Master Yuan, start!

However, this is just a verbal venting of anger.

Russia's crisis remains unresolved.

However, reality is always cruel.

Just when the generals in the golden hall thought that the situation could not get any worse than this.

A telegram from the Far East plunged their hearts further into hell.

"Report! The latest war situation in the Far East!" Colonel Tatoev walked out of the telegraph room holding a piece of letter paper.

"Hurry, speak up!"

Nicholas spoke quickly, hoping that a miracle would happen to the Far East Army.

"The Amur Military District Army was surrounded, and the Khitans sent an ultimatum to St. Petersburg!"

Tatoev lowered his head and slowly read out the message.

The golden hall fell silent again.

Both Crown Prince Nicholas and the marshals and generals had their chests heaving violently, but they didn't know what to say.

The Pacific Fleet was completely destroyed and Crete in the Near East was in danger of going to war with Britain.

Now, news came that the Far East Army was surrounded again.

The Khitans' ultimatum was even sent to St. Petersburg!

The defeat in the Khitan naval battle had already caused tens of thousands of people to take to the streets, and the victory of the landing on Crete had to be used to soothe the wounded hearts of the Russian people.

Now, the army has suffered a devastating defeat. How should he face the boiling public resentment across the country?

"How can I save you, my Russia?"

Tsarevich Nicholas held onto his father's chair and wailed bitterly.

Chapter 342 The Tsar Entrusts His Son to Him

After entering August, even in St. Petersburg, which is located in a high-latitude area, rare hot and humid weather lasted for several days.

The North Atlantic warm current continuously transports moisture to Europe, bringing precipitation to northeastern Europe.

As the rain continued, people in St. Petersburg became increasingly restless.

Now, it is the 7th day after receiving the news that the British landed on the island and the 4th day after receiving the news that the Russian troops in the Far East were surrounded.

Russia loses in the Far East!

Russia's expansion in the Mediterranean is hindered!

As these two pieces of bad news gradually fermented, the political situation during the reign of Alexander III, which was originally considered "stable and stable", became completely unbalanced.

Students and young people took to the streets, demanding an explanation from the government.

Whether it was crossing the Caucasus Mountains to attack the Ottomans and force them to give up Crete;

Or continue to send troops across Siberia to punish the Chinese.

In short, they believe that Russia cannot just let it go.

...

After a hasty meeting, Prime Minister Sergei Witte and Interior Minister Damelikov rushed to the Winter Palace again to discuss how to deal with the current situation.

This was the fifth time they had gone to the Winter Palace in seven days. However, after five discussions, they still could not come up with an answer that satisfied all parties.

"Defend Constantinople!"

"Restore the glory of the Third Rome!"

"Never bow to the Khitans!"

Looking at the fanatical young people shouting slogans on the streets, Interior Minister Damelikov had a clear mind.

How could he not know who was behind this?

They are nothing more than businessmen and factory owners who make money but are not satisfied.

"These short-sighted capitalists are taking advantage of Mother Russia's distress to add insult to injury.

They should all be hanged!"

Damelikov, who came from a traditional aristocratic family, cursed the manipulators behind the scenes with gritted teeth.

"Your Excellency, Prime Minister, please disperse these people!

Minister of Internal Affairs Damelikov turned around and suggested to Prime Minister Sergei Witte with some concern:

"They have been gathering near the Winter Palace for a week. If they continue, they might cause even bigger trouble."

"Disperse?" Sergei Witte did not comment.

It looked at the burly Damelikov beside it and asked, "Excuse me, what's the reason?"

"Excuse?" Damelikov was confused.

Yes, what excuse can I use?

After all, the banner these people raised was not even against the government or the Tsar.

All they crave is a victory.

Do we really want to deport these people?

After expelling these five people, I am afraid that the People's Party, which is dissatisfied with the Tsarist system, will revive and stir up trouble again.

After the Narodnaya Volya failed in its last attempt to assassinate the Tsar's train, they were arrested and brutally suppressed, and disappeared from Russian politics for more than ten years.

However, as Minister of the Interior, he knew that given the right circumstances, the Narodnaya Volya would be reborn.

What if normal people are dispersed and turn to the arms of the Populist Party?

No, it cannot.

Damelikov shook his head helplessly and gave up the idea.

...

What Interior Minister Damelikov didn't know was that he thought that if he didn't disperse these citizens, the Narodnaya Volya would not appear again.

But in reality, the Populists never disappeared.

These people still languish in the corners of the Russian Empire.

These people have always existed in the basements of St. Petersburg, on the corner streets of Moscow, and in the village communities of the East European plains.

The vast majority of young people who took to the streets were inspired by their "simple patriotic enthusiasm" and did so spontaneously.

But there were also people with ulterior motives who wanted to use the power of the People's Party to create a massive movement to force the Tsar to make concessions.

...

In fact, the reason why Russia was able to trigger such a huge reaction after suffering a failure was due to the reform that took place more than 30 years ago.

In 1861, after a failed Russo-Turkish War, Russia was in turmoil.

The newly crowned Tsar Alexander II learned the lesson from the suicide of his father Nicholas I.

He understood that the feudal aristocracy in the country was no longer the country's support.

Due to the obstruction of the outdated political and economic system, Russia lagged behind Europe in industry and agriculture.

Otherwise, the Russo-Turkish War would not have failed.

Therefore, Alexander II carried out the world-famous abolition of slavery reform, and used the method of sharing administrative power to win over local intellectuals, businessmen, and gentry in exchange for their support for the government.

Although the reforms were opposed by the feudal nobles, Russia did enter the fast lane of economic development in the next 20 years.

However, after Alexander II was assassinated, his successor, Alexander III, gradually took back these decentralized powers.

He first abolished the "Local Gentry Conference" and placed this institution, which included local scholars, businessmen, workers, craftsmen and other middle and lower classes of society, under the local court.

The local courts were headed by officials selected by the Central Ministry of Justice in St. Petersburg.

Immediately afterwards, Alexander III strengthened the position of the nobility in executive power through legislative means.

He used the method of "governors directly controlling military and political power" in various parts of Russia, completely eliminating the value of the local gentry meetings.

This is equivalent to taking back the "local autonomy power" originally promised in Alexander II's reforms.

If we make an analogy, it is like the "Local Advisory Council" established in the original time and space during the Qing Dynasty's preparation for constitutionalism.

The Qing court first allowed local gentry to establish advisory councils to win over the hearts of the people.

However, after the local gentry happily established the Advisory Council, the Qing court used the excuse that "the power of decision-making cannot be controlled by the lower levels."

The power of the Advisory Council to "veto the governor's requests and decide on the provincial budget" was taken back, turning the Advisory Council into a complete vase organization.

Even the Qing bureaucrats, who were used to kneeling, could not tolerate such an erratic operation, not to mention the Russian bourgeoisie.

However, Russia was still stronger than the Qing Dynasty. Even after taking back the decentralized power, it did not collapse immediately.

During the reign of Alexander II III, Russia did not experience large-scale wars, and thanks to the reform legacy left by Alexander II, the country continued to develop.

Therefore, these Russian bourgeoisie can only lie dormant and wait for an opportunity to make their voices heard.

And now, they have finally waited for this moment.

Europe and Asia were facing crises, and the Tsar's double-headed eagle was looking towards the Mediterranean and the Pacific respectively.

This also means that the Tsarist government will no longer be able to turn its attention to the domestic situation in the short term, and the internal control of public opinion will be further relaxed.

The bourgeoisie within Russia engaged in limited cooperation with the Narodnaya Volya members hiding in the vast village communities.

They each wanted to take what they needed and rely on the other's power to force the Tsar to make concessions.

Paid group, 8*07+3804

The bourgeoisie hoped that under pressure from public opinion and the Narodnaya Volya, the Tsarist government would once again show goodwill to the country and cede its power.

The Narodniks hoped that their assassination would popularize democratic ideas of political change and awaken the numb and ignorant Russian people.

As long as the internal public pressure grows, they believe that the Tsar will inevitably make a choice.

...

"Your Majesty the Tsar, Your Highness the Crown Prince."