name to the Central Investigation Department, practically begging Yang Shangkun for his support.

Only after Li Kenong made such a guarantee did Yang Shangkun go to see the Prime Minister.

Finally, the General Investigation Department was split into two parts. The military intelligence unit of the General Investigation Department was transferred to the Central Military Commission, and the remaining part was changed to the Central Investigation Department.

Although Han Weiguo was a political officer, he also served in the Social Affairs Department during the War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression, in addition to his military political work. He oversaw counter-espionage and intelligence operations in the base area. In his early years, he served as Director of the Political Department of the 8th Column and Deputy Director of the Social Affairs Department of the Shanxi-Chahar-Hebei Region.

With the abolition of the Armed Forces Supervision Department, Han Weiguo has returned to the Ministry of Social Affairs.

Served as Deputy Minister of the Central Investigation Department.

Yan Kuiyao, the fourth deputy minister of the Armed Forces Supervision Department, was the only one to be transferred to a larger military region. He was appointed deputy commander and chief of staff of the Shenyang Military Region. Before Yang Dezhi returned to China, he, Zhu Liangcai, and Zhou Huan were responsible for handling the work of the Shenyang Military Region.

As for the lower-level cadres, they just follow the organization.

After the Armed Forces Supervision Department is split, the split institutions will go wherever they should go.

The Central Military Commission is undergoing adjustments, as are other departments. Party-building issues within the Organization Department are extremely sensitive and complex, and cadre selection and appointments are even more so. Any measure implemented will impact tens of millions of Party and League members, and will also influence subsequent cadre transfers.

So Chen Tanqiu is really busy.

He needed to talk to officials from the provincial Organization Departments to understand their opinions. He also needed to exchange ideas with the Communist Youth League Central Committee. Even so, many policies were so sensitive that even Chen Tanqiu didn't dare to bring them up casually.

The plans that were drawn up were revised again and again, fearing that loopholes in the plans would cause major problems.

Especially persuading party members to quit.

Chen Tanqiu not only spoke with provincial organization departments but also with many grassroots party organizations. He sought to understand how to purge unqualified members without allowing party leaders to use them as a weapon to suppress other voices within the party.

Therefore, the system of persuading people to quit needs to be made more detailed.

Failure to pay dues on time or participate in Party activities. If these issues persist after criticism and requests from the Party organization, they can be persuaded to withdraw after a few times. Also, engaging in un-Party-like behavior in certain situations.

Wei Hongjun gave an example: if a family member breaks the law and you turn a blind eye, this wouldn't constitute a crime, as there's a long-standing legal saying: "Protecting one's relatives is crucial." You can't expect everyone to sacrifice their relatives for the sake of justice.

While legally responsible for such behavior is not a requirement, it is not what a qualified Party member should do. In such cases, the Party organization can persuade such members to withdraw. While emotionally understandable, Party discipline prohibits such behavior from being tolerated.

Wei Hongjun also cited the case of trafficking in women and children.

In some villages, everyone knows each other. If a newcomer arrives, everyone will know about it. This is when grassroots Party organizations can truly shine. However, some grassroots Party organizations, because they are all locals, turn a blind eye. This is actually an unqualified Party member and an unqualified grassroots Party organization. If such a situation occurs, such Party members must be resolutely expelled or persuaded to leave.

Of course, this is only the case when it is concealed.

If anyone dares to lie or resist during an investigation, they are guilty of harboring a criminal. Grassroots Party organizations and cadres should be severely punished.

Chen Tanqiu recorded all of this and used it as a model for formulating the procedures for clearing out party and league members.

In comparison, the Propaganda Department is faster.

The Propaganda Department convened a meeting with the principals of major newspapers nationwide, along with some journalists, to discuss solutions. The major newspapers supported the idea of ​​Party committees and government agencies holding press conferences, as well as the idea of ​​each department having a spokesperson specifically for journalists. This would, after all, make it easier for journalists to contact these Party committees and government agencies.

But they raise a question.

That is, if the party committee departments and government agencies read out a manuscript, it will be different from before.

At present, newspapers and journalists are very powerful.

During the "Zuo Ye Incident" in history, journalists nationwide attacked Zuo Ye, causing a huge uproar. If it had not coincided with the Central Committee's "Anti-Rightist Movement," the newspaper and its journalists would not have suffered such a severe blow.

Although they support the Party committees and government agencies holding press conferences to allow for face-to-face, open interviews, they still worry that this is just a formality to deceive these journalists.

Wei Hongjun's point on this point is simple. Both sides can communicate in advance, not about specific questions or content, but rather about the general scope of the interview. For example, in this interview, the reporter primarily wanted to know about rural industrial and commercial development. However, this was only a general scope, discussing rural industrial and commercial development, but not the specifics. During the press conference, both sides must adhere to the principle of asking only questions within the previously agreed-upon scope.

Within this scope, reporters can ask any questions they want. As long as the questions are about the development of rural industry and commerce, reporters can ask them.

This will give the party and government time to prepare, and also allow journalists to have more time to play their roles.

However, the specific details still need to be discussed.

Not only do we need to discuss with newspapers and reporters, but we also need to have some talks with government departments, and finally come up with a plan that both parties can accept.

Time just passes by minute by minute.

As the 40th anniversary of the October Revolution approaches, China has received a cordial invitation from the Soviet Union. At a time when the socialist camp is unstable, the Soviet Union needs China's assistance. The more high-profile China's participation in the October Revolution commemorations, the more stability will emerge in other socialist countries.

So Khrushchev was very enthusiastic.

Khrushchev is really scared now.

Throughout the year, China first welcomed Charles de Gaulle with a high-profile reception, then subsequently hosted a series of visiting delegations from Europe. Charles de Gaulle's influence was truly immense. After his visit to China, delegations from several European countries arrived.

Even West Germany sent people to contact China, hoping to improve relations with China. After Charles de Gaulle took the lead, the United States could not suppress the choices of these European countries.

But with China's prosperity, Khrushchev was growing increasingly concerned. Previously, China's industry was largely Soviet-based, adopting Soviet technology. However, in recent years, China has begun to learn from European industrial technology.

This had to make Khrushchev think more.

If China were to become like Yugoslavia, the entire socialist camp would likely break apart.

Therefore, in order to win over China and keep China in the socialist camp, Khrushchev was willing to cooperate more with China. During the previous negotiations, the Soviet Union was willing to sell missiles to China, but there were many conditions.

But this time the Soviet Union was willing to sell about 100 missiles to China at half price, and there were no additional terms.

At the same time, in order to strengthen military cooperation with China, the Soviet Union invited senior Chinese military leaders to participate in the commemoration of the October Revolution and was willing to let senior Chinese military leaders visit Soviet military factories.

China also attached great importance to this trip to the Soviet Union. At this stage, China still needed cooperation with the Soviet Union and still needed the Soviet Union's support.

There is nothing shameful in asking Big Brother for aid.

Therefore, the Central Committee has been considering the list of delegations going to the Soviet Union.

The Military Commission responded the fastest.

Since the Soviet Union had invited China to send a military delegation, the Military Commission naturally prepared to send a strong delegation. General Peng served as the head of the Chinese military delegation, with Marshals Ye and Xu as deputy heads, and Yang Quanwu, Director of the Commission of Science, Technology and Industry for National Defense, as the other eleven members.

They are Chief of the General Staff Deng Guo, Deputy Director of the Commission of Science, Technology and Industry for National Defense and Director of the General Logistics Department Zhao Lu, Director of the General Political Department Tan Zheng, Director of the General Political Department Wang Zhi, Acting Director of the General Armament Department Hong Xuezhi, Commander of the Air Force Liu Yalou, Commander of the Navy Xiao Jinguang, Commander of the Armored Forces Xu Guangda, Commander of the Artillery Qiu Chuangcheng, Deputy Commander of the Air Force Liu Zhen, and Secretary-General of the Central Military Commission Wang Xinting.

Except for the artillery commander Qiu Chuangcheng, who was a lieutenant general, the rest of the military delegation going to the Soviet Union were all generals, major generals, and marshals.

This is the highest-level military delegation since the founding of New China.

In addition to being the head of the military delegation, Peng Dehuai, as a member of the Politburo and Vice Chairman of the Military Commission, who presided over the work of the Military Commission, was also required to accompany the Chairman in the activities of the Chinese delegation. When Peng Dehuai was busy, Marshal Ye, Marshal Xu, and Yang Quanwu formed the Standing Committee of the Military Delegation, taking full responsibility for the work of the military delegation.

After several discussions, the Politburo finally came up with the list of the Chinese delegation.

Chairman Mao served as the head of the Chinese delegation, and Song Qingling, as Vice President of the State, served as deputy head of the delegation. The delegation members included Wei Hongjun, Deng Xixian, Deng He, Chen Tanqiu, Guo Moruo, Li Fuchun, Deng Zhihui, Li Xiannian, Liao Chengzhi, Chen Boda, Wang Jiaxiang, Shen Yanbing, Cai Chang, Yang Shangkun, Hu Qiaomu, Liu Xiao, and Saifuding.

The lineup can be said to be very luxurious and huge.

There are three members of the Politburo Standing Committee alone. If you add the Politburo members from the military delegation, then half of China's Politburo members will participate in the 40th anniversary of the October Revolution. Others like Song Qingling, Guo Moruo, and Shen Yanbing are all well-known figures.

1957 11 Month 2 Day.

The Chinese delegation, including the military delegation, flew from China to the Soviet Union. The Soviet Union attached great importance to the Chinese delegation's visit and arranged the highest level of courtesy. Soviet Party and state leaders such as Khrushchev, Bulganin, Voroshilov, and Mikoyan all greeted them at the airport.

This was the Chairman's third visit to the Soviet Union.

The Soviet Union's receptions for the Chairman became more and more grand, which also represented that China's strength was growing stronger and its status in the socialist camp was becoming higher and higher.

Not only was the welcome extremely high, but the Soviet Union was also very attentive in arranging the Chinese delegation.

The Chinese delegation was accommodated in the Kremlin.

The Soviet Union also had its own ideas. On November 1957, 11, the day after the Chinese delegation arrived in the Soviet Union, the first artificial satellite in human history was launched, which shocked the world.

In the race for space, the Soviet Union was one step ahead.

Not only did it take the lead in the competition between the United States and the Soviet Union, but it also gave those disobedient socialist countries a warning.

Tell them that the Soviet Union is still a world-class superpower.

After hearing the news, Chairman Lian went to Khrushchev and asked him, "In terms of the balance of power, is the Soviet Union or the United States ahead?"

Khrushchev was quite proud.

The launch of the artificial satellite allowed Khrushchev to regain his sense of superiority.

So he replied rather proudly, "In certain areas of high technology, the Soviet Union is ahead. But in terms of the overall economy, the United States is still ahead. This is because the US industry is much more developed. For example, in the most important commodity, steel, the Soviet Union's production is only half of that of the US. It will take many years for the Soviet Union to catch up with the US, but the USSR is confident that it will catch up and surpass the US in 15 years."

Looking at the smug Khrushchev, the Chairman encouraged him, saying, "Material strength alone doesn't determine everything; people and institutions are key. History has always been determined by popular support, and the weak have always triumphed over the strong. The Soviet Union possesses a more advanced socialist system, so it was inevitable that it would surpass American imperialism economically. With three more five-year plans, China should be able to surpass Britain in steel production."

"Hahaha."

Khrushchev was very happy to hear the Chairman's encouragement.

"Yes, our socialist system is the most superior. It is certain to surpass American imperialism. Comrade Li Desheng, before the celebration of the 40th anniversary of the October Revolution, the Chinese delegation can first go and see the Soviet Union's industrial achievements. The Chinese delegation is allowed to visit our factories at will."

1026 Revisionism

Khrushchev was deliberately showing off.