Rebirth: I am in Jin-Cha-Ji

Moreover, the failure of the Dongfeng-2 rocket sobered everyone in the Commission of Science, Technology and Industry for National Defense from their previous state of frenzy. This was actually a good thing.

After the meeting, Wei Hongjun and Yang Quanwu exchanged some private opinions. The Commission of Science, Technology and Industry for National Defense must hold a meeting with the leadership of all departments, arsenals, and research institutes to address their reckless thinking. Yang Quanwu must take the lead in self-criticism.

Wei Hongjun certainly knew that forcing Yang Quanwu to self-criticize everywhere would severely undermine his prestige. However, without Yang Quanwu, the director, taking the lead, the problems at the Commission of Science, Technology and Industry for National Defense would be difficult to resolve completely. However, Yang Quanwu was more responsible than Wei Hongjun had imagined, stating that he would convene an internal meeting within the Commission within the month to acknowledge his mistakes.

In addition to the issue of the Dongfeng-2, Wei Hongjun and Yang Quanwu also discussed the cooperation between the Commission of Science, Technology and Industry for National Defense and the State Science and Technology Commission.

This is especially true in the electronics industry. After the founding of the People's Republic of China, the military has been the largest concentration of talent in the electronics industry, as the military currently has the highest demand for semiconductors like electron tubes.

At present, most of the orders for electron tube factories in New China are mainly from the military. In the 1980s, many electron tube factories in China suddenly fell into financial crisis because of the loss of military orders.

Because of this, many military academies train a large number of talents in the electronics industry.

The most impressive one is the Western Military Engineering College, which has a specialized Department of Electronics and Computer Science, and has gathered the most outstanding experts and professors in the country. Its teaching strength is the best in the country. At the same time, most of the graduates enter the military system.

But now Wei Hongjun needed to develop China's electronics industry and needed the support of the military. The military's electronic industry talents and computer talents were all under the leadership of the Commission of Science, Technology and Industry for National Defense.

If we want to get the support of talents in this area, we still need the support of the Commission of Science, Technology and Industry for National Defense, which means Yang Quanwu has to give in.

Wei Hongjun knew his old boss wouldn't show his hand until he saw the rabbit. So, Wei Hongjun offered Yang Quanwu a condition: some of the research institutes and factories under the Commission of Science, Technology and Industry for National Defense would collaborate with the electronics factories affiliated with the Commission, specifically solving technical problems for China Electronics Corporation. Then, based on the difficulty of the technical solutions, the Commission would receive a percentage of the profits.

It's essentially a form of patenting. Technical problems solved by military factories and research institutes are considered military patents. A certain percentage of profits from China Electronics Corporation's products goes to the Commission of Science, Technology and Industry for National Defense. However, because socialist countries don't talk about patents, they don't mention patents directly.

While the military currently possesses considerable assets, it does not engage in commerce. However, the central government encourages some military arsenals and research institutes to produce civilian products. This is primarily due to the strong technological capabilities of China's military factories, which can easily produce civilian products that are in short supply in the market.

Take motorcycles, for example. In the early days of the People's Republic of China, many were produced in military factories under state orders. Because military factories had specialized engine plants, they could quickly produce motorcycles. Initially, motorcycles were supplied to the military, but when market demand arose, they were also sold to local governments.

This is what Wei Hongjun and Yang Quanwu are discussing now. Military factories and research institutes could help China Electronics. If some military factories are very successful in producing parts for China Electronics, they could potentially be separated from the military factories, as was the case with the three-wheeled motorcycles, and become specialized civilian factories.

Of course, Yang Quanwu agreed if there were benefits. After all, while the Commission of Science, Technology and Industry for National Defense's annual budget wasn't small, no one would complain about it. More money would allow for more weapons development. Furthermore, this matter involved the future of China's electronics industry, and Yang Quanwu had a broad perspective. Of course, cooperation would be even better if there was money.

However, how the two sides can cooperate still requires more exchanges between the Commission of Science, Technology and Industry for National Defense and the State Science and Technology Commission. Wei Hongjun is the matchmaker between them.

After resolving these problems, Wei Hongjun began to arrange the first formal inspection work of the Central Committee.

"The current inspection work is still in its initial stage, that is, the exploratory stage. Therefore, the inspection work should avoid being too comprehensive and comprehensive, but should focus on key areas and drive comprehensive inspections in other areas."

After the Third Session of the Ninth Central Committee passed the inspection regulations of the Central Supervisory Commission and the Central Bureau of Letters and Calls, this was the first time that a central inspection team was formally established to conduct inspections.

Of course, the Third Session of the Ninth Central Committee only passed the inspection regulations of the Central Supervisory Commission and the Central Bureau of Letters and Calls. Therefore, the central inspection team established this time was established in the name of the Central Supervisory Commission and the Central Bureau of Letters and Calls.

Including the inspection team sent by the Organization Department, there are a total of three central inspection teams.

The head of the inspection team of the Central Bureau of Letters and Calls is Lu Yuwen, deputy director of the Bureau, and the deputy head is Ma Hong, secretary-general of the Bureau.

The head of the inspection team of the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection is Huang Kecheng, deputy secretary of the Commission for Discipline Inspection, and the deputy head is Zhang Ming, the former deputy political commissar of the Western Military Industry Corporation, who was transferred from the Western Military Industry Corporation by Wei Hongjun.

The head of the inspection team of the Organization Department of the CPC Central Committee this time is Yu Zenan, Deputy Minister of the Organization Department, and the deputy head is Wang Jinlin, Deputy Director of the State Council’s Personnel Bureau.

Wang Jinlin was a cadre from the Taiyue District during the Anti-Japanese War. He became a cadre in the North China Bureau during the Liberation War. After liberation, he served as deputy director of the Political Research Office of the Ministry of Fuel Industry. Later, after leaving the coal industry, he served as director of the Personnel Department of the Ministry of Coal Industry and then as deputy minister.

After Wei Hongjun transferred Zhao Han, deputy director of the Personnel Bureau, to serve as his political secretary, he recommended Wang Jinlin to serve as deputy director of the Personnel Bureau of the State Council.

"Comrade Lu Yuwen, Comrade Ma Hong, your inspection of Sichuan this time will focus on the development of the Sichuan petition system. You may note other local issues. However, the prerequisite is to complete the inspection of Sichuan's petition system."

"The petition system is designed to build a bridge of communication between the Party and the government and the people. The Party and the government must understand the people's thoughts and needs. Similarly, the people must use the petition system to convey their thoughts and needs to the Party and the government, and have their problems resolved through the petition system."

"Only when this channel is unobstructed can our party and government implement the mass line and remain detached from the masses. Only then can we gain the trust of the people."

"The importance of the petition system cannot be overstated. This time, you must make a strong effort to inspect the development of the petition system in Sichuan. At the end of last year, the Secretariat issued a document to local governments. If local governments still do not attach importance to the petition system, the Secretariat will have no choice but to replace some cadres who take petition work seriously."

Last year's inspection by the Central Bureau of Letters and Calls was the first of its kind, so there were many issues, but they only required rectification.

After the inspection, the Secretariat specifically pointed out problems with the local petition system and reiterated its importance. It also urged provinces to strengthen their attention to petition work. Therefore, if local governments continue to neglect petition work during this inspection, Wei Hongjun will undoubtedly reshuffle some cadres.

"Yes."

Lu Yuwen and Ma Hong both nodded.

Wei Hongjun chose Lu Yuwen as the head of the inspection team not only because of his ability but also because he was a non-Party member, even though he was criticized by many democrats for being too close to the CCP.

But no matter what, he is a member of the democratic parties after all. His position as the group leader can politically express the CCP's attitude of openness and openness, and also show that the CCP is willing to openly let the democratic parties see the new China's development.

After instructing the inspection team from the Bureau of Letters and Calls, Wei Hongjun turned to the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection and said, "Local authorities will certainly treat the Commission's inspections with extreme caution. However, this time, the Commission's focus is on the daily work of local authorities."

"Drinking during work hours, issues with cadre office standards, using official vehicles for personal purposes, eating and drinking with public funds, travel expenses, and entertainment expenses for higher-level departments—these seem trivial, but they are the most common violations of Party discipline in daily life."

"These problems may seem small, but they are the most likely to arouse the people's disgust. Moreover, many Party members and cadres lose their principles and gradually degenerate, starting with these small problems."

"I think these are minor issues and don't need to be taken too seriously. It's like using a government vehicle for personal purposes. It might start out as one or two times, but then it becomes a long-term practice, and eventually the government vehicle is treated as if it were their own. Not only do they use it themselves, but their families also treat it as their own. It's still a government vehicle in name, but it's become the private vehicle of some leading cadres."

"Therefore, the disciplines that the Central Committee has clearly stipulated for Party members to abide by must be strictly observed by the entire Party. Those who pay no heed to these disciplines and think the Central Committee is making a fuss about them are unqualified Party members. These members have joined the Party physically but not ideologically."

"When the Supervisory Commission inspection team discovers such problems, they either report them to the Secretariat or forward them to the local Supervisory Commission, and then supervise the local Supervisory Commission to rectify these problems."

"The Secretariat will compile documents based on the inspection team's report and distribute them to all party organizations nationwide. This should serve as a warning to the entire party."

"Comrade Huang Kecheng, supervision may seem like a trivial matter to others, but many people will think you're making a fuss out of nothing."

Wei Hongjun and Huang Kecheng had little experience together before, but he knew that Huang Kecheng was General Peng's most trusted cadre and the one who dared to argue with him face to face.

He is a cadre with a strategic mind and is known to be impartial and just.

This was the first inspection by the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection, but when deploying key targets, Wei Hongjun chose a seemingly insignificant direction.

Huang Kecheng shook his head and said, "Discipline is discipline. There's no such thing as big or small. Any violation of discipline, no matter what it is, must be dealt with. This is also the responsibility of our Supervisory Committee."

"Besides, these things are not trivial at all. If we let them go on like this, everyone will get used to it and think it's normal. Then the whole social atmosphere will deteriorate, the Party's discipline will become a mere formality, and our Party members and cadres will become the functionaries of the old society. Faced with such Party members and cadres, how can the people trust us?"

Huang Kecheng understood Wei Hongjun's meaning very well.

A thousand-mile dam collapses because of an ant hole. Problems faced by Party members and cadres must be addressed by starting with small matters to prevent more serious problems from occurring.

During the revolutionary era, countless Party members relied on their personal charisma to strengthen the Party organization, earning the support of the masses and leading them to risk their lives in the struggle to follow the Communist Party. The source of this personal charisma was their strict adherence to Party membership standards, allowing the masses to see the CCP as a completely different organization.

If the majority of party members lose this, and become privileged, taking more public goods and becoming complacent, then how can such party members earn the trust of the people? The party will gradually lose its appeal.

Wei Hongjun was delighted that Huang Kecheng understood his point. Turning to Zhang Ming, he said, "Comrade Zhang Ming, don't rush into your new position. Take your time to familiarize yourself with the work. During this inspection, observe and reflect more. If you have any questions, consult with Comrade Huang Kecheng."

"Yes."

Zhang Ming was very surprised to be transferred from the Western Military Industry to the Central Committee to participate in the inspection work. But he also knew that this was a very rare opportunity for him.

Wei Hongjun concluded by addressing the Organization Department's inspection team: "This time, the Organization Department has a heavy task: a comprehensive inspection of the property registration of Party members and cadres. We must focus on inspecting local Organization Departments to see whether their compilation committees have updated Party member and cadre property records annually, and whether any changes in the property of key Party members and cadres have been publicly disclosed, allowing for oversight by the public."

It has been almost ten years since the Third Session of the Seventh Central Committee formally passed the resolution on public disclosure of the assets of Party members and cadres.

Initially, the registration of Party member and cadre property was handled by the Organization Committee. However, after the national Organization Committee was split, the provincial Organization Committees were also split. These became new Organization Committees and Personnel Bureaus, with some other functions transferred to other departments.

The property registration of party members and cadres is also jointly the responsibility of the Organization Department and the Compilation Committee.

Gao Gang didn't pay much attention to these matters when he was in the Secretariat. By the time Wei Hongjun actually took charge of the Secretariat, there were too many systems to re-establish and improve. Therefore, there was no time to conduct a comprehensive review of the Party member and cadre asset disclosure system.

Wei Hongjun is now in the Secretariat. After several years of development, the foundational systems for Party affairs are essentially complete. The remaining work requires gradual advancement and improvement, so the next step is further institutional development.

Wei Hongjun comprehensively implemented the system of public disclosure of Party members' and cadres' assets. He supports the Party's policy of conducting minor rectification campaigns every few years and major rectification campaigns every ten years to maintain the Party's purity. However, this is not the kind of rectification campaigns that were previously carried out, as they lacked standards and were therefore prone to expansion.

Wei Hongjun needs to conduct a targeted rectification campaign. A system for disclosing Party members' and cadres' assets will become an important foundation for this rectification. Therefore, now is the right time to fully implement the asset disclosure system.

Why did Wei Hongjun put forward so many proposals that were not urgent at the early meetings of the Seventh Central Committee, such as the Second Session of the Seventh Central Committee, the Third Session of the Seventh Central Committee, and the Fourth Session of the Seventh Central Committee?

It was because it was easier to pass the bill at the time. Even if there was no strong implementation after it was passed, as long as such a proposal was approved by the central government, it would be legitimate to improve it later.

Just like the property disclosure system for Party members and cadres, when it was passed at the Third Session of the Seventh Central Committee, most places in New China had not yet implemented wage reforms, and everyone was still on a supply-based system.

Property and other matters were still far from everyone's mind. Therefore, this issue had been discussed since the Second Session of the Seventh Central Committee, with little opposition. It was also easily passed at the Third Session of the Seventh Central Committee.

If this proposal were to appear at a party meeting now, it would definitely not be so easy to pass.

"The most basic aspects of the property disclosure system are accurate records and transparency. Inspections should be conducted from these two perspectives."

"Yes."

When Wei Hongjun sent three inspection teams to the local areas, the Chairman returned to Beijing.

1081

The Chairman's original schedule had called for him to stay in East China for over 40 days, returning before the National People's Congress in October. However, this time he changed his schedule and returned to Beijing over 20 days earlier, which was inseparable from his conversation with Wei Hongjun.

In particular, Wei Hongjun's proposal for a "basic pension" has given the Chairman much thought. The distribution method in the primary stage of socialism is "distribution according to work," and this cannot be changed in the short term.

However, as long as "distribution according to work" is practiced, polarization is inevitable because people are different from one another. The Chairman cannot change this, as it is an objective law of historical development. All Marxists and Leninists must acknowledge this.

But if you don't participate in revolutionary work after retirement, then "distribution according to work" doesn't exist. You're just an old man or woman waiting to receive a pension. The issuance of a "basic pension" at this time is a concrete manifestation of socialist equality.

While ideals are beautiful, implementing a "basic pension" is far from simple. Chairman Mao was a romantic revolutionary with unconventional ideas. But that doesn't mean he was detached from the realities of life. He understood human nature, Chinese history and culture, and China's current realities better than anyone else. Otherwise, he wouldn't have been able to lead the Chinese revolution to success.

He knew that the implementation of the "basic pension" would inevitably face resistance, and that this resistance would primarily come from Party cadres, especially those veterans who participated in the revolution during the war. Therefore, the Chairman's return this time was to address this resistance from these veteran cadres.

However, we cannot simply coerce veteran cadres into agreeing to this issue. After all, they risked their lives to join the revolution, and now they are considered the backbone of the Party. Forcing this through would provoke a backlash within the Party, easily leading to chaos and division.

Therefore, the chairman's idea is to first resolve the retirement issues of most cadres and alleviate their worries about future generations. This way, there will be no opposition to the implementation of the "basic pension." Current party cadres are not yet at the stage where they consider their future generations.

Besides, the Third Session of the Third National People's Congress is coming up soon, and some issues need to be approved at the NPC. However, any issues to be approved at the NPC must first be approved by the Party's internal meeting.

In particular, the "leave and recuperation" policy is also a way to address resistance from veteran cadres, and it will involve a large number of cadres.

Since ancient times, China has had a strong official-centered ideology, where "those who excel in education will become officials." This doesn't mean that China has suddenly become a socialist country, and this mentality has disappeared. On the contrary, it is deeply rooted and difficult to address.

Those veteran revolutionaries were suddenly told to return home without their positions, and everyone was definitely upset. Even if they couldn't handle their work, having a position and not having one were two completely different situations.

But the Chairman was determined to resolve this issue and prepare for the "basic pension" later. So, upon returning to Beijing, he first briefed several members of the Politburo Standing Committee. Then, he spoke individually with members of the Politburo to gather their opinions.

In fact, according to the "leave for recuperation" standard, there are two people in the Politburo who are more suitable: one is Marshal Lin, who has not participated in work since liberation, and the other is Marshal Luo, who has worked intermittently.

Of course, Luo Shuai is still relatively well. Although his health is not good, he can return to work after a period of rest when his condition is serious. Therefore, Luo Shuai's "leave of absence" has not been greatly affected. He is resting while retaining his political rank and position.

But Marshal Lin was different. He hadn't participated in any work since liberation, and his entry into the Politburo was entirely due to his past experience and achievements. Furthermore, Marshal Lin was implicated in the Gao Gang incident. However, the Central Committee didn't want to escalate the matter, so they removed him. However, despite being removed, Marshal Lin was still deeply affected by the incident.

Furthermore, the overall central Party, government, and military system is currently stable, and the Chairman doesn't need Marshal Lin to step down and stabilize the military. Therefore, if the "retirement and rest" policy were passed, Marshal Lin would likely be ordered by the central government to truly "rest." While retaining his political rank, he would completely leave politics.

The Chairman knew this. Marshal Lin was the Chairman's favorite general, and could even be considered his student. He had followed the Chairman since the Jinggangshan period, and during internal disputes within the Red Fourth Army, Marshal Lin firmly stood by the Chairman. Later, Marshal Lin served as the commander of the Red Fourth Army, the commander of the Red First Corps, and the commander of the 115th Division, all leading the most loyal troops.

Therefore, the Chairman personally called Coach Lin to explain the current situation and the necessity of "leaving his job for rest."

It can be said that among all the exchanges between the Chairman and so many central cadres, he spoke the most to Marshal Lin, or gave the most explanations.

Marshal Lin was shocked when he received the call. His first thought was that someone was trying to make things difficult for him? He wanted to be driven out of the Central Committee completely. Because in Marshal Lin's opinion, the so-called "leave and recuperation" was completely targeted at him.

Listening to the Chairman's patient explanation, although Marshal Lin was a little angry, he couldn't say he disagreed. So Marshal Lin was silent for a long time before he said he would obey the organization's decision.

The Chairman knew that Marshal Lin was not happy. But he had to resolve this matter. Otherwise, there would be cadres everywhere occupying positions but not working. How could this be tolerated?

Furthermore, the "retirement leave" policy, combined with the previous retirement benefits policy for Party members and cadres, ensures that most Party members and cadres who participated in the revolution during the revolutionary era have adequate living and political security after retirement. There will be no significant opposition to the "basic pension," as it does not affect their retirement benefits.

However, after hearing the Chairman's words, Luo Shuai immediately expressed his support for the Chairman's decision. He also said that he could take the lead in "retiring and recuperating" and be relieved of his position as Vice Chairman of the Central Military Commission.

Luo Shuai's statement deeply moved the Chairman. From the Jinggangshan period to the Gutian Conference, Luo Shuai was the Chairman's most loyal supporter of his political line.