The Heroic Age of the Late Qing Dynasty

Zhang Yinghao immediately did not delay and wrote an article, the gist of which was that if the Qing Dynasty did not care, then we, as Chinese people, could not sit idly by and watch our country fall. We had to

They took charge of things themselves. Only by holding the title of righteousness and occupying the moral high ground could they be justified.

However, although everything is ready, there is still one problem that must be solved.

What needs to be solved is the ideological problem of the soldiers. With the order to enter Tibet, Zhang Yinghao also faced the problem that the 18th Army had faced in his previous life.

Strange words immediately spread among the troops in the wealthy areas of Chengdu: Why would Chairman Zhang come to such a poor place like XZ?

In the short term, XZ is indeed of no use, but in the long term, XZ's geographical location determines its unparalleled strategic significance. But how can the soldiers understand this? Even if they can understand it in their minds, everyone knows the hardships of going to Tibet, and their bodies reacted honestly. They are unwilling to go to XZ to suffer.

This inevitably led to the Revolutionary Army's first desertion problem since its founding. Even with the political departments' strenuous promotion of nationalist values, it's undeniable that many soldiers enlisted simply to earn a living. Those living in Sichuan might not know the specifics of the situation in Tibet, but they were certainly aware of the harsh conditions and inhospitable environment. Having just begun to enjoy a somewhat comfortable life in the barracks, many naturally refused to endure the hardships of Tibet. Consequently, some soldiers who didn't want to go to Tibet privately complained about the dangers of going. Initially, the signs of this were not detected, and the number of "deserters" skyrocketed. Even many soldiers and officers who didn't want to "desert" feigned illness, a form of soft resistance to the order. Even more serious was the case of a regimental political commissar formerly stationed in Chengdu, citing poor health as an excuse for refusing to go to Tibet.

This was the first time in the revolutionary army's history that it had faced such resistance from the grassroots and even the middle ranks. Commander-in-Chief Ouyang Jun, in charge of this offensive, was trembling with rage, banging his belt on the table until it was deafening. Still unsatisfied, Ouyang Jun immediately ordered, "Bring this regimental political commissar to me. Even if we have to use horses or camels to carry him, we must get him to XZ."

The matter was eventually reported to Zhang Yinghao. After some reflection, he immediately convened a meeting of officers from the troops entering Tibet. Facing the dense crowd, Zhang Yinghao's first words were: "This trip to Tibet is entirely based on Party spirit."

Everyone was shocked when they heard this sentence. The meaning of this sentence was very rich.

Ouyang Jun immediately replied: "Resolutely obey the arrangements of the Party."

With Ouyang Jun's statement, the other officers had to stand up one by one and express their opinions, whether they were willing or not.

With the officer's statement, Zhang Yinghao continued, "Our revolutionary army is a glorious force. We have always said that revolution is entirely voluntary, and revolution requires, first and foremost, the willingness to sacrifice one's own life. The troops going to Tibet this time must have a will of steel. They will endure great hardship and suffering, and face the test of life and death. Our troops going to Tibet must not fear hardship or death, and must be prepared to die in Tibet and be buried in Tibet. Therefore, any cadres and soldiers who do not volunteer to go to Tibet on this glorious mission will be transferred to other places."

In fact, there were only some problems with the troops in Chengdu. The troops stationed in Kangding had long known that they had to march into Xz, and there were no problems due to the difficulties of marching into ×Z. They had also completed training long ago. When Zhang Yinghao told the British that they should not have warned him, the vanguard troops had already begun to enter Tibet.

Upon hearing these words, even those officers who had previously harbored ulterior motives were struck with fear. Though the revolutionary army had only recently been established, its officers and soldiers still valued "honor" above all else. Those unwilling to enter Tibet and simply transferred elsewhere would undoubtedly be severely punished by the organization. This would naturally leave a stain on their lives, a stain they feared would be impossible to wash away, potentially even affecting their descendants and making any attempt to recover.

Chapter 297:

Zhang Yinghao didn't actually pose any threat. As for whether or not he had any influence, only those comrades who were transferred to other places would know once they got there. For Zhang Yinghao, if you didn't want to go to Tibet, you certainly couldn't stay in the team and say weird things, affecting the morale of the entire team! Zhang Yinghao himself couldn't stand those who were lazy and said weird things. If you're lazy, hide away and don't let others see you, as this will affect the morale of those who are willing to work. If a hundred people are working hard and one person is lazy and saying weird things, then it's all over; no one will want to work anymore. So, in Zhang Yinghao's view, saying weird things and complaining, these negative emotions, can't solve any problems. So, even if it's not a political issue, it's an ideological issue, and you should review and be criticized.

After stating that the troops going to Tibet were volunteering, Zhang Yinghao continued, "We have always promoted our Forward Party and the revolutionary army it leads as a combat team, a work team, a propaganda team, and a production team. We are liberating the entire country, driving imperialist forces out of Tibet, and safeguarding the territorial integrity of the motherland. And it is we who are going there to establish the Party, pioneer its work, and sow the seeds of revolution. Isn't this something we should be proud of?"

The comrades present at the meeting were silent. Zhang Yinghao's words were quite inspiring, but many people had a thought in their minds: why don't you go yourself? Of course, no one dared to say this out loud.

"You guys, don't think of XZ as some barren land. Do you think the imperialists would despise its desolation? For a long time, British and Russian imperialists have been desperately trying to get their way there, even going so far as to start a war. Are we any less zealous for our own land than the imperialists are?"

Zhang Yinghao slapped the map behind him and said, "If XZ is lost, Xinjiang, Qinghai, Sichuan, and Yunnan will have no buffer zone and will immediately become the front line. Even the Qing emperor knew this. He fought desperately to seize this snowy plateau. How can we revolutionaries lose it? Are our vision worse than that of people in the feudal era? If our southwestern border retreated to the Jinsha River, I'm afraid our comrades would be fighting on the front lines now, and Sichuan would be completely unstable!"

After Zhang Yinghao finished explaining the necessity of the march into Tibet, he continued, "Marching into Tibet and managing Tibet is a difficult yet glorious task for our Party and our Army. So how should we march into Tibet? I would like to raise a few requirements, which comrades must clearly remember: We must build roads, carry out construction, and produce while we march into Tibet. While we march into Tibet, we must not take up space, nor burden our Tibetan compatriots; we must work hard and ensure that we have enough food and clothing. The liberation of Tibet must be based primarily on political solutions, supplemented by military struggle."

After seeing that the comrades had taken notes, Zhang Yinghao continued, "The primary purpose of this march into Tibet is to eliminate the aggression of British imperialism and drive British influence out of Tibet. Comrades, have you considered what to do next? Once we go to Tibet, we will naturally stay there. It's easy for us to stay, but liberating Tibet is difficult. For the next three to five years, we won't talk about class struggle in Tibet. These three to five years are the time for the Tibetan people to understand us, and for us to understand Tibet."

We discuss who our friends are and who our enemies are; this is the primary question of revolution. We discuss the principal contradiction, the principal aspect of the contradiction, and the question of the united front, uniting all forces that can be united to confront our principal enemy. What does this mean? If we go to Tibet to drive out British imperialism, then we and these slave owners will have a common enemy. They are the objects of our unity, and we will not do anything that is detrimental to unity. After driving out British imperialism, the contradictions will change, and we will adopt new countermeasures to deal with the new contradictions. We talk about dividing the pie. Today's friend is the object of our unity and cooperation, even if we want to kill him or overthrow him tomorrow, we still have to share the pie with him today. We cannot imagine that because we want to kill him tomorrow, we will not share today's pie with him. This is a lack of understanding of the trade-offs and the distribution of benefits. Seeking truth from facts is the true essence of the united front."

Zhang Yinghao patiently explained, and seeing that his comrades were listening intently, he continued, "In modern XZ, social classes are strictly stratified. At the top are monks, or lamas, followed by nobles, and at the bottom are serfs and herdsmen. Government officials are composed of prominent monks and nobles; they are the ruling class in XZ. Serfs and slaves are the ruled class, with no political status at all."

When we liberated Sichuan, a vigorous land revolution ensued. The government confiscated the land of the landlord class and redistributed it to the poor peasants, effectively eliminating the landlord class. When this news reached the Dalai Lama and top CCP officials, were they terrified? Very terrified. They feared similar reforms would occur in Tibet, potentially impacting their own interests. That's why Tibet has been constantly on guard against us on the Sichuan-Tibet border.

Tibet, formerly known as Tubo, came under the central government's administrative control during the 13th-century Yuan Dynasty. However, due to its rugged plateau terrain and inconvenient transportation, Tibet had relatively little contact with the interior. Furthermore, Tibetans are a universally religious people, and ethnic, religious, and political issues are intertwined.

Tibetan farmers and herders were poorly educated and held a fatalistic view. The ruling class attributed their wealth to fate, and the suffering endured by serfs and herders was also said to be predestined. If they received food today, they attributed it to the Buddha, a gift that was truly granted. Religious superstition is deeply ingrained in Tibetan areas. Deeply influenced by religious fatalism, Tibetans were largely subservient and obedient to their masters, with little resistance.

If our comrades went to Tibet and claimed to be serving the people and liberating them, would the Tibetans believe us? They wouldn't know us, wouldn't understand us, wouldn't know anything about our policies. They were personally dependent on their serf owners, on the chieftains. They were serfs and slaves of whatever chieftain, noble, or headman they belonged to, and they would obey their masters.

So, can we immediately start land reform after arriving in Tibet? Comrades, no! If we immediately launch land reform, fight against landlords, and struggle against chieftains, monks, and other headmen and lords, not only will the masses not follow us, but on the contrary, if the upper echelons incite us, saying that the Progressive Party is here to bully us Tibetans, the masses will follow them. The masses have no understanding of our Progressive Party and revolutionary army. Therefore, we must do a good job in local work in Tibet. First, we must unite the upper echelons and stabilize them for a few years. This includes the Dalai Lama.

Comrades, think about it: if the serfs and herdsmen were incited by the old ruling class to attack us, would we fight back? Once we slaughtered these serfs and herdsmen on a large scale, would we be liberators or new oppressors? Therefore, in the few years after we drive out British imperialism, the enemy and we will have a time to compete for the masses and train our armed forces, but we must win over the basic masses and isolate the reactionaries within a few years; although we will always have to have a decisive battle with the old upper echelons of XZ to completely resolve the problem, as long as the old forces do not launch an armed rebellion, we must tolerate the existence of these old ruling classes for a few years.

The British imperialists' invasion of Xz has given us a golden opportunity to liberate Xz. The armed forces of Xz's ruling class will undoubtedly be severely weakened by British imperialism, and our arrival in Xz will be when they are at their weakest. We will not allow them the opportunity to rebuild their armed forces, but we must continue to unite with the upper echelons of Xz..."

"Chairman, are you saying that we are not in a hurry to change the fate of these poor serfs and herdsmen?"

"It's not that we are not anxious, but that we cannot rush. These serfs and herdsmen are definitely the targets of our unification, but the problem is that they are not accepting our unification for the time being. When considering any issue in ×Z, we must first think of the two major issues of ethnicity and religion. All work must be done cautiously and steadily. In the next three to five years, we will just keep doing good things, building roads, and influencing the masses through hard work, but we cannot mobilize the masses to engage in struggles or take the initiative to inspire the masses' class consciousness. When the people in the Tibetan areas gradually understand the Party's policies and know us, when the people begin to have awareness and are willing to carry out reforms, then it will be the time to carry out the Mingzhu reform. I know that many comrades do not understand, I cite For example, a slave owner is whipping a slave, and the slave himself feels that he deserves to be whipped. How can we save him? We try to reason with him, but first, there's a language barrier, and second, he's a serf. Pastoral slaves have lived this way for thousands of years. What if he doesn't accept our reasoning? If the slave owner spreads the rumor that we practice cannibalism, and the serfs believe it, how can we tell them that we don't eat people? We only need to stay with them for a year, two, three, or even ten years before they naturally believe we don't eat people and trust us. When they realize that there are human ways to live like us, then it's time to truly and completely abolish slavery.

"Chairman, are we going to do nothing when we see slave owners bullying serfs?"

This question can be said to be quite sharp. If Zhang Yinghao says he will take care of it, then what he said before is nonsense. If he says he will not take care of it, then the position and principles of the Progressive Party will be gone.

Zhang Yinghao wasn't offended by such pointed questions. He believed that speaking up for any doubts was infinitely better than bottled up. If you don't know how to solve a problem and refuse to ask, that's when problems begin to arise.

Zhang Yinghao responded directly: "We have always advocated seeking truth from facts. The land of Tibet has historically been part of China. Those slave owners in Tibet assisted the Qing emperor in expelling the Dzungars from Tibet and made remarkable military achievements. To safeguard national sovereignty and maintain national unity, the Tibetan people have bravely resisted imperialist armed aggression and made significant historic contributions."

Now, do we personally harbor hatred against those slave owners, monks, and chieftains? Probably not! None of us harbor any personal hatred toward those rulers of Tibet. So, what is our position in liberating the serfs? What right do we have to kill the slave owners? In Tibet, serfs, herders, and slave owners have lived this way for thousands of years, believing it to be the right way to live. They even believe we are wrong to change their lives, or to stop the slave owners from committing violence.

"Chairman, there is no such thing in the world, right?"

"So we say we must seek truth from facts. There's really no such thing as a rationale in the world, but in XZ, where politics and religion are combined, it exists. We all know that those slaves need to be liberated, but they themselves don't know it. We always say that revolution is born among the people and that the people need revolution. But when the people don't understand these things, we kill those we consider counter-revolutionaries and the rest become revolutionaries, or we assume that the people will then understand what revolution is. This is wishful thinking."

Those slave owners punishing their slaves were not wrong, from the perspective of both the slave owners and the slaves. It was the entire slave system that was wrong. We harbor no personal hatred toward the slave owners. Even if we do, perhaps if the serfs and herdsmen realize this in the future, that would be an institutional hatred. Do you understand, comrades? We have always said that it is better to have public grudges than private grudges. Why do we publicly try the landlords when we capture them instead of just executing them? It's because it's not us who are to execute them, but the people. We are not saviors. In XZ, we must also revolutionize the system. When the slaves there believe that the current XZ upper class deserves death, the end of the slave owners will naturally come. At that time, the slave class will naturally crush the entire slave-owning class. What we need to do is to establish a new socialist system with these awakened XZ people. In this matter, we must adopt a temporal materialist perspective, take a long-term view, and see things clearly for what they are.

Chapter 298:

Zhang Yinghao rambled on about this, but his biggest concern was that his comrades would handle the situation in China with a crude and crude approach, erupting in righteous indignation at the sight of slave owners punishing their slaves and launching a revolution. While slaughtering slave owners would be satisfying, it would be problematic if the serfs and herders failed to recognize their crimes, or even sympathized with them. Furthermore, if the revolutionary army launched into a killing spree, the slave owners would naturally evolve rapidly, fostering narrow-minded nationalism and xenophobia—who wouldn't? Once the slaves were incited by their owners, China would become a quagmire, mired in a vortex of public security. Could genocide truly be perpetrated in the country? This was what Zhang Yinghao most hated to see.

"Chairman, what if someone launches a rebellion? Will the united front still be the primary focus?" "We've always said that peace survives when it's sought through struggle, but dies when it's sought through compromise. The united front is a front of struggle, not one of compromise. When we work alongside serfs and herdsmen, we need a relatively peaceful environment, allowing these slaves to observe us closely. So everything I've said so far assumes there's no rebellion in Tibet. In fact, all of this must be accomplished while our army is fighting the rebellion. After we enter Tibet, those slave owners who fear us will undoubtedly rebel. However, regarding armed rebellion in some areas of Tibet, our attitude is that we shouldn't be afraid; we should even welcome these small-scale rebellions for a short period. Such rebellions are extremely beneficial to us. The struggle between revolution and counterrevolution strengthens the revolutionary army, strengthens the masses, and provides ample ground for future thoroughgoing reforms in Tibet. However, we must always be prepared to quell rebellions and prevent them from affecting the overall situation."

Many officers were stunned after hearing Zhang Yinghao's words. My God, welcome rebellion? What on earth is this? Only Chairman Zhang Yinghao, who is fearless, can say such words.

"Chairman, if five or six years from now those counter-revolutionaries of Xi Jinping still don't launch an armed rebellion, will we still not carry out the Agrarian Revolution?"

"We've always emphasized that war is a matter of you fighting your own battles, and I fighting mine. Revolution and counter-revolution are contradictory. What we're doing, building roads, producing, and constructing, is actually revolution, so we don't need to worry about the specific actions of those counter-revolutionary Xz slave owners. After all, people live in reality, not fantasy. There's a saying that goes, 'Comparing people will lead to death, and comparing goods will lead to throwing them away.' When the vast majority of slaves see our true colors and realize that there are other ways to live in this world, when the vast majority of slaves begin to awaken, they will move from spontaneously approaching us to consciously understanding us. When the slaves begin to demand reform from their masters, no matter what the slave owners are doing, we will still reform."

After hearing Zhang Yinghao's words, everyone nodded in agreement. This was indeed Chairman Zhang Yinghao's consistent style of work: mobilizing the masses to fight against the masses. Since the masses couldn't be mobilized, or couldn't be mobilized, it was natural to continue doing one's own work, wait for the right time, and make friends with time. However, at this time, Ouyang Jun did think of another question, and he heard him ask: "Chairman, if it takes five or six years to enter Tibet, then how will this person's problem be solved?"

Upon hearing this, there was a slight commotion in the audience. This question touched the heart of the comrades. After a few years in XZ, they would naturally be concerned about their partners, marriage, and family. Everyone pricked up their ears to listen to Zhang Yinghao's answer.

Zhang Yinghao laughed after hearing this and said, "Solving personal problems is naturally a big deal. We are now promoting freedom of marriage, and beautiful ladies and gentlemen are looking for a wife! But as long as our comrades complete the great historical task of liberating China, we can say that everyone is a hero. Since ancient times, beautiful women have always loved heroes. Comrades, as long as you study hard and work hard, no matter where you are, finding a wife will not be a problem;"

"Can I marry a Tibetan girl?"

Upon hearing this question, the officers present immediately smiled knowingly. If discipline had not prohibited it, they would have burst into laughter and started to make a fuss immediately.

"Haha, you have good taste. Comrades, Tibet has always produced beautiful women! Tibetan girls usually have delicate features, thick eyebrows and big, watery eyes. Their delicate faces and dimples in their smiles make them look like beautiful Gesang flowers."

Hearing Zhang Yinghao's words, many comrades' Adam's apples twitched. Zhang Yinghao continued, "Can I marry a Tibetan girl? Of course there is no problem. Everyone knows that over a thousand years ago in the Tang Dynasty, Princess Wencheng and Princess Jincheng married the Tibetan King Songtsen Gampo and Trisong Detsen respectively. If they can marry our Han princesses, then naturally we can also marry Tibetan girls. Moreover, Tibetan girls are very hardworking and kind. They have faith. No matter whether you are rich or poor, sick or healthy, they will silently stay by your side and treat you seriously. Of course, if you want to marry a Tibetan girl, you must first understand Tibetan."

I don't know who started it, but the whole place started to applaud, and the applause grew louder and louder. "Does anyone have any questions?"

"Chairman, you seem to have never talked about how to defeat the British army."

"I've always said that all reactionaries are paper tigers. I have always had absolute faith in the revolutionary army, and I naturally believe that you can defeat those invading British."

After hearing what Zhang Yinghao said, the audience applauded again, and even more enthusiastically than before.

The applause paused briefly, and Zhang Yinghao pressed his hands together and said, "In this march into Tibet, all of us cadres must take the lead. Everyone must be clear-minded and go to Tibet happily to fulfill the heavy trust placed in us by the Party and the people. Comrades, can you accomplish this?"

Hearing Zhang Yinghao's question, all the officers immediately stood up and answered in unison: "Yes! Yes! Yes!"

While the cadres' ideological work was done well, many ordinary soldiers struggled to adapt. A new rule was introduced for the Tibet campaign: deserters were barred from entering Tibet, and cadres and soldiers unwilling to go were also transferred elsewhere. This measure played a significant role in stabilizing military morale and rallying the troops.

In this era, no one wanted to bear the stigma of desertion. Furthermore, promotions and appointments were heavily weighted towards a person's history, often even requiring investigations up to three generations. Those with a history of desertion were naturally unwelcome, and their future success would be difficult. Consequently, comrades who had deserted were anxious, fearing layoffs and leaving an indelible stain on themselves and their descendants. Consequently, expressions of determination and written oaths of blood poured in, and officials, in turn, began to work to reassure these comrades to remain in the local area. Ultimately, no deserters were wanted.

After finalizing the list of soldiers to enter Tibet, the next step was naturally to conduct ideological education. Addressing the soldiers' emotions, the cadres actively engaged in patriotism and situation analysis. By placing a current situation chart on the podium, everyone understood the crisis of the entire country being divided. This also served to clarify the profound significance of the march into Tibet and its liberation.

Comrades from the art troupe also composed songs about the march into Tibet, inspiring officers and soldiers with a sense of revolutionary honor, pride in defending the frontier, and a sense of mission to safeguard national unity. The cadres also demonstrated their resolve and will to lead by example. The most persuasive ideological and political work is leading by example. Ouyang Jun even brought his wife, Zhao Xinrui, with him to Tibet. The commander-in-chief's exemplary leadership greatly boosted morale, inspired the courage of all officers and soldiers, and strengthened their resolve to enter Tibet and resist the invasion.

The revolutionary army then held a grand oath-taking ceremony and marching-out ceremony in Chengdu, with a full 10,000 troops participating in the review. Zhang Yinghao delivered a mobilization speech titled "Everything for the Front, Everything for Victory": ...The people of Xz love their motherland and oppose foreign aggression. To eliminate invading imperialism, expel imperialist forces from Xz, safeguard national sovereignty and territorial integrity, and save the Xz people from dire straits, the Party Central Committee and the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress issued the order to liberate Xz...

Finally, Zhang Yinghao firmly stated: "No matter what the troops entering Tibet need, as long as it is possible, we will do our best to meet their requirements!"

After the speech, the military parade was officially announced to begin.

Zhang Yinghao stood on a newly produced convertible car and drove along, greeting everyone along the way.

"Hello, comrades." "Hello, Chief."

"Good job, comrades."

"Serve the people."

The voice soared through the sky, reaching every corner of Chengdu. In Zhang Yinghao's view, this conversation and greeting was a formality, but it was extremely necessary. As long as the leaders continued to ask this question one after another, the content would eventually be engraved in everyone's heart, and eventually this ideal would be realized.

Then, the phalanxes marched in orderly steps along the Chengkang Highway all the way to the front line.

Suddenly, a resounding song erupted from the ranks. This was the song Zhang Yinghao had written and distributed to the troops after finalizing the list of troops to enter Tibet and march into Xinjiang to fight the British. No other song could better express the emotions of the moment than "Our Troops Towards the Sun."

Forward~forward~forward~

Our team faces the sun, stands on the land of our motherland, and carries the hope of the nation on our shoulders. We are an invincible force.

We are the children of workers and peasants, we are the armed forces of the people. We will be fearless, never surrender, and fight bravely until the reactionaries are completely wiped out, and the banner of the Forward Party will fly high.

Listen! The wind is whistling and the bugle is blasting! Listen! How loud the revolutionary songs are!

Comrades marched in unison towards the battlefield of liberation, comrades marched in unison towards the frontiers of the motherland.

Forward! Forward! Our troops are heading towards the sun! Towards final victory! Towards the liberation of the whole country!

Gazing at the overwhelming momentum, everyone's heart was boiling. When had China ever possessed such a powerful army? Shortly after the troops left, telegrams were sent out from the telegraph room, and the relevant departments targeted a number of spies.

Zhang Yinghao immediately issued a telegram, stating that while fighting the British was the responsibility of the entire nation, the Sichuan and Shaanxi revolutionary armies bore the responsibility for this particular incident. If any armed forces dared to attack Sichuan and Shaanxi during this period, they would be treated as traitors and shown no mercy.

The telegram spread to all the telegraph rooms in a short time, and soon the important people in every region knew the news.

The foreign powers, eager to see the excitement, urged the British to take action. The Qing dynasty was speechless after seeing the telegram. They had previously planned to see the British and the Red Bandits fight to the death, with the Qing taking advantage of the opportunity to seize Shaanxi and Sichuan.

However, the British hadn't reacted. Although the Qing Dynasty didn't care about the telegram, they would still march, but they didn't know much about the internal affairs of Sichuan and Shaanxi. With the Russo-Japanese War raging, they naturally had to retain enough troops to garrison the capital, and they didn't dare to squander the remaining capital.

Zhang Yinghao really didn't care about the Qing Dynasty's plan. As for the Beiyang Army's attack on Tongguan, Zhang Yinghao didn't move the troops there. Now Zhang Yinghao didn't expect Shaanxi to help him in any way. As long as it didn't hinder him, that would be all he needed.

When the news of Sichuan sending troops was confirmed, the Qing court was extremely happy. Sichuan finally broke off relations with the British. Now it was all about how the Red Bandits would die. When the British received the news, they were shocked and filled with fear. They were shocked that a rebel like you actually took care of these things and actually sent troops out of Sichuan. Isn't this just meddling in other people's business?

What is feared is that the British understand the current situation in XZ better than anyone else. If Sichuan's forces are added, the consequences for the British army in XZ, where there is no village in front and no shop behind and supply is extremely difficult, will be disastrous. Sichuan's progress must be slowed down.

The British immediately made two plans: first, they put pressure on the Qing Dynasty to send troops to attack Sichuan and Shaanxi, leaving the rebels with no time to fend for themselves; second, they prepared to send gunboats into Chongqing to force the rebels to negotiate.

Zhang Yinghao's grand military parade in Chengdu was actually just a trick to confuse the outside world. The troops in Batang and Kangding had already received orders to enter Xinjiang, and the troops departing from Chengdu were just support troops.

Chapter 299: Come!

The troops from Chengdu brought with them a lot of large-caliber artillery, but in fact, these artillery pieces could not be brought to Xz for the time being, and they were just for the "relevant" personnel to see.

Of course, those large-caliber artillery pieces were also intended to train troops and boost public morale. Zhang Yinghao wasn't sure if he could hide it from intelligence officers from other countries, but he was willing to keep it a secret for as long as possible.

Zhang Yinghao returned to his office and immediately said, "Send a telegram to Division Commander Li Yong and Political Commissar Yan Bing. Tell them to proceed according to the plan. We won't give blind orders here. Let them manage the battle situation on their own. They don't need to ask for instructions on everything. They can act arbitrarily in an emergency."

This plan is to completely solve the Xz problem within five years. However, if we analyze the main contradictions and secondary contradictions, we will know that the main contradiction now is the contradiction with the British army, so Zhang Yinghao is just a reminder.

Leading a large army to war was never easy. Although Zhang Yinghao had already transported the necessary supplies to the Kham region, the march was still slow. Transportation was particularly difficult once the highway was established, a fact that remained true even in later generations. After the Chengkang Highway was completed, the construction effort continued, extending the road to the Batang region and further up to Derge County.

In fact, when Zhang Yinghao sent the telegram, Li Yong, Yan Bing and Ye Chen were still making the final deployment.

"Commander, the two advance troops have already departed. This time, our army will split into two routes to enter Tibet. There are almost no existing roads on the Qinghai-Tibet Plateau, so the troops will still be traveling along the ancient Tea-Horse Road, which has been trodden by horses and mules for thousands of years. Entering Tibet from Sichuan, starting from Kangding, the Sichuan-Tibet Road splits into two branches, the southern and northern branches. The northern route goes north from Kangding, passing through Daofu, Luhuo, Ganzi, Derge, and Jiangda, to Chamdo, and then from Chamdo to U-Tsang. The southern route goes south from Kangding, passing through Yajiang, Litang, Batang, Mangkam, and Zuogong to Chamdo, and then from Chamdo to U-Tsang. Fortunately, the Chairman asked us to complete the information on the ancient Tea-Horse Road, otherwise we would really be in the dark."

"Chamdo" was formerly known as "Chamdo," which means "fork in the water" in Tibetan. More precisely, it should be "the confluence of two rivers." The Lancang River's two source rivers, the Zhaqu and the Angqu, meet in Chamdo. Chamdo was built on the island where these two rivers meet, making it a fork in the water. Zhang Yinghao simply changed the name from "Chamdo" to the more familiar "Chamdo" name.

"The Chairman is certainly a master of foresight! Before the army moves, the food and fodder must go first. How are the preparations for these things?"

"Ammunition, food, daily necessities, and building materials have all been gathered in Kangding. The Chairman instructed that this time, politics takes precedence over military affairs, and logistics over combat. Fortunately, a large number of yaks were prepared to carry the military supplies. If only humans were to rely on carrying them, they would die of exhaustion and still not be able to carry much."

"That's not enough. Given the unique natural and geographical conditions of Tibet, ensuring the supply of materials needed by the troops entering Tibet has become our most important task in preparing for the march. Whether we can successfully advance into Tibet also depends on logistical support."

"We have also made preparations in this regard. The troops have established transportation support committees in Ganzi, Derge, Dengke, Luhuo, Daofu, Yajiang, and Batang, west of Zheduo Mountain, to carry out support work. We are able to mobilize 10 yaks for transportation to the front along the three transportation routes from Kangding to Ganzi, Ganzi to Derge, and Kangding to Batang."

After listening to this, Li Yong nodded and said, "We must mobilize the masses to complete the transportation task and organize yak transportation to ensure the supply needs of the front-line troops. Is the transportation team ready after the supplies arrive in Derge and Batang?"

After Zhang Yinghao's last visit, he uncovered numerous problems and severely reprimanded all the commanders. The political commissar was soon transferred to become a teacher—in reality, everyone knew he was being transferred to study. Since then, the comrades have naturally learned from their mistakes and have done a lot of work in the areas of united front work, culture, and logistics.

"We've already made preparations. In principle, the revolutionary army carries their own supplies when entering Tibet. The yak transport team we've established is to deliver our supplies. After we arrive in Chamdo, subsequent transport teams will naturally follow. Our transport team is also quite large—some of the members were former farmhands in Tibetan chieftains' households. They're well-adapted to the plateau climate and are skilled yaks, making them the main force of the transport team."

Li Yong nodded and said, "The transport team needs to cross mountains with an altitude of more than 5,000 meters along the way, and sometimes they have to spend the night in the mountains. The conditions are quite difficult."

"Don't worry, Commander. We certainly won't let our fellow Tibetans suffer. We have promised to pay these Tibetan compatriots double their wages. They never got paid when they worked for the chieftains before, and this has deeply touched them."

"The main difficulty in advancing into Xz is transportation. Transportation is many times more difficult than deploying troops. The ground is frozen, the snow is deep, and building roads requires special tools. The frozen ground is as hard as stone. If roads cannot be built, transportation will be difficult to fundamentally solve."

"Hasn't a new road construction team been formed?"

"Yes, so the main force of the revolutionary army entering XZ this time is not actually combat troops, but troops drawn from the engineering corps. At this time, the road construction troops have completely exceeded the combat troops. There is really nothing we can do."

"Report, the Chairman has received another telegram." "Read it."

"Yes. When the troops enter Tibet, in order not to place the burden of the journey on the people of Tibet and to better gain the support of the masses of Tibet, we must adhere to the important policy of not relying on local resources, advancing while building, constructing roads, and producing at the same time. We must give full play to the fine tradition of the revolutionary army as a combat team, a work team, and a production team. After the troops arrive in Tibet, the central government will still guarantee their supply, so as not to increase the burden on the people of Tibet. However, the troops can purchase local beef and mutton as their staple food, and ghee and highland barley as supplementary foods. They can also purchase cattle to transport food and march with the army. When the food is exhausted, they can eat beef. If they are not used to meat, they can make soup with wild vegetables and meat, and then drink tea and eat a small amount of highland barley. They will get used to it within a month. They can use salt, coal, cloth, silk, pressure cookers, tea, etc. to exchange for meat and food from the Tibetans."

That's right, a pressure cooker. Tibet's air pressure is low, and without it, food can't be cooked. In preparation for the invasion of Tibet, Zhang Yinghao specifically manufactured pressure cookers to use for cooking for the troops entering Tibet. Furthermore, the troops brought with them a large quantity of compressed biscuits, instant noodles, canned food, and even gas canisters and gas stoves, all to reduce logistical pressure. After all, if tens of thousands of people were to rely on firewood for cooking, the sheer amount of firewood alone would be enough to drive them crazy, and transporting gas canisters is much easier and more convenient than transporting firewood.

Just as Li Yong was holding the final preparatory meeting for the army's march into Tibet, the engineering corps also shouted the slogan, "Build a road to Lhasa." To this end, the engineering corps formed a new road construction command headquarters. Armed with hammers, chisels, and pickaxes, they began building the road from the Kang-Tibet line that Zhang Yinghao had drawn for them.

The snowy plateau, with its vast altitude differences and complex geological environment, is sparsely populated, with many uninhabited areas. To address Tibet's economic backwardness, convenient access to the region is essential. Otherwise, even specially trained mountain troops would struggle to maintain their combat effectiveness without adequate supplies. This is the Achilles' heel of modern armies—logistics. Without logistical support, even the most powerful forces can become weak. Tibet's lack of population, vast territory, and underdeveloped infrastructure are the greatest challenges facing democratic reform.