Master Yuan, start!

Although these bannermen from the Hetao region appear to be submissive to their teachers, if they were truly honest, they would have stayed in the capital long ago. How could they be exiled to the northern frontier?

Yuan Xiangcheng saw the worry in Yang Changjun's eyes, clapped his hands, and said loudly: "Quan Weng, don't worry, after the Chu army arrives in Hetao, not only will they not reduce their troops, but they will also increase their numbers!"

Hearing Yuan Xiangcheng's answer, Duan Qirui stood up and said directly: "That's right, we are not afraid of them causing trouble. The Social Revolutionary Military Commission plans to establish a corps in the Hetao area with the Chu Army as the core, the Saibei Corps!"

Saibei Corps?

Yang Changjun knew that since the Republican government divided the country into eight military regions, all military forces were incorporated into the framework of these eight military regions.

A command hierarchy of military region-division-brigade-regiment was formed.

But in fact, although the Northwest, Southwest, and South China military regions were nominally military region systems, in essence they were still governed by local warlords acting independently.

For example, the numbers of the various units of the National Revolutionary Army can only be seen in the military regions such as North China, Central Plains, and Northeast China, which are directly controlled by the Republican government.

What level is this corps?

Seeing Yang Changjun's confusion, Yuan Xiangcheng explained, "A corps is a non-permanent organization above the division level under the military region. A corps can have more than ten divisions under its command.

The northern part of the desert is occupied by Russian forces, and the southern part of the desert is a weak area for the Han people.

The gap between the Northwest and the interior is too large. The area of ​​one province is equivalent to that of several provinces in the interior. Although the military district system can be applied in the narrow interior, it is not suitable for the vast and sparsely populated Northwest.

If trouble breaks out on the grasslands, the enemy can march straight in, across the Gobi Desert, and drive straight to the Great Wall. Unless we establish a large, flexible and mobile military group in the northern frontier, it will be insufficient to protect our northern borders."

Yuan Xiangcheng made it very clear that the territory of the northwest was too large to be suitable for a fixed military district system, and he decided to adopt a more flexible large-scale troop system.

Seeing that Yang Changjun seemed to understand, Yuan Xiangcheng continued, "In addition to the Saibei Corps, the Central Committee is preparing to establish the Qilian Corps, stationed in the Hexi Corridor, straddling the desert and controlling Qinghai-Tibet.

We must also prepare to establish the Tianshan Corps in the Western Regions to provide support for the Ma family army and block Russia's eastward advance."

When Yang Changjun heard Yuan Xiangcheng say that he wanted to establish three corps, he thought that they would all rely on the Chu army. He looked surprised and waved his hands repeatedly:

"Mr. President, you don't know that the Northwest is vast and sparsely populated, and there are many passes to defend, often hundreds of miles apart.

Even though the Chu Army is the elite of the Northwest, under such conditions, they are often tired of changing guards. In most cases, their daily training is far inferior to that of the National Revolutionary Army. If the Chu Army is used as a base to form the three major Northwest Corps, I am afraid... I am afraid..."

Yang Changjun frankly admitted the current shortcomings of the Chu army, which was something Yuan Xiangcheng did not expect.

He laughed heartily and explained, “Mr. Quan is thoughtful, but who says that the three major armies must be based on the Chu Army?

After the Chu army moved to Hetao, the formation of the Saibei Corps did include a lot of Chu soldiers, but the elite of the National Army from the North China and Northeast Military Regions also had to join in.

As for the formation of the Qilian and Tianshan Military Regions, they were all solely undertaken by the Central Plains Military Region of the National Revolutionary Army."

Chapter 488 Social Revolution Conference

In order to lure the enemy into a trap, Yuan Xiangcheng planned to let the Chu army enter the Hetao area and intervene in the complex ethnic situation there.

Of course, the Republican government also paid the price of the position of governor of Mo Nan Province for this.

However, in the eyes of most outsiders, this is an extremely good deal.

Because all the governors of the 14 provinces now ruled by the Republican government came from the social revolution.

The rest of the identities that had just ended the war, although there was no time to appoint a governor87六琉4羽寒:, but the people who were temporarily in charge were all people from the social revolution.

Only the governor of the soon-to-be-established Mo Nan Province is Yang Changjun, who is not a member of the Socialist Revolutionary Committee.

This is undoubtedly an extremely positive signal for local forces in the northwest, southwest, southeast and other places that are still watching or are still uneasy, indicating that the Republican government does not exclude external forces.

...

After finishing the conversation with Yang Changjun and others, Yuan Xiangcheng did not immediately return to Beijing to deal with Guangxu's funeral, because the First National Congress of the Social Revolution was about to be held in Tianjin.

Unlike the high-level central meetings held by the Red Confucian Society in the past two years, this meeting convened leaders of local social revolution organizations from almost all over the country, which means that this meeting attracted too much attention.

Because this is not only the first truly national conference of the Social Revolutionary Committee, but also determines the political direction of Republican China in the next few years.

Foreigners first have a country, then establish a parliament and a congress, and then set up various political organizations.

But it is different in China. In China, the political organization is established first, and then the country is established.

As for the so-called Congress and Parliament, they have not been formally established so far.

Therefore, the most attractive thing about this National Social Revolutionary Conference is that this conference is very likely to solve the biggest mystery surrounding the national political circle since the establishment of the Republic.

Yuan Shikai rose to prominence overnight and was directly appointed as the official President of the Republic.

Or should he fulfill his promise made before the Huai River Campaign, convene a National Assembly, and take office as President after obtaining formal authorization from the National Assembly?

It is said that the current President Yuan is a temporary president, but he is only temporary. He has been temporary for so long. When will he no longer be temporary?

Also, foreign presidents all have a term limit.

As of now, there is no definite number of years for the president of the Republic of China to serve.

It has to be said that even though the Qing Dynasty had just collapsed a few years ago, the republican system had been implemented nationwide.

But the concept of republic still failed to take root in people's hearts.

In other words, the republic that most people understand is different from the republic in the true sense.

A republic without an emperor.

This is what the people in the country understand as a republic.

Only some intellectuals who understand the Western political system can understand the difference.

However, in the current nationwide atmosphere of fanatical support for the National Revolutionary Army and Yuan Shikai, these people dare not speak out.

They understand that based on the achievements of eliminating traitors at home and punishing powerful enemies abroad over the years.

If Yuan Shikai wanted to continue in his position, even if he continued to be the president, there would definitely not be many people who would object.

Therefore, they focused their attention on the upcoming National Conference of the Socialist Revolutionary Committee.

They wanted to know what Yuan Xiangcheng's attitude was.

...

Hundreds of years later, Tianjin, the "Emperor's Ferry" where Emperor Yongle Zhu Di passed by during his travels, has once again become the focus of China.

Yuan Xiangcheng, the chief instructor of the Socialist Revolutionary Party, Xu Shichang, Duan Qirui, Zhang Jian, Ma Xiangbo, members of the Central Decision-making Committee of the Socialist Revolutionary Party, Ming Ye, Tang Shaoyi, Zhang Zhidong, Jin Bingshi, Feng Guozhang, and Zhang Bishi, members of the Central Decision-making Committee of the Socialist Revolutionary Party, arrived in Tianjin one after another.

Of course, they also have more prominent positions, such as Provisional President of the Republic, Provisional Prime Minister, Commander-in-Chief of the National Revolutionary Army, Minister of Foreign Affairs, President of the Pil-Tak Court, Minister of Commerce, and Governor of the Central Bank.

Just seeing the names of these people is enough to show how huge the Socialist Revolutionary Party has become, not to mention that the current provincial governors and military district commanders at the local level are all members of the Socialist Revolutionary Party.

至于2地方的工商9名流、学生和4民间代表、海0外华人代4表当中的社革3成员，更是5不计其数6。

When it was decided to convene the first congress of the Social Revolutionary Party, Yuan Shikai discovered that the Red Confucian Society, which he had founded on a troop transport ship sailing on the Bohai Sea, had grown to such a large size.

Except for a few people like Minister of Communications Zhan Tianyou, Minister of Education Cai Shaoji, and Minister of Mongolian and Xinjiang Affairs Shi Duo, they never joined the Social Revolutionary Committee.

It can be said that the Social Revolution covers more than 8% of the positions in the entire republican government.

Although most of them joined the Red Confucian Society or the Social Revolutionary Party under the pressure of the National Revolutionary Army or were blind followers who followed the trend, they did so only to move to a higher level.

After the fall of the Hunan-Huaihe forces, many political party organizations with strong regional characteristics were established locally.

For example, there was the Fuxing Society in the Jiangnan region, the Guoxing Society in South China which was established on the basis of the Huaxing Society, the Baochuan Society in the Bashu region, and so on.

But no matter which one, it cannot compare with the Socialist Revolutionary Party. No one can deny that the Socialist Revolutionary Party has become the largest political group in the country and will not be replaced for a long time in the future.

The pace of the social revolution was not limited to the four provinces outside the Great Wall or the North China Plain. It also spread across the country along with the National Revolutionary Army. From the shores of the Bohai Sea to the shores of the South China Sea, there were followers of Yuan Shikai everywhere.

In the hearts and eyes of the young students, there is only him.

In order to accommodate these young people, the Social Revolutionary Party set up a peripheral organization called the "Social Revolutionary Youth Association"

Once established, the YMCA attracted more than one million students to join in a very short period of time. After the victory over France, even the local Confucian scholars in Tonkin, Vietnam regarded Yuan Shikai as their idol and joined the YMCA one after another.

Now, they also rushed to Tianjin City through various means of transportation.

"Stop talking nonsense!" Inside the teahouse, a student wearing the badge of the Socialist Revolutionary Youth League clenched his fist and shouted, "In a word, in this republic of China, besides the chief instructor, who else can take on the responsibilities of the president?

If the head instructor no longer wants to be the head instructor, he can let anyone take the position, but if the head instructor wants to be the head instructor, others will try to stop him."

At this point, the burly student from outside the Great Wall pounded the badge on his chest heavily, his tone stern:

"Then we need to consider whether the people of the world and the members of the National Youth Association will accept it!"

"Yes, we support the General Teacher and the Social Revolution. Long live the General Teacher and the Youth Association!"

As the young students shouted slogans, the atmosphere in the former Tianjin prefectural government office across the street was also lively and bustling.

This was originally where Qing Dynasty officials judged cases and served as their home, and was later transformed into a modern auditorium.

Members of the Socialist Revolutionary Party from all over the country gathered together and began to hold preliminary meetings based on provinces.

Chapter 489 Social Revolution Conference II

Tianjin, on the banks of the Haihe River, the seat of the Huaihai Region Social Revolutionary Representatives Delegation, during recess.

The so-called Huaihai Region Social Revolutionary Delegation was actually the Yellow River floodplain area centered on Xuzhou.

This Social Revolutionary Congress was held based on provinces.

In order to ensure the smooth establishment of a province in the Yellow River flood area in the future and to make its own voice heard, a "Huaihai Delegation" was established by selecting some members from Henan, Shandong and Jiangsu provinces.

Since the early members of the Red Confucian Society came from all over the country, and Xuzhou was one of the first places to be incorporated into the rule, the revolutionary members of the Red Confucian Society working near Xuzhou were also diverse.

Among them was Yang Du, the Sixth Governor of Yanqi Prefecture, located north of Xuzhou Prefecture.

Yang Du was from Hunan. He met Tan Sitong when they were studying at Incheon University. Since they were from the same hometown, they became close friends.

After graduation, Tan Sitong was assigned to the Xuzhou Iron and Steel Plant, in charge of coal and iron production, and was later promoted to the mayor of Xuzhou.

After Yang Du graduated, he was sent to the reclamation corps near the Yalu River to participate in the management of the farmers' association. Later, he was sent to Shandong to serve as the mayor of Yanzhou.

Both of them were from Hunan and served as governors in the Huaihai region centered on Xuzhou. Therefore, some people joked that the Huaihai Province was actually a branch of Hunan.

Yang Du always just laughed off such ridicule and didn't take it to heart.

...

Now the cold air from the north has gradually moved south. Although the room is shielded by walls and a small stove is lit, Yang Du still feels his fingers are a little stiff, and the bowl of hot tea on the desk has long been drunk.

Yang Du put down his pencil and reached for the teapot on the stove, intending to pour another cup to warm himself.

But when he looked up, he found that there was very little tea left. He had to sigh, pick up the pencil, and continue to finish the letter, which was a private letter to a good friend.

However, although it was a private letter, it discussed public affairs.

Because his identity as a good friend is indeed special.