Rebirth: I am in Jin-Cha-Ji

Marx and Engels had already spoken of revisionism. Later, Lenin and Stalin also expressed their views on revisionism. Now the Chairman has directly stated that Khrushchev's wage reform is revisionism.

This is no small matter.

After the Chairman finished speaking, Wei Hongjun added: "Chairman, if Soviet revisionism continues, the next step for the CPSU Central Committee will be to emphasize 'production discipline' and require all workers to abide by 'production discipline'. In fact, this means asking them not to question this change."

"Comrade Khrushchev constantly emphasized the socialist legal system at the 20th Congress of the CPSU. This is actually inseparable from the current wage reform. After a period of time, this wage reform will undoubtedly be discovered by the working class and lead to their dissatisfaction. Therefore, Comrade Khrushchev, including subsequent CPSU leaders, will inevitably continue to emphasize the 'legal system.' They use the so-called 'legal system' to protect their privileged interests."

Rules, rules.

Once revisionism achieves a certain goal, it will begin to emphasize order and "rule of law."

As Chairman Mao said in history, during the revolution, we overthrow the "Confucius shop". If we invite back the "Sage Confucius" one day, it means that the regime is unstable and it is actually revisionism.

"Humph."

Deng Zhihui said: "The bourgeoisie exploits the proletariat by controlling the means of production. We established a socialist state to change this. But what the Soviet Union is doing now is under the name of 'socialism'. The Communist Party of the Soviet Union cadres rely on the political power to control the means of production and are also exploiting the Soviet people."

What is revisionism.

This is the Soviet Union's revisionism regarding Marxism-Leninism.

Who controls the means of production? This is the most important point in Marxism-Leninism. The bourgeoisie privately controls the means of production, while Soviet revisionism is the case where the top leaders of the Party use political power to control the means of production, gradually becoming a new form of the bourgeoisie.

"Chairman, it's late. We have a meeting tomorrow."

Wei Hongjun saw that it was already very late, so he reminded the Chairman.

The discussion was so intense that several hours had already passed.

On November 11, the Conference of Representatives of Communist and Workers' Parties of Socialist Countries opened. This was a meeting of countries in the socialist camp to resolve conflicts within the camp.

The Chairman checked the time, nodded, and said, "Don't spread what we said today. But everyone, go back and think about how we can guard against this kind of revisionism."

After everyone left, Wei Hongjun and Deng Xixian did not leave.

Because the two people are members of the Politburo Standing Committee.

The Chairman sighed and said, "If I had not come to the Soviet Union in person this time, I would not have known that Soviet revisionism had become so serious. Comrade Deng Xixian, you should cooperate with the Soviet Union and not bring this revisionist ideology into China."

"Yes."

"Comrade Hongjun, you are in charge of the Secretariat. You need to think more about how to guard against revisionism."

"Yes."

1027 The Issue of the Term of Office of the Top Leader

The meeting held on November 11 was mainly attended by delegations from socialist countries, and of course representatives of proletarian parties from some other countries were also present.

The main topic of discussion at this meeting was the relationship between several socialist countries.

One was Sino-Soviet relations, another was the relationship between the Soviet Union and Poland, and finally, the relationship between Yugoslavia and the socialist camp. Of course, in addition to these three relationships, the relationship between other proletarian parties and the CPSU was also a major issue. In fact, it was the Soviet Union's position within the socialist camp and the international communist movement that began to destabilize that led to so many problems.

The most important thing here is Sino-Soviet relations.

Because how to balance and adjust Sino-Soviet relations directly affects the stability of the socialist camp and the development of the international communist movement. Originally, the relationship between China and the Soviet Union did not need to be handled so seriously, but now it has risen to the most important relationship within the socialist camp.

The biggest problem between China and the Soviet Union is that their strength and influence are not commensurate.

The Soviet Union was an economic, industrial, and military powerhouse, and China was inferior in every respect. However, after Khrushchev's various maneuvers, Khrushchev and the Soviet Union's influence plummeted. Conversely, China, while clearly inferior to the Soviet Union in every respect, has seen its national strength and influence grow in recent years.

This mismatch between power and influence led to some disturbances in Sino-Soviet relations, and even to a dispute over who would lead the international communist movement and the socialist camp.

Therefore, during this meeting, China and the Soviet Union must clarify this point as soon as possible in order to stabilize the socialist camp. In recent years, the Chairman's reputation in the world has soared, to the point that many proletarian parties in the international communist movement have quoted the Chairman's words as material for internal party study.

After the 20th Congress of the CPSU and the "Secret Report", Eastern European countries frequently quoted the Chairman's speeches and Chinese newspapers to gain moral support and stabilize domestic ideological chaos.

Even among young Soviet people, studying Chairman Mao's writings became fashionable. In the realm of theory, Khrushchev was truly lackluster, and everyone knew he had little theoretical prowess. Some even mocked him, claiming he hadn't even read the complete works of Marx and Lenin, let alone understood and applied them.

Moreover, Khrushchev also had a "secret report" that caused a big mess.

Moreover, in June 1957, when some Soviet Communist Party leaders jointly forced him to abdicate, Khrushchev and Defense Minister Zhukov urgently mobilized military transport planes to send 6 selected members to Moscow, reversing the situation in one fell swoop.

The situation was very critical.

Khrushchev was already at a disadvantage within the Council of Ministers. Opposition forces were stronger than Khrushchev's. Under normal circumstances, Khrushchev would have been forced to step down. However, Khrushchev, allied with Zhukov, argued that the Council of Ministers had no power to remove him and demanded a Central Committee meeting. Coincidentally, 200 Central Committee members were dispatched to Moscow overnight, and an emergency Central Committee meeting was convened. Khrushchev gained the upper hand at the Central Committee meeting and won the battle.

But Khrushchev's situation made more proletarian parties look down on him.

Khrushchev's move was almost a coup. Without the support of the army, there would have been no time to convene the Central Committee.

The meeting ended with a discussion about the idea of ​​a socialist camp "headed by the Soviet Union." Representatives from Poland, Yugoslavia, and Italy clearly opposed it, while the other representatives remained silent. Everyone felt that Khrushchev was no longer qualified to lead the socialist camp, and that the Soviet Union could no longer be its leader. However, the Soviet Union was still powerful, so it was difficult to express direct opposition.

Only Poland and Yugoslavia are not afraid of this.

The entire meeting fell into a cold state.

Khrushchev's face was gloomy.

Although he had anticipated that this meeting would be difficult, he had not expected such a situation. Khrushchev had clearly demonstrated his strength, believing he could overwhelm these delegations. Unexpectedly, they still expressed opposition. In desperation, Khrushchev stated that future meetings of the Communist Parties of the Socialist Bloc could be convened alternately by China and the Soviet Union.

The Chairman, mindful of the purpose of his visit to the Soviet Union, stood up amidst a chorus of opposition and spoke: "We have so many people here, so many parties; there must be a leader. We face a powerful enemy. The question of who will win and who will lose worldwide remains unresolved. There are still serious struggles and the danger of war. We must be on guard against madmen. What would you do if he attacked us with an atomic bomb? Who among us could prevent such a danger? Therefore, we must have a country, a party, that can convene a meeting at any time. Being at the head is like convening a meeting; it's almost the same thing. Who will be the leader? If not the Soviet Union, who will be?"

"We Chinese cannot take the lead; we don't have the qualifications. We have little experience. We have revolutionary experience, but not construction experience. We are a large country in terms of population, but a small country in terms of economy. We haven't even launched half a satellite, while the Soviet Union has already accomplished the feat of launching the first satellite in human history. Therefore, it is very difficult for us to take the lead. If people don't listen to our meetings, we have no qualifications to lead. The Communist Party of the Soviet Union is a party with 40 years of experience, and its experience is the most comprehensive. They have experience in revolution, construction, and even more so, in fighting American imperialism."

"Some comrades have a negative impression of Soviet comrades because of the mistakes the Soviet Union made during the Stalin era. I think this is inappropriate. There have been some unpleasant things in the past between the Communist Parties of various countries, not only in other countries but also in China. The Chinese revolution also suffered a severe setback due to Comrade Stalin's reasons, which caused great harm to the Chinese revolution. But I suggest that we look at the overall situation."

"In the current international situation, only the Soviet Union has the power to lead the countries of our socialist camp in the struggle against U.S. imperialism. So I think some historical issues can be left in the past. We must focus on the present and the future."

The Chairman knows that China cannot force itself to take the lead at the moment, and the Chairman cannot force himself to take the lead.

We still need to maintain the status of the Soviet Union.

Therefore, the Chairman clearly supported the Soviet Union as the "leader", and Khrushchev continued to be the "class leader" of the socialist camp. However, although the Chairman took a step back, he still supported the Soviet Union and Khrushchev.

But the meeting still went very badly.

Many people still disagree with the Soviet Union being the convener of the World Conference of Communists, and Poland still disagrees with the Soviet Union being the leader of the socialist camp.

It can be seen how unpopular the Soviet Union and Khrushchev are within the socialist camp.

Therefore, the Chairman could only have long conversations with Gomulka, the First Secretary of the Central Committee of the Polish United Workers' Party, Togliatti, the General Secretary of the Italian Communist Party, Thorez, the General Secretary of the French Communist Party, Pollitt, the Chairman of the Communist Party of Great Britain, and the leaders of the participating Communist parties in Italy, Sweden and Yugoslavia during the meeting.

Convince them.

The Chairman analyzed the current international situation and stated that the international communist movement was absolutely inseparable from the Soviet Union. He hoped that everyone would set aside their prejudices and continue to support Khrushchev and the Soviet Union for the sake of the development of the international communist movement and the stability of the socialist camp.

The Chairman’s current status is sufficient.

Communist Party leaders in many countries were persuaded by the Chairman, or reluctantly agreed for the Chairman's sake.

On the morning of November 11, the Moscow Conference Drafting Committee completed the drafting of the Declaration. At the afternoon meeting, China took the lead in speaking in support of the "Moscow Declaration," and other communist organizations in various countries followed suit.

However, the text of the Moscow Declaration retained the term "socialist camp headed by the Soviet Union," but deleted the original reference to the Soviet Union as the "convenor of the conference." This was because there were too many voices of opposition, and no one supported the Soviet Union as the "convenor of the conference."

In the end, what everyone meant was that everyone discussed and decided to hold a meeting.

This is the result of compromise among multiple parties.

All the countries in the socialist camp signed the treaty, with only the Yugoslavian representative refusing to sign. This conference resolved most of the issues and also healed the disputes within the socialist camp.

The only issue that remained unresolved was the relationship between Yugoslavia and the socialist camp.

Tito's relationship with the Soviet Union remained unchanged, as did his relationship with the socialist camp. Tito met with the Chairman twice, but the results were not very satisfactory.

There was a lot of dispute between the Chairman and Tito, and they ended up parting on bad terms.

So Yugoslavia directly refused to sign the "Moscow Declaration".

Although Yugoslavia did not sign, the conference ultimately concluded successfully, maintaining the stability of the Soviet-led socialist bloc. China played a significant role in the conference's success. Chairman Mao personally persuaded each and every one of them, and the Soviet Union should be rewarded accordingly.

If it weren't for China's strong support, this meeting might have collapsed.

If relations between the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe broke down, who knew what Eastern Europe would do? If they switched sides, would the Soviet Union send troops? So this time, China made a significant contribution to stabilizing the socialist camp.

No matter what Khrushchev thought in his heart, he had to show his attitude.

So Khrushchev announced that cooperation with China should be strengthened and that an agreement should be reached before other socialist countries and proletarian parties left the Soviet Union. Then China and the Soviet Union would jointly announce the cooperation agreement.

Let everyone see that the Soviet Union rewards according to merit and will never be stingy with rewards.

Sino-Soviet cooperation extended to the Soviet Union's assistance to China in building large aircraft manufacturing plants and shipyards, as well as the Soviet Union's willingness to transfer a large number of technical patents involving many types of engines and gas turbines.

There was also the issue of the Tumen River estuary. Previously, the Soviet Union and North Korea were reluctant to allow China to use it, but after this meeting, China, the Soviet Union, and North Korea decided to share this section of the waterway.

How to use it and how to develop it specifically require more discussion.

China's sudden interest in this region has a practical basis. As relations between China and Europe improved, Sino-Japanese contacts also became more frequent. Private trade between the two countries gradually began to increase. While the Japanese government remained anti-China and anti-communist, aligning with the United States, it began to waver, seeing the United States unable to control European diplomacy.

Everyone knows that China has a need for construction, capital, machinery, and industrial technology. Even if China itself lacks funds, many European banks are willing to cooperate with China.

The situation in Japan is similar now.

If China uses the money it borrows from Japan to purchase Japanese machinery and equipment, it will provide significant support for Japan's economic recovery.

Under this pressure, various exchanges occurred between China and Japan.

As relations between China and Japan improved slightly, China suddenly had a need to use this waterway. Japan was willing to lend money and sell some machinery and equipment to China, but it also wanted to buy coal and oil from China. Currently, Japan primarily sourced coal and oil from India and Southeast Asia.

Khrushchev didn't care much about such a small issue.

After all, China helped the Soviet Union a lot.

So with a stroke of the pen, he agreed to the use of the Tumen River outlet to the sea.

And that wasn't enough. After the meeting, Khrushchev hosted several banquets for the Chinese delegation to celebrate its successful convening and conclusion. During their discussions, Wei Hongjun offered Khrushchev some advice.

It is believed that now that socialist countries are thriving, we should not just be on guard against imperialism, but should take the initiative to attack American imperialism.

Currently, the world oil market, including global oil prices, is controlled by the imperialist camp led by the United States. Wei Hongjun stated that the time has come for the Soviet Union to unite the major oil-producing countries in the Middle East to establish an oil organization to counter the US imperialist oil consortium.

Let them compete with the US imperialist oil consortium for the right to set oil prices. If the oil-producing countries in the Middle East want to live a good life, they must control their own oil and raise oil prices.

Of course, this is not something that can be done overnight.

Historically, OPEC and the oil consortiums experienced a long period of tug-of-war before they gradually regained control of oil pricing. Unfortunately, the Soviet Union's chaotic operations in the Middle East pushed Middle Eastern countries, once part of the Soviet bloc, towards the United States. This ultimately led to the crucial alliance between the United States and Saudi Arabia for half a century. However, at this stage, the Soviet Union's influence in the Middle East continues to expand, and Middle Eastern countries have a favorable impression of the Soviet Union. Therefore, the establishment of a petroleum organization at this time, whether successful or not, would be a good thing for both China and the Soviet Union.

Sure enough, Khrushchev was very interested in Wei Hongjun's suggestion.

China's current strength doesn't allow it to intervene in this matter. Therefore, Wei Hongjun merely offered Khrushchev a suggestion; the specifics of how to proceed were up to the Soviet Union. However, if oil prices could rise, it would be a good thing for China.

In the next twenty years, China will not be an oil importer, but will most likely be an oil exporter for a period of time.

Of course, these were all diplomatic matters. Although the Chairman had been incredibly busy these days, his primary concern remained the issue of revisionism. So, in the evenings, he would discuss this with some of the delegation's cadres.

"Chairman, in observing the situation in the Soviet Union and considering the question of revisionism, I believe there is one issue to which the Central Committee cannot but pay attention."

"what is the problem."