Rebirth: I am in Jin-Cha-Ji

"That's no problem. Our country will send experts in this area to China's southwestern provinces, especially Guangxi, to develop a transportation construction plan."

Khrushchev also agreed.

However, Khrushchev didn't just accept China's word. He certainly trusted his own country's experts more. He wanted to know exactly what the current traffic situation in China's southwestern provinces was like. Was it really as bad as Wei Hongjun claimed?

If the situation was really bad, then Khrushchev would support some transportation upgrades to support Vietnam.

"The second aspect is the issue of weapons, ammunition, and industrial products. To support our Vietnamese comrades, many supplies for food and clothing can be requisitioned from across the country. However, if weapons, ammunition, and some industrial products are requisitioned from other regions, the pressure on transportation will be too great. Even if we build a north-south railway line, it will be of no use."

"So the best approach is to produce and transport locally. So my suggestion is to build some factories in Guangxi and Yunnan, places suitable for transportation to Vietnam. They can specialize in producing weapons, ammunition, and industrial products needed for the front lines."

"But these places are very poor, with almost no industrial base. Only in recent years have some small factories been taken away from big cities like Shanghai and Tianjin. It's not easy to build factories needed for the front lines in places like these."

"Comrade Khrushchev, this project is definitely not a small one, and the investment is not a small amount. Our country's current financial situation simply cannot support such an investment. So, when it comes to supporting our Vietnamese comrades, can we postpone it for a few years?"

"Of course not."

Khrushchev shook his head decisively.

He said directly: "Now is the best time. If we miss this good opportunity and let US imperialism recover, we will lose a good opportunity. And how can we bear to let our Vietnamese comrades suffer for a few more years."

Khrushchev now had no doubt about the correctness of his judgment.

Now is the best opportunity for the socialist camp to launch a general offensive. We must not let it go. Vietnam must quickly conquer South Vietnam and complete the unification of Vietnam. Then, we can turn Indochina into a communist country.

China, Indochina, and semi-socialist "India", then East Asia, Southeast Asia, and South Asia are all red countries.

"As for establishing some factories needed on the front lines in the China-Vietnam border provinces, if it is really necessary, we fully support it."

Khrushchev knew about China's little tricks, but he really didn't care about them because the Soviet economy had achieved astonishing "good results" in recent years.

Khrushchev believed the Soviet economy was booming. In 1958 alone, the Soviet Union's calculated national income had increased by 300 billion rubles, a rate of growth that exceeded that of most Western countries.

As for agriculture, after Khrushchev came to power, he gave collective farms greater autonomy while raising grain purchase prices and even abolishing compulsory grain purchases. As a result, Soviet agriculture experienced rapid growth for a period of time.

But this was only superficial. After Khrushchev came to power, Soviet agriculture began to follow an extensive agricultural development path. Malenkov proposed increasing grain yields per mu, thereby increasing Soviet grain production. Khrushchev disagreed with Malenkov's proposal, instead proposing to increase grain production by increasing the area of ​​arable land. As a result, the Soviet Union embarked on a vigorous land reclamation campaign, which initially did significantly increase total grain production. However, this increase in grain production was a typical example of a disproportion between input and output.

In 1958, the Soviet Union reorganized its agricultural machinery stations. Collective farms, unwilling to lose their farm machinery, certainly couldn't afford it. Consequently, they had no choice but to purchase machinery from the stations at exorbitant prices. Khrushchev even boasted that the Soviet government had earned back all the money it had invested in agriculture over the years. While the reform of the agricultural machinery stations had serious drawbacks, in the short term, the government profited significantly from the collective farms.

So no matter how future generations evaluate Khrushchev and the Soviet Union at this stage, at that time, the economy of the entire Soviet Union was booming.

The Soviet Union's heavy industry, in particular, developed rapidly. In just over six years since Stalin's death, the scale of Soviet heavy industry has quadrupled. In contrast, the scale of Soviet light industry has grown by less than 30%.

However, Khrushchev and the Soviet leadership did not see any problems with the Soviet economy. On the contrary, they all believed that the Soviet economy was very good, the people's living standards were improving rapidly, and the government's finances were increasing year by year.

Therefore, Khrushchev didn't care about China's petty tricks at all. China's southwestern provinces wanted to build some factories, but how much would that cost? At the current rate of development of the Soviet Union, plucking a hair could solve this problem.

Ten years ago, the Soviet Union loaned China hundreds of millions of rubles, even billions of rubles, which was a large sum. But for the Soviet Union today, billions of rubles is a small sum.

"Comrade Li Desheng, Indochina is very likely to become a decisive battle between socialism and capitalism. We must go all out to bring Indochina into our socialist camp. If we can also bring India, led by Nehru, into our socialist camp, we will be able to completely defeat U.S. imperialism and make the world a new world where the working people are the masters of their own destiny."

Khrushchev described the best possible future.

Vietnam must launch a war of unification, not just the small-scale fighting it is doing now. A large-scale attack must be launched to eliminate the South Vietnamese government in one battle.

If the Soviet Union and Vietnam did not share a border, Khrushchev would have already begun supporting Vietnam on a large scale. However, the reality is that Khrushchev's "grand strategy and grand plan" cannot be separated from China.

"Comrade Khrushchev, we also support the revolution of our Vietnamese comrades. But we still need to discuss how to support them. How about we talk about it tomorrow?"

China was completely caught off guard by Khrushchev's sudden decision to engage in a decisive battle with the United States on a global scale.

However, since Khrushchev has already put forward his own strategy, China must come up with a plan.

"it is good."

Khrushchev nodded. But then something suddenly occurred to him, and he said, "Comrade Li Desheng, is it because of the US Navy that you can't take Taiwan right now?"

“Not entirely, but there are definitely reasons for that.”

"Have you ever thought about forming a joint navy between the Soviet Union, China, and North Korea? We can establish a joint navy in the naval ports of North Korea and keep an eye on the US naval forces in Japan. If you attack Taiwan, we can stop the US Navy."

"Once we capture Taiwan, our combined naval forces can be stationed there. We can control the Philippines and Indonesia to the south, monitor Japan to the north, and attack the Pacific to the east."

The more Khrushchev thought about it, the more he felt that this was a very good thing, as it could continue to suppress the strength of the United States in Asia.

"Comrade Khrushchev, let's first resolve the issue of supporting our Vietnamese comrades. We can discuss other matters later."

The Prime Minister interrupted Khrushchev. The Prime Minister was also helpless. Khrushchev had no plan at all, and many of his ideas were just improvisations.

"Well, the Indochina Peninsula issue is important. But you might also consider my joint naval proposal."

1066 Vietnam Strategy

After settling Khrushchev and his entourage, the Chairman convened a Politburo meeting that night. All Politburo members who could attend were required to be present. Even Marshal Luo, who was recuperating, attended the meeting; only Marshal Lin was missing.

Because the ideas Khrushchev put forward during his visit to Beijing directly influenced the decision-making of the CPC Central Committee, the Central Committee's reception of Khrushchev was quite high, but the main participants in the conversation were several members of the Politburo Standing Committee.

But this matter was so important that all Politburo members had to be informed. Six alternate Politburo members also attended the meeting.

The Prime Minister gave everyone a detailed introduction to Khrushchev's intentions.

Many people were surprised. Although China had successfully detonated an atomic bomb, everyone believed that China needed to continue its development and needed a peaceful environment. They had also become accustomed to the peace of the past few years.

Unexpectedly, Khrushchev wanted to make inroads in Southeast Asia, using Indochina as the first step in a general offensive against the imperialist camp. However, the Soviet Union could not bypass China in its efforts to gain a foothold in Indochina. In other words, China was the main force in Khrushchev's grand strategy.

Everyone was silent for a moment, digesting the news, while some people shared their thoughts with each other.

The Prime Minister gave everyone about ten minutes to fully digest the news, then said, "From a grand strategic perspective, supporting our Vietnamese comrades is a good thing for the advancement of the international communist movement and for the future security of our country's southwestern border."

Everyone is aware of the importance of Vietnam, or the Indochina Peninsula. Eisenhower's phrase "domino effect" is due to the importance of the Indochina Peninsula.

The core issue in Indochina right now is the Vietnam issue. The path Vietnam chooses in the future will directly determine the influence of the socialist camp and the imperialist camp in Indochina.

The emergence of socialist countries and pro-China countries in the Indochina Peninsula is good for the international communist movement and for the security of China's periphery.

More importantly, if Khrushchev succeeded in breaking through in Indochina and driving the United States out of the peninsula, the international communist movement, which had fallen into a slump due to Khrushchev's "secret report," would surge again.

"But Vietnam's situation is not something it can decide on its own. Eisenhower stated long ago that the United States cannot lose Indochina. Losing Indochina means losing Southeast Asia. To stabilize Southeast Asia, the United States must not retreat from Indochina. Therefore, American imperialism will never watch Vietnam fall into the hands of Vietnamese comrades and become a member of the socialist camp. They will inevitably do everything they can to interfere with the Vietnamese comrades' war for unification. This interference includes financial support, weapons support, military advisors, and even direct military deployment."

"The South Vietnamese army has no combat effectiveness at all. Even with the support of US imperialism, they will not be able to stop the attack of our Vietnamese comrades once fighting breaks out. At that time, in order to stabilize the situation in Indochina, US imperialism is likely to directly send troops to join the war."

"If this happens, the situation will likely become similar to the Korean War. The Vietnamese comrades will not be able to withstand the US offensive and will be driven back by the US. If the situation in Vietnam worsens due to US intervention, we may very well have to fight a 'War to Resist US Aggression and Aid Vietnam'."

"Comrade Khrushchev now views the Vietnam issue too simply. He suggests that if we provide large-scale support to the Vietnamese comrades, they will be able to change the situation in Indochina in a short period of time. This fails to take into account the importance that US imperialism attaches to Indochina and the high probability that US imperialism will send large forces to interfere in the Vietnam War of Unification."

"Indochina also involves British interests. As long as the revolution in Indochina affects British interests, they will also join in to oppose the revolution."

"So we need to be more cautious when dealing with the Indochina Peninsula issue."

The Prime Minister pointed out in detail some problems on the Vietnamese side.

The biggest problem was that Khrushchev underestimated the importance the United States attached to the Indochina Peninsula and the combat effectiveness of the US military. He acted as if the US military was a real paper tiger that could be easily defeated.

But it wasn't that easy. The Chinese People's Volunteer Army caught the US Army off guard at the beginning of the Korean War, and later, they used their initial advantage to stabilize the front. Not to mention that China had already begun preparations for the Korean War.

Furthermore, Northeast China was the rear area of ​​the Korean War. Its industry and transportation were well-developed, and it bordered the Soviet Union, allowing for large-scale Soviet aid. Even so, China's logistical support on the Korean Peninsula was extremely difficult. Vietnam's situation was far worse than that of the Korean Peninsula.

The Prime Minister's biggest concern was that if the situation in the Vietnam War deteriorated, would a situation similar to the Korean War occur, and China would eventually need to send troops to join the war.

If this were to happen, it would be another direct conflict between China and the United States. This would likely disrupt China's economic development and worsen its diplomatic situation. Not to mention the countless talented Chinese soldiers and commanders who would be sacrificed. This is something the Prime Minister is deeply concerned about.

The Prime Minister finished speaking, and many people nodded. We must be extremely cautious about the Vietnam issue.

The Chairman chain-smoked. How should China cooperate with Khrushchev's grand strategy? How could we promote the development of the international communist movement, enable our Vietnamese comrades to achieve reunification, and avoid impacting China's own development and stability?

This also includes the situation in Vietnam deteriorating and requiring China to send troops, just like in the Korean War. What will China do then?

What's even more dangerous is that if the United States and the Soviet Union become addicted to fighting and really want to compete in the Indochina Peninsula, then China will be caught in the middle, which will be an even bigger problem.

After a long pause, the Chairman said, "Indochina holds a very important strategic position, and both the United States and the Soviet Union attach great importance to it. Comrade Khrushchev wants to use Indochina as a breakthrough point, while American imperialism cannot tolerate any problems in Indochina. What Comrade Wu Hao just said makes perfect sense. If war breaks out in Indochina, many unforeseen events will occur."

"We must make all possible assumptions. Any change will affect our country and the direction of the Indochina Peninsula."

"But since Comrade Khrushchev has openly proposed this to us today, it shows that he has already discussed it with the Vietnamese comrades, and both sides must have reached a tacit understanding. In other words, no matter what our country chooses, Comrade Khrushchev, the Soviet comrades, and the Vietnamese comrades must carry out the war of unification with Vietnam."

"If we reject Comrade Khrushchev's proposal at this time, not only will Comrade Khrushchev be dissatisfied, but the Vietnamese comrades will also think that we do not support their war of unification. This will cause serious conflicts with our Soviet and Vietnamese comrades."

"Besides, as a country in the socialist camp and as a Marxist-Leninist party, we have no reason to refuse in this regard and must cooperate with Comrade Khrushchev's grand strategy."

The Chairman sensed the Prime Minister's hesitation from his remarks. The Prime Minister worried that Vietnam could become another North Korea, dragging China into war and impacting both China's economic development and its currently successful diplomacy.

Since the Korean War, China has been developing peacefully for six or seven years. In recent years, China's economy has been growing rapidly, and the living standards of the people have been improving.

Therefore, many people do not want another war like the Korean War to happen again, and the Chairman understands this. But again, China has no choice under the current circumstances.

Khrushchev came to China with his grand strategy of international communism, directly confronting China. So China now had few options: either side with the Soviet Union and support Khrushchev's grand strategy, which meant supporting the Vietnam War of Unification.

Either they reject Khrushchev and do not support his strategy. But if China refuses to support Khrushchev, Khrushchev will inevitably turn against China, and China and the Soviet Union will also inevitably turn against each other.

It is clear that China and the Soviet Union are still in a honeymoon period, with close cooperation in politics, economy, military, and culture. There is absolutely no reason for a falling out. The cost of a falling out would be unbearable for both China and the socialist camp.

Since we couldn't turn against the Soviet Union, we had no choice but to follow the Soviet Union and support Khrushchev's grand strategy. This was the premise, and all other issues had to revolve around it.

This is the Chairman’s tone on this issue.

"Correct."

Wei Hongjun said, "The current situation leaves us no room for hesitation. Comrade Khrushchev has already made up his mind to support the Vietnamese war of unification. Therefore, the Vietnamese comrades will launch a war of unification in the next year or two. Right now, we have no position to oppose, no reason to oppose, and no room to oppose. We can only support the Vietnamese war of unification."

Since China recognizes itself as a country in the socialist camp, it must of course obey the grand strategy of the development of the socialist camp at this time.

Although Khrushchev was impulsive, his judgment in choosing Vietnam as the starting point was quite accurate. Although Vietnam was not America's Achilles' heel, it definitely hit the United States where it was weak.

Who knows what Khrushchev's real purpose was? Perhaps he wanted to trap the United States in Southeast Asia while the Soviet Union exerted its influence elsewhere.

However, no matter what Khrushchev’s real purpose is, China can only follow him now.

"That's right. Things have developed to this point, and we really can't afford to object."

Mr. Peng also nodded.

What's the point of worrying so much? Can China really oppose what the Soviet Union wants to promote?

"Besides, we dealt a heavy blow to the US military on the Korean Peninsula and protected the security of Northeast China. If the US wants to threaten our southwestern provinces from the Indochina Peninsula, we will give them another defeat there."

The situation in Vietnam is not that dangerous yet, so why think so much? Even if the situation in Vietnam worsens, does that mean China is afraid of the Americans?

When China was first liberated, the situation was so bad, but China was not afraid of the US military. Could it be that after all these years of development and the growth of its strength, China has become afraid of the Americans?

Wei Hongjun and General Peng spoke in succession, and many people came to their senses. Regardless of whether China agreed or not, with the support of the Soviet Union, Vietnam would definitely launch a war of unification and would drag China into it.

So there is actually no need to discuss this aspect.

Seeing no one objected, the Chairman continued, "So the main purpose of this meeting is to discuss how we can cooperate with Comrade Khrushchev to better support the Vietnamese revolution while not affecting our country's economic development."

"When I was communicating with Comrade Khrushchev earlier, I thought the two points Comrade Wei Hongjun raised were very good. Crisis, crisis, every crisis contains opportunity. The war in Vietnam was a war crisis for the southwestern provinces, but it was also an opportunity for development. We should seize this opportunity to develop our transportation infrastructure and at the same time develop the southwestern provinces' industry."

When the Premier heard the Chairman set the tone, and Wei Hongjun and General Peng spoke in support, he stopped talking about some difficulties.