Rebirth: I am in Jin-Cha-Ji

"Yes. The failure of the Fifth Anti-Encirclement and Suppression Campaign led to a strong resistance within the military to the special envoy system. Although there were special envoys sent by higher-level Party committees during the War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression, it was completely different from the Agrarian Revolution. During the War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression, the Central Committee attached greater importance to the opinions of the Party committees in the base areas."

Tan Zhenlin nodded.

Chen Tanqiu and Tan Zhenlin were both senior Party cadres during the Agrarian Revolution and the Anti-Japanese War, so they were more familiar with the situation within the Party and the army at that time than Wei Hongjun.

Wei Hongjun understood what the two men were saying. The reason the Party's inspection system had gradually fallen into disuse, and the central leadership no longer discussed it, was related to resistance to special envoys within the Party and the military.

Especially during the Agrarian Revolution, the so-called special envoys of the Central Committee, the Provincial Committee, and the Special Committee came to the base area and carried out various outrageous operations, causing heavy losses to the base area.

Later, Bo and Gu arrived in the Central Soviet Area and lost it entirely. Furthermore, a large number of cadres were criticized, some even killed by their own people. Many cadres in the base area viewed Bo and Gu as Wang Ming's special envoys.

Under this impression, people within the party and the army naturally resisted and were even hostile to the special envoys from the higher-level party committees.

This was mainly due to the excessive power of the special commissioners during the Agrarian Revolution. A special commissioner might have only recently joined the Party and not held a high rank, but by visiting local Party committees under the guise of a special commissioner, they could arbitrarily criticize cadres at the level of Central Committee members.

It's like the Jinggangshan Revolution. What kind of Party membership did the Chairman hold? He was one of the founding members of the Party and an alternate member of the Politburo after the August 7th Conference. The entire Hunan province, both the KMT and the CCP, were founded by the Chairman single-handedly. Yet, any random provincial commissioner, a special commissioner from a special committee, a young man in his twenties, could point at the Chairman and say he was wrong, that he had made a policy error. He could be removed from office and given command of the troops in Jinggangshan.

This shows how powerful the special commissioners were under the inspection system back then.

After these experiences, the Party and the military deeply resented these special envoys from higher-level Party committees. During the War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression, each army developed independently, and the Central Committee supported "unified leadership" across the various base areas. Consequently, the number of special envoys from Party committees at all levels gradually dwindled. Even when they did exist, they lacked the authority they held during the Agrarian Revolution.

"Comrade Tan Zhenlin, I'm bringing up the inspection system again not to restore the special envoy system of the Agrarian Revolution. Starting with the Anti-Japanese War, the Party gradually stopped using the inspection system, which showed that the original inspection system was problematic. So, I'm thinking about whether we can reform the Party's inspection system. The Central Inspection Team and the Provincial Party Committee Inspection Team don't interfere in local work when they go to the localities, nor do they have the power to handle local affairs. Their mission is to monitor local conditions and listen to the voices of the people. Their primary purpose is one and only: intra-Party supervision."

The Ninth National Congress and the Second Session of the Ninth Central Committee finally finalized the Regulations on the Appointment and Removal of Cadres, the Regulations on the Appointment of Cadres, and other regulations, gradually formalizing cadre appointments. It was impossible for Wei Hongjun to create a special envoy system to undermine this.

In the early years of the Communist Party of China, the special envoy system was adopted. Although it had many drawbacks, it was also used to unify the thinking of the party from top to bottom. Because it was a time of war, unity of thought was very important.

This system of special envoys can promote the development of the revolution if the central government's policies are correct. However, if they are wrong, the damage can be severe. Unfortunately, during the Agrarian Revolution, the central government's overall line was rarely correct. This is why the special envoy system is so deeply resented within the Party.

"Secretary Wei, please tell me your specific ideas."

Although Tan Zhenlin was disgusted with the special envoy system, he was somewhat interested because Wei Hongjun just wanted to use the inspection system for supervision.

Tan Zhenlin is also deeply troubled by the endless stream of cadre issues that are emerging. The Supervisory Commission is particularly slow to react to many issues. What's the point of simply addressing them after they've already happened? The negative impact has already spread. So, if there's a good way to improve work, he's certainly open to it.

"I just have a few ideas, and we're looking to discuss them together. This requires widespread public consultation. My idea is to first clearly define the guiding ideology for inspection work, distinguishing it from the Party's historical inspection system. The primary task of earlier Party inspection systems was to convey the central government's directives, or rather, the directives of higher-level Party committees. They would then personally lead and supervise lower-level Party committees in implementing these directives. But now is not wartime, and the guiding principles of the inspection system must change. Dispatched inspection teams no longer have the power to lead lower-level Party committees, but instead focus on oversight."

"We also need to formulate the basic principles of the inspection system. What is the purpose of the inspection team? What work should they do after arriving at the local area? How should they do it? How should they coordinate with the local party committee? And so on."

"Then there's the institutional setup. My suggestion is that the Organization Department, the Political and Legal Affairs Commission, and the Supervisory Commission jointly establish a Central Inspection Leading Group, which will oversee several inspection teams. These teams will primarily be composed of staff from the Organization Department, the Political and Legal Affairs Commission, and the Supervisory Commission, but they can also be drawn from other ministries and commissions when needed. For example, if it involves rural work, cadres could be transferred from the Ministry of Rural Affairs. If it involves industry, they could be drawn from the various industrial ministries."

"Cadres in many provinces today are longtime revolutionary comrades. So even if problems arise, they prefer to handle them internally. This is a very bad thing. Over time, it can lead to factionalism and even mutual protection among officials. This can easily turn our local governments into the local administrations of a feudal state. Therefore, the inspection teams we send out from the central government are designed to uncover these problems."

1046 Adjustment

For historical reasons, there is some resentment within the Party and the military about the inspection system, which is a source of concern. After all, it was precisely because of so much opposition within the Party and the military that the Party inspection system gradually disappeared after the start of the Anti-Japanese War.

As for the others, Chen Tanqiu, Tan Zhenlin, and Zhao Zhensheng all supported the idea. They believed the inspection system was a good approach for intra-Party oversight. Central and provincial agencies could use the inspection system to supervise grassroots Party committees and strengthen their connections with the grassroots.

The three of them, along with Deng He, secretary of the Cultural and Educational Work Committee, were essentially in charge of many of the Secretariat's tasks, as the other two secretaries were in charge of the United Front and a military representative.

The inspection system within the military needs to be promoted by the Central Military Commission, not the Secretariat.

Therefore, with their support, the Party's internal inspection system could be passed by the Secretariat. As for the aversion to the inspection system within the Party and the military, Wei Hongjun did not care.

Because the inspection system is a major undertaking, it requires approval not only from the Secretariat but also from the Politburo, and ultimately from the Central Committee. Therefore, even if it were to be implemented, it would have to wait until the Third or Fourth Session of the Ninth Central Committee. If there were too many disagreements within the Party, it might even have to be postponed until the Tenth National Congress.

Therefore, Wei Hongjun has plenty of time to work within the Party. Furthermore, the inspection system Wei Hongjun is promoting is not the previous special envoy system; it simply aims to improve the Party's internal oversight mechanism.

After the meeting, Tan Zhenlin and Zhao Zhensheng left. Tan Zhenlin needed to return to discuss the inspection system with the Deputy Secretary and Standing Committee members of the Supervisory Commission. Because the inspection system's primary mission is intra-Party oversight, which is precisely the work of the Supervisory Commission, once the inspection system is established, the Supervisory Commission will undoubtedly play a leading role.

The inspection system proposed by Wei Hongjun is just a direction, a general idea. The specific inspection system needs to be discussed together. The Supervisory Commission, in particular, needs to have its own ideas.

Zhao Zhensheng needed to report this matter to Marshal Nie. Originally, this inspection system had little to do with the Political and Legal Affairs Commission.

At this stage, although the Political and Legal Affairs Commission does not participate in intra-party supervision, intra-party supervision cannot be separated from the cooperation of the Political and Legal Affairs Commission, because the Political and Legal Affairs Commission is a very powerful institution.

If the Political and Legal Affairs Commission doesn't cooperate, many things won't get done. This is especially true at the local level, where the Political and Legal Affairs Commission is indispensable.

After Tan Zhenlin and Zhao Zhensheng left, Wei Hongjun spoke with Chen Tanqiu, during which Wei Hongjun further elaborated on his thoughts on the inspection agencies within the inspection system.

A Central Inspection Leading Group will be established within the Secretariat, with full responsibility for the Central Inspection Work. Several Central Inspection Teams will be established under the Leading Group to oversee inspections of central ministries and commissions, provinces and municipalities, and factories.

Chen Tanqiu listened carefully to Wei Hongjun's ideas. Having worked with Wei Hongjun for over two years, he had a good understanding of his work style. Since Wei Hongjun had proposed the inspection system, he must have had a plan in mind. So he asked, "What are the rules for the Central Inspection Leading Group?"

"Our Party's inspection work is for internal Party oversight, so it primarily focuses on the Central Supervisory Commission and the Organization Department. My suggestion is that you or Comrade Tan Zhenlin serve as the leader of the leading group, with several deputy ministers from the Supervisory Commission and the Organization Department serving as deputy leaders."

Chen Tanqiu didn't immediately respond. Logically, the inspection system falls under intra-Party oversight, and the team leader should be Tan Zhenlin, Secretary of the Supervisory Committee. However, at this stage, intra-Party oversight cannot be circumvented by the Organization Department. If either Chen Tanqiu or Tan Zhenlin were to be the team leader, then Chen Tanqiu would definitely be the team leader.

After all, Chen Tanqiu was a delegate to the First National Congress of the Communist Party of China, and his Party credentials were far superior to Tan Zhenlin's. Furthermore, the Party's internal inspection system had historically been under the jurisdiction of the Organization Department.

But Chen Tanqiu felt that was wrong. Once the inspection system was truly implemented, the Organization Department, the Supervisory Commission, the Political and Legal Affairs Commission, and other ministries and commissions would all be required to cooperate.

However, although Chen Tanqiu has extensive experience in the party over the years, he is not sure if he can balance so many institutions.

After thinking for a moment, he said, "I don't think it's appropriate. If the inspection system is to be truly implemented, the Organization Department and the Supervisory Commission need to work closely together. If either Comrade Tan Zhenlin or I serve as team leader, it would be detrimental to their cooperation. My suggestion is that Comrade Wei Hongjun, you serve as team leader, and Comrade Tan Zhenlin and I, along with Comrade Zhao Zhensheng from the Political and Legal Affairs Commission, if possible, the three of us will serve as deputy team leaders."

"In this way, first of all, the leadership group for the inspection work will be of a very high level, demonstrating the central government's emphasis on the inspection work. And then, with your coordination, the Supervisory Commission, the Political and Legal Affairs Commission, and the Organization Department can work closely together."

Wei Hongjun did not respond to Chen Tanqiu's suggestion immediately.

Once the inspection system is established, the Central Inspection Leading Group's power won't be enormous. After all, the inspection work Wei Hongjun wants to develop isn't the powerful special envoy system of the past. It's simply about monitoring the performance of various ministries, local Party committees, and state-owned factories.

Even though it lacks the power it once held, the Central Inspection Leading Group is no mere figment of the imagination. It's an institution no one can ignore. After all, compiling and reporting on inspection materials is crucial. No ministry, local Party committee, or factory Party committee can afford to neglect this responsibility.

Wei Hongjun now has great power in the central government. If he is directly named as the leader of the Central Inspection Work Leading Group, Wei Hongjun is worried that there will be some opposition within the party.

Wei Hongjun is not in a rush to seize power. There is no need for him to do so. What he needs now is to take steady steps.

Wei Hongjun thought for a moment and said, "Don't rush this. We'll see when the time comes. Let's also listen to what the other comrades have to say."

"it is good."

Chen Tanqiu understood Wei Hongjun's concerns, so he didn't continue discussing the matter. Instead, he changed the subject and asked, "If a central inspection team is established, what level do you think the leaders of each central inspection team should be?"

"Generally speaking, the leader of the inspection team should be a cadre at the fifth or sixth administrative level, or in the military, a corps-level or deputy corps-level cadre. The lowest level should not be lower than the seventh administrative level, or a quasi-corps-level cadre in the military."

Chen Tanqiu nodded.

If the Central Inspection Team leader lacks sufficient rank, how can he or she have any deterrent effect at the local level? At the very least, the Central Inspection Team leader should be qualified to speak with the local provincial Party Secretary or Governor. This will ensure that local authorities take the issue seriously and reassure the cadres and the public who report issues.

Otherwise, if the Central Inspection Team consists of a few young people with low ranks, who will report to you? If cadres and the masses have no confidence in the Central Inspection Team, then the Central Inspection Team will not be able to hear the real voices.

"But in this case, a considerable number of senior officials would be needed."

Chen Tanqiu made a simple calculation and realized that the inspection work required a large number of senior cadres.

A central inspection team cannot have only one leader; it must have deputy leaders, and the rank of these people must not be too low.

Wei Hongjun said, "We don't lack senior cadres right now. Whether it's local governments or the military, there are a large number of high-ranking cadres, but there are not many places to put them. Look at our current major military regions. There are a lot of deputy commanders in the military regions, and each unit in the military region also has a lot of deputy positions. Even so, it still can't solve the problem of too many cadres in the military. Besides, there are a lot of young, energetic and capable cadres waiting to take over these military region leaders."

The problem with cadres in the early days of the People's Republic of China was that there were many old cadres and high-ranking cadres, and most of them were young, which made it difficult to place them.

The bigger problem was that behind these cadres lay a large number of young cadres, all with deep revolutionary experience, waiting for positions but lacking them. In desperation, the Military Commission established a large number of departments and added a large number of deputy positions. The subordinate military regions followed suit, involving a large number of departments, each with a large number of deputy positions.

There is no other way. Otherwise, we cannot accommodate so many cadres.

So Wei Hongjun was least worried about the cadre issue. It wasn't just corps-level cadres, administrative levels five, six, and seven. He could quickly find dozens of them.

"Inspection work is also a great exercise for cadres. After all, during inspection work, they will encounter various problems. Our inspection cadres must be able to supervise and complete inspection tasks within the central inspection team. When they are released, they must be able to work independently."

"You mean there are no fixed inspection cadres?"

"Correct."

Wei Hongjun nodded and said, "If supervisory cadres stay in one position for too long, their supervisory work will become increasingly difficult because they will have to know more and more people and have more and more connections. Therefore, supervisory cadres must be rotated."

Chen Tanqiu nodded after a while.

He said, "I think if we really want to set up a central inspection team, we should transfer some cadres from the military to serve as the team leader and deputy team leader."

"Speaking of transferring a group of cadres from the military, do you remember Comrade Zhang Ming, Director of the Political Department of the Shaanxi Provincial Military Region, who wrote to the Chairman requesting an inventory of military assets?"

"Some impression."

The military's asset inventory was a truly spectacular undertaking, and in the end, many military regions were forced to hand over large amounts of urban housing and rural land.

The trigger for the military's asset inventory was a letter from Zhang Ming, director of the Political Department of the Shaanxi Provincial Military Region, to Chairman Mao. Zhang Ming directly told the Chairman that the military's assets were enormous and a comprehensive inventory was necessary.

Although the subsequent asset audits by the various military regions were largely ineffective, and while they didn't fully audit their assets, they still surrendered a significant amount. It can be said that each military region suffered significant losses. Therefore, many people remember this name.

"Where is he now? I remember he was a deputy army-level cadre at the time."

Chen Tanqiu was not in charge of military affairs, so he was not aware of Zhang Ming's situation.

"He later left the Shaanxi Provincial Military Region and went to the Western Military Industry Group to become deputy director of the political department, then director of the political department, and is now deputy political commissar of the Western Military Industry Group."

Zhang Ming was saved by Yang Quanwu, who transferred him to the Western Military Industry Corporation to be responsible for political work. As a result, his rank in the Western Military Industry Corporation rose rapidly.

When the Western Military Engineering Institute was first established, Yang Quanwu served as both its president and political commissar. However, Yang Quanwu's workload quickly led him to hand over the presidency to Vice President General Sun Yi, and the political commissar position to Deputy Political Commissar General Cai Shunli. Zhang Ming, the former director of the Political Department, was appointed deputy political commissar and director of the Western Military Engineering Institute.

This level is already quite high. Because the Western Military Engineering Institute is currently the top military engineering academy in China, it was initially at the level of a major military region. That's why Yang Quanwu personally served as the president and political commissar. Although it's not as high-ranking now, it's still at the level of a corps.

Six years ago, Zhang Ming was the director of the political department of the provincial military region, a deputy army-level cadre. Six years later, he is now the deputy political commissar of the Western Military Industry Bureau, becoming a quasi-corps-level cadre, and even has one foot in the ranks of deputy corps-level cadres.

"Why, you want to transfer him to the inspection team?"

"Ah."

Wei Hongjun nodded.

He said, "He can only stay in the military academy. However, the Western Military Industry is already on the right track, so why not let him join the inspection team? He is an excellent military political cadre, and I believe he will adapt to the inspection work."

Chen Tanqiu did not object.

Chen Tanqiu knew Zhang Ming had no future in the military. The major military divisions hadn't said anything, but they certainly didn't welcome Zhang Ming. The higher-ups at the major military regions might not say anything, but if so many officers within a region united to exclude one person, his work wouldn't be possible. Only Yang Quanwu had protected him, allowing him to fully utilize his talents at the Western Military Industry Institute.

It was obvious that Wei Hongjun admired him and wanted him to leave the military system and join the Central Inspection Team, thus gaining a foothold in the supervisory system.

"By the way, I've read your report. Henan's cadre problem is indeed very serious. I've noticed that many city and county officials in Henan have excellent performance and a high level of awareness. Yet, they keep running into problems on certain issues. This isn't a problem with these mid-level officials, but rather a problem with the guiding ideology of the Henan Provincial Party Committee and the Organization Department."

Chen Tanqiu stopped talking about the inspection team and started talking about the Henan issue.

Wei Hongjun's report was written for the Politburo, and all Politburo members could read it.

"I think so too. Comrade Pan Fusheng is a bit hesitant and overthinks things. He does have some ability to manage cadres. Many cadres in the former Pingyuan Province were very outstanding. I have come into contact with cadres in Xinxiang, Anyang, and Puyang. Whether they are cadres from the prefectural committee or the public office, including their county cadres, many of them are highly conscious and capable, and are dedicated to changing the backward economic situation. I didn't expect that Comrade Pan Fusheng would not perform as well as before after he took over the Henan Provincial Committee."

What's happening in Henan Province is truly disjointed. Many city and county officials in Henan Province are not only highly capable but also dedicated to transforming Henan's current economic backwardness. Their organizational, mobilization, and hands-on abilities are first-rate. They have led the people in achieving many miracles.

But Henan officials always run into trouble due to certain issues, and the Henan Provincial Party Committee has not responded to these issues at all.

"The situation is different. Pingyuan Province was under the leadership of the North China Bureau at the time, but the North China Bureau didn't have much control over Pingyuan Province. Pingyuan Province was more responsible for frontline logistics and was only temporarily under the leadership of the North China Bureau. But after Pingyuan Province was incorporated into Henan Province, the situation in Henan Province became much more complicated. I've heard of Comrade Wu Zhipu. He's very capable, but he also has serious factionalism. I can only say that Comrade Pan Fusheng has ability but lacks courage, and he can't change many of Henan's problems."

Chen Tanqiu also directly criticized Pan Fusheng's work.

"Yes, he has the ability, but lacks the courage. He has been the Secretary of the Henan Provincial Party Committee for seven years, but he still doesn't have his own development strategy in Henan. He really has too many concerns."

Chen Tanqiu nodded.