The Fourth Outstanding Person of Huangpu Military Academy

Did the Nationalist government fall into an unprecedented political crisis at home? Did it infringe upon the interests of nearly every class in the country? Did the Nationalist government succeed in making a considerable number of Chinese people feel that it would be better to invite Puyi back to be emperor?

"None! Of course not. The Nationalist Government is not the abjectly failed February Government. This is an Eastern Kemal regime. It is utterly unfeasible for you to overthrow such a regime from within.

"You're still thinking of overthrowing it so quickly. Comrade, at least you should wait until this new regime loses its initial aggressiveness and settles into inertia and corruption before you take action. Do you understand?"

"Comrade Bukharin, remember, socialism can be built in one country! As long as this country develops good industry and agriculture, provides all citizens with sufficient confidence, enough bread and tractors, we don't need the whole world to fall into revolution to ensure our own destruction. Trotsky's remarks are very dangerous!"

"As for the Nationalist Government, you must remember that the Soviet Union's expectation for the East is simply the emergence of another Kemal government. Don't mess things up. If what emerges in the East is not a Kemal government, but a Polish Republic, and if your actions lead to the emergence of a Poland in the East, then you and the entire Executive Committee of the Communist International will be held responsible!"

Stalin fired off a barrage of messages, giving Bukharin no time to argue. When his anger subsided a little, he put down his pipe and began to cross out the documents submitted to the Communist International.

While crossing out the marks, he made comments at the end of the document, asking the Communist International to redraft the resolution and instructions to be sent to China in accordance with the comments.

This is the latest secret telegram Borodin received from Moscow.

"Sergey, how are the preparations we made some time ago going?"

Borodin asked his assistant secretary.

"Comrade General Advisor, according to our arrangements, the Hubei District Committee of the Communist Party of China has arranged for 10,000 party members to go into the countryside to organize and establish Red Army teams. Now more than 7,000 party members have been sent to the countryside.

Borodin: "What about the team?"

"We organized a peasant army of over 10,000 people. The Hunan District Committee also partially supported the work of the Communist International, and Hunan established a peasant army of 3,000 people. The problem now is that the peasant army has no weapons. They only have weapons collected from the rural population, including many cold weapons."

Borodin: “There are quite a few of them, but it seems we have to call a halt.

Sergey: "Why?"

"Because the Kuomintang's resolution has declared the activities of the Communist Party and the Communist International in China illegal! And because Moscow has instructed us not to break with the Kuomintang!" Borodin felt a headache. "Moscow probably doesn't know yet that the Kuomintang has introduced such harsh measures to split the Communist Party. Once they learn of this news, I'm afraid they will make another U-turn."

Sergei: "Will the Communist International allow us to organize the CCP's underground armed forces again?"

"No," Borodin shook his head. "The Communist International has shifted from its previous radical policy to a conservative one, but we don't know what strategy the Communist International will give us given the harsh policies of the Wuhan Kuomintang government. Sergei, a peasant army of more than 10,000 people? Is that all there is?"

"This is a force that we control completely by ourselves, and it is kept secret on the surface. However, we also have our Communist Party organizations within the various armies of the Northern Expedition.

Borodin: "They are all Party representatives planted in the army. Some of them don't even have a secretariat. Is the situation in the Fourth Army any better?"

"Yes, the CCP in the Fourth Army was able to relatively completely control one of the divisions, the 25th Division, and also had a certain influence over the 24th Division. But the bad news was that the Kuomintang government and the Northern Expedition Army headquarters also knew about these Communists and the troops they controlled. If an armed uprising was to be launched, the secret Red Army armament was the key.

Borodin: "I will go and see the person in charge of the secret Red Army armed forces you are looking for.

Borodin and Sergei came to an inconspicuous house in Hankou, which was the secret office of the Central Military Department of the Communist Party of China.

"Zhou Enlai was the director of the Political Department of the Whampoa Military Academy. Why wasn't he the head of the CCP's Military Department?"

"Because Zhou Enlai's identity was also public and too conspicuous, it was very inconvenient to work."

Borodin shook his head. What kind of reason was that?

"Hello, Comrade General Counsel.

Yu Sadu saluted Borodin.

Borodin: "Oh, Comrade Yusadu. I would like to confirm whether your membership in the Communist Party is kept secret.

Yu Jiudu: “Yes, I joined the party during my time at the Whampoa Military Academy, but my membership was not made public.

Sergei: “Comrade Yu Jiudu is now serving as the commander of the Second Battalion of the Central Guard Regiment of the National Government in Wuhan. At the same time, he is the supreme commander of the Hubei Red Army.

Borodin: "It's a bit too much of a leap for a battalion commander to take command of an army of tens of thousands of people."

Sergei: "It's a bit of a leap, but it's not impossible. The Whampoa Military Academy gathers almost all of China's outstanding young people who are interested in military affairs, and the probability of military talents emerging among them is very high.

"Outstanding young man... Oh." Borodin suddenly turned to Yu Jiudu and asked, "Comrade Yu Jiudu, I heard that there's a student organization called the War Research Society at the Whampoa Military Academy?"

Sergei translated the words, and Yu Jiudu said: "Yes.

Borodin: "Are you a member of the War Research Society, then?"

Yu Jiudu showed an embarrassed expression on his face: "I, I, I am a member of the Young Soldiers Association.

Borodin: "I wasn't asking about the Young Soldiers' Union, but about the War Research Society, the organization now founded by Chen Tianheng. I remember there were many members of the War Research Society who were also Communist Party members in the 25th Division, and there were also some in the 24th Division."

Yu Sadu: “…No.

He also applied to join the War Research Society, but was ultimately rejected.

Borodin put his hand on his forehead and said, "Sergei, I told you that you are looking for a bunch of makeshift people.

"The Chinese Communist Party's Letter to the People on the Resolution of the Third Plenary Session of the Second National Congress of the Kuomintang" by Chen Duxiu

"...Under these circumstances, the Chinese Communist Party needs to elaborate on its relationship with the middle class.

If the Chinese Communist Party's policies were to undermine the middle class, it would not have to, and could not, co-operate with the Kuomintang, and would have kept its members within the Kuomintang. The Chinese Communist Party has long declared that the revolutionary and democratic alliance of workers, peasants, and the petty bourgeoisie is the only guarantee for the future development and ultimate success of the Chinese national revolution. Therefore, in reality, there is no room for doubt about the Communist Party's attitude towards the middle class.

"The proletariat cannot, on the one hand, form an alliance with the middle class and, on the other hand, destroy this alliance."

The peasants' childish behavior, especially in Hubei, has caused unrest in the army. However, the peasants' childish behavior is by no means the work of the Party Central Committee. While eliminating these unfortunate childish situations, the Chinese Communist Party is also exposing their objective causes. Eliminating these objective causes can save the status quo and eliminate the reactionaries' pretexts.

The peasant masses enthusiastically welcomed the Northern Expedition Army, hoping it would deliver them from years of oppression and enslavement. When the Kuomintang's peasant program was promulgated, the long-trodden and toiling peasants were beginning to struggle for a new life. Seeing the program, their hearts burned with eagerness, and naturally, a revolutionary movement emerged. Under these circumstances, hasty and imprudent actions were inevitable.

We must acknowledge that the overly radical policies of the Communist International have led some Party members and Party organizations to not only fail to dissuade the peasants from their immature behavior but, on the contrary, to encourage it. Therefore, as early as February, the Central Committee stated that the Chinese Communist Party is not a branch of the Communist International, and that local Party organizations are not required to follow its instructions.

"The release of the resolution of the Third Plenary Session of the Second National Congress of the Kuomintang had both external and internal reasons. However, the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China expressed its firm opposition to this resolution for three reasons:"

"First, the reorganization and reform of the Kuomintang, its transformation into a revolutionary party with strong fighting capacity, is the result of the joint efforts of the Chinese Communist Party and the people of high ideals within the Kuomintang. Unity is beneficial to the revolution and the country, while division is detrimental to the revolution, the country, and the Kuomintang.

"Secondly, the establishment of the National Revolutionary Army, the Whampoa Military Academy, and the Party Army was also the result of the concerted efforts of the Kuomintang and the Communist Party. If the two parties were united, the revolutionary army would be able to fight effectively; if they were divided, the morale and organization of the revolutionary army would be difficult to maintain.

“Third, the workers and peasants need their own armed forces to prevent a possible counterattack by the counter-revolutionary forces – the big landowners and big bourgeoisie, supported by imperialism.”

“Therefore, the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China refuses to recognize the activities of the party as illegal and refuses to withdraw all party members from the revolutionary army.

"The Chinese Communist Party's Letter to the Public and Kuomintang Members Regarding the Resolution of the Third Plenary Session of the Second National Congress of the Kuomintang"

Chen Yannian

"The imperialists are attacking the forces of the Chinese national movement not only with the hard method of direct armed counterattacks, but also with the soft method of luring so-called moderates and so-called steady elements from within the national movement camp, forcing them to compromise with them, in order to strike at the so-called radicals and fringe elements, fundamentally weaken the revolutionary forces, and undermine the united front of the national movement."

"As for the split between the left and right wings of the Kuomintang, if Dr. Sun Yat-sen were still alive, it would be even more heartbreaking. The Kuomintang's alliance with the Communist Party and Russia was the revolutionary policy decided upon by Dr. Sun Yat-sen at the First National Congress. The right wing doubts Dr. Sun Yat-sen's revolutionary policy and attempts to deny it. This is by no means a minor, accidental issue, but has profound social causes that deserve our deep reflection.

"For the sake of the Chinese national revolution, the Communist Party of China now earnestly advises the right-wing comrades of the Kuomintang: if you are truly believers in Sun Yat-sen's doctrine, you should fully continue Dr. Sun Yat-sen's revolutionary policies without doubting or revising them, and not take a position of mediation between revolution and counter-revolution.

"The Chinese Communist Party opposes the resolution of the Third Plenary Session of the Second Central Committee. However, in order to maintain revolutionary unity, the Party has notified its members serving in the revolutionary army and government:"

"Temporarily leave the military and government at all levels by taking leave.

Chapter 81, Ye Ting, are you quitting the Party?

Nanjing. Xiaguan Wharf.

Because the troops returning south were so densely packed, the First Division spent half a day queuing up at Pu on the opposite bank before they all crossed the river and arrived at Nanjing City on the south bank.

The First Division chose to station itself near Xiaguan Wharf, a former military camp built during the Qing Dynasty. A few hundred meters away was the Shanghai-Nanjing Railway station, offering trains that would take you all the way to Shanghai and even Hangzhou. A kilometer further was Xiaguan Wharf, from which boats could sail up the river to Wuhan.

The Second Division's base was not far from the First Division, also in the Xiaguan area, but closer to Nanjing City.

"The principal said that the First and Second Divisions should be on high alert and ready for battle at any time while stationed in Nanjing. Chen Tianheng, what do you think?"

Liu Zhi and Chen Tianheng crossed the Yangtze River on the same boat.

Chen Tianheng said seriously, "Chairman Wang was saying that the Communist International and the Communist Party must cease all activities in China, and that if Party members wish to openly serve the country, they must withdraw from the Party within a certain timeframe. But the President was saying that the Communist Party is a serious suspect of treason, which is why he ordered the Northern Expedition armies to heighten their vigilance. We are the Northern Expedition Army, so naturally we should obey Commander-in-Chief Chiang. Anyway, it's just a matter of setting up a few more machine gun fire points in the barracks."

Liu Zhi nodded: "Ah, yes, yes, just pile up some sandbags and put the machine gun in place, and it will pass the inspection.

Liu Zhi himself speculated that the Second Division, as the second main force under Chiang Kai-shek, should be stationed in Nanjing, and the number one force, Chen Tianheng's troops, would be stationed in Shanghai in the near future. He was already considering which industries in Nanjing made more money, and was no longer so concerned about strengthening defense and raising vigilance.

Entering the First Division's headquarters, Chen Tianheng saw that soldiers had already set up machine guns outside the barracks.

In addition to the machine gun firing points surrounded by sand, even the First Division was pulling up barbed wire in the areas without walls.

Chen Tianheng: "Du Yuming!"

"arrive!

Du Yuming, commander of the Third Regiment responsible for building defensive fortifications, was present.

Chen Tianheng: "When constructing the defense system, we also need to consider the entry and exit of troops. In an emergency, the First Division needs to be able to exit not only from the main gate, but also from the Renluohan direction. When pulling the barbed wire, don't completely block it out.

"Yes!"

1st Division Staff.

Chen Mingren and Xu Xiangqian almost brazenly hung up a map of Nanjing and drew a line between the 1st Division's headquarters and the 2nd Division's headquarters.

One end of this line is at the center of the Second Division's headquarters, and the other end is at the large parade ground of the First Division's headquarters. The distance is marked on the line: 2850m.

Chen Tianheng: "The starting point of the line segment is in the playground. Are you planning to set up the mountain artillery position here?

Chen Mingren: "Yes. The large parade ground is relatively open, and the artillery has an excellent firing range, without being affected by buildings and trees."

Chen Tianheng: "We will disintegrate the Second Division by various means. Armed deterrence is only one of the means. ... The General Staff has prepared various combat plans, including a plan to capture Nanjing, a plan to attack Shanghai, and a plan to attack Wuhan. The plan to attack Wuhan involves the longest distance and involves the most complex troop transportation and maneuvering, so we will spend more time on it."

"yes!

Qian Zhuangfei arrived at the headquarters of the First Division the next day.

"Is Shanghai safe now? General Secretary Chen is in the concession. What is the current state of order in the concession?"

The first question Chen Tianheng asked.

Qian Zhuangfei: "Order in Shanghai hasn't changed much, but rumors are circulating that Chiang Kai-shek wants to deploy another army to garrison Shanghai."

Chen Tianheng: "The 17th Army is already in Shanghai. Which army will be the second one transferred in? The 7th Army?"

"No, it seems the Seventh Army is still in Hangzhou. It's the 26th Army that might be transferred to Shanghai, because someone saw the secretary and staff of the 26th Army headquarters on the street to scout the location."

Chen Tianheng nodded: "I understand.

As expected, Chen Duxiu's letter did not suggest that the First Division should capture Shanghai, but rather that they should prepare to rescue Wuhan.

Chen Duxiu also said in the letter that he had sent a message to Wuhan asking Chen Yannian and Chen Qiao'en to leave Wuhan and go to the relatively safe Hunan, but it was estimated that Chen Yannian would be with Borodin.

As for other matters, Mao Runzhi will set off from the Hunan-Hubei border to Nanjing in a few days, and the two will make a decision after discussion.

"Downstream or upstream? Judging from the current situation, the possibility of the upper reaches of the Yangtze River is increasing."

Shanghai.

Chen Duxiu was deeply disappointed with the Communist International's decision. Chen Tianheng had previously said that the Communist International might experience policy fluctuations due to the constant changes in leadership, and now it seemed he was right.

Although the party is now divided into two central committees in Wuhan and Shanghai, and the central committee in Shanghai is weak, under such circumstances, if an incident occurs, it is the First Division that is most likely to rescue the Party Central Committee in Wuhan.

Although the Shanghai Central Committee and the Wuhan Central Committee had separated, Chen Duxiu could not sit idly by and watch the Wuhan Central Committee suffer losses.

"How many members does your party have now? I mean, members of the local faction of the Communist Party who are willing to follow you and not the Communist International.

Chen Duxiu: "Yes, more than 300 people.

"Ha, ha, ha, ha, Zhongfu. This is a small but elite party. How many members followed the Communist International faction in Wuhan?

Chen Duxiu: "Twenty-six thousand.

"Ha, ha, ha. This is getting interesting.

Yang Du clapped his hands and laughed.

Yang Du, whose courtesy name was Zhezi, was a famous figure in the late Qing Dynasty and the Republic of China.

He was smart since childhood and studied under the great Confucian scholar Wang Kaiyun. He passed the imperial examination for a scholar at the age of 17, and passed the imperial examination for a juren at the age of 18 in 1893. In 1895, he participated in the public petition.

After the petition to the emperor, he participated in the Wucheng Reform in 1898, intending to reform and save the country, but failed. In 1905, he participated in the constitutional movement, but in 1908, the Qing Dynasty announced an imperial cabinet, and the constitutional movement to save the country failed.

Afterwards, he decided he had to overturn the table, and in 1911 he supported Yuan Shikai in forcing the Qing emperor to abdicate and establish the Republic of China. However, the Republic of China was not very successful. In 1915, he assisted Yuan Shikai in becoming emperor, but failed.

After Yuan Shikai's attempt to become emperor failed, Yang Du, who played an important role in the process (Yang Du gave Yuan great confidence before Yuan Shikai became emperor), became the target of public criticism and became notorious. The Beiyang government even issued a warrant for his arrest for treason. He hid in Japan for several years and waited for the warrant to be revoked before he could return home safely.

After Yuan Shikai's declaration of emperorship, Yang Du essentially withdrew from Chinese politics and no longer participated in state affairs. Although Yang Du always defended Yuan Shikai's declaration, saying he simply wanted to see if a constitutional monarchy with a Han Chinese monarch could restore central authority and revive China.

Yang Du, who has been in seclusion for nearly ten years, is a good friend of Chen Duxiu and is currently drinking and chatting with Chen as a guest at Chen's house.

In fact, when the Northern Expedition began, Yang Du could not bear the loneliness and came out to take action. He used his own skills as a strategist and emperor to shuttle around in the area of ​​Sun Chuanfang's five-province coalition forces, and played a certain auxiliary role in the military leaders of the five provinces to defect and change their flags. In addition, he even went to Shandong to lobby Zhang Zongchang, trying to persuade him to issue a telegram to change the flag.

This time he came to see Chen Duxiu because he had seen the news about the purge of the Communist Party in Wuhan and came to Chen Duxiu to express his desire to join the Communist Party of China.

Chen Duxiu was shocked, but Yang Du said that he had started studying the works of Marx and Lenin since 1924.

"Zhongfu, you once said that China must first realize capitalism, and after capitalism develops, the Chinese people will abandon capitalism and embrace communism?"

"That was my view a few years ago, but it's long since been revised," Chen Duxiu shook his head. "Competition between nations is fierce, like a jungle. You're capitalist, and so are others, but that doesn't mean others have an obligation to help you build a developed country. I no longer hold that view."

Yang Du: "My current view is completely different from yours a few years ago, and I would even say it's the opposite."

Chen Duxiu: "Oh?