The Heroic Age of the Late Qing Dynasty

Zhang Yinghao hadn't yet concluded his negotiations with Jordan when another telegram arrived from China, stating that British Colonel MacDonald, unwilling to accept defeat, had once again assembled his forces to provoke our army. Emissaries from Sikkim and other regions sought assistance, asking for advice and regarding the Tibet-India border issue. Upon reading this telegram, Zhang Yinghao immediately withdrew from the negotiations with Jordan. He knew that China would likely need another round of fighting before achieving a temporary peace.

By this time, Ouyang Jun and his men had already obtained a wealth of information from the Qing Dynasty, revealing that the British had already annexed considerable territory from China. For example, the boundary markers erected in the 59th year of the Qianlong Emperor's reign were ceded to the British due to the Qing's weakness and incompetence. The Qing had also directly removed strategic locations like Renna and Gamba Dzong, as well as vast pastures, from Chinese territory.

Zhang Yinghao looked at the map for a while and then directly replied to Ouyang Jun and the others with four words: Respect history.

China has a unique strategy for dealing with territorial disputes, and that's been its strategy since ancient times! Over the past two thousand years, China's territory has undergone numerous changes, and with numerous vassal states, there's plenty of room for maneuver. The first few emperors of the Qing Dynasty were quite capable, and the territories they conquered rank among the largest in Chinese history. Furthermore, with nineteen vassal states, it's perfectly reasonable for China to go to war with the colonizers over these vassal states.

Since the great powers were able to force these vassal states to secede through force, China could naturally also use force to force them back in, or even directly annex them. These lands were indeed of little value in an agricultural society, but in an industrial society, their value would rise immensely. Building a railway through them would solve all problems. The pretext for entering these vassal states was readily available: liberating the people enslaved by the colonialists and freeing them from the yoke of the great powers. Whether the locals would drive them out after entering would depend on the capabilities of the Progressive Party and the People's Liberation Army.

Zhang Yinghao's response wasn't to acknowledge the status quo, but to respect history. This held profound implications. Ouyang Jun and his men immediately understood the message: fight. If they couldn't win, the situation would become history, and history could be respected. Ouyang Jun, understanding that Zhang Yinghao wasn't familiar with the specifics of Xinjiang and the southern Himalayas, left the final decision to the Xinjiang Military Commission. If these lost territories could be recovered, it would naturally allow for a discussion of historical issues with the enemy. If they couldn't, the only option was to maintain the status quo. This was the way things were in those days. The cost of waging war was low, especially in these corners of Xinjiang. They could launch a war whenever they wanted, and if they lost, the worst they could do was retreat.

After Zhang Yinghao sent a telegram back to Ouyang Jun and others, he realized that the liberated areas would be peaceful for a while, so without further delay, he immediately began to have the Discipline Inspection Commission, the Political Security Bureau and the comrades of the National Committee for Suppressing Counter-Revolutionaries and Slowdowns to review party members and cadres. This time, Zhang Yinghao's document used the word "review" instead of "investigation". At the same time, Zhang Yinghao also proposed the Three Antis Movement against corruption, waste and bureaucracy, and wrote a large number of articles such as "Rectifying the Party's Style of Work", "How to Be a Member of the Forward Party", and "On Strengthening Party Spirit".

From the spring of 1903 until Zhang Yinghao issued the order, corruption was very serious among the staff of the liberated areas, involving many departments such as finance, taxation, infrastructure, food, supplies, transportation, justice, and military logistics.

According to statistics, the Sichuan Provincial People's Court handled 537 corruption cases from March 1, 1903, to July 15, 1904, with the incidence of corruption increasing steadily. Among employees of municipal government agencies and enterprises, 650 individuals were found guilty of corruption, with the amount of embezzlement reaching 4 million yuan. In the first half of 1904, Shaanxi Province handled 412 cases of corruption and malfeasance, resulting in the loss of 3.1643 million yuan in state property through theft and embezzlement. The economic losses from another 327 cases of corruption and malfeasance have not yet been accounted for.

According to incomplete statistics, the Party’s Discipline Inspection Commission dealt with 231 party members and cadres at the district level and above from the second half of 1903 to the first half of 1904.

Second, waste. Some agencies and departments engaged in serious extravagance and waste. On January 9, 1904, when a delegation from the Central People's Bank of China visited Shaanxi, the Shaanxi branch spent over 1 yuan entertaining more than 2.5 people, highlighting the severity of the waste.

Third, there was a serious bureaucratic problem. In the spring of 1904, due to irresponsible leadership, over 190 million kilograms of cotton seeds loaned out in the Guanzhong region rotted and deteriorated during the procurement, storage, testing, and distribution process. The germination rate in the test was only 30%. Even worse, the testing unit falsely reported a 50% germination rate, causing huge losses to cotton farmers.

Some rural cadres in northern Shaanxi not only failed to promptly stop fights in their villages, but even engaged in physical assaults or even instructed others to do so. Their indifference to the people's suffering and their disregard for their demands harmed countless people. Some Party members even argued, "I conquered the country, so shouldn't I enjoy a little now?"

In some places, there was even blatant looting of public goods and embezzlement of public property. A very small number of Party members and cadres condoned, shielded, or directly participated in criminal activities.

Wu Dacheng and several other grain station managers in Luzhou, Sichuan, "lived off the grain," colluding with private merchants under the guise of operating government production. They abused their power to steal state disaster relief grain, grain earmarked for river management, relief grain for cadres' families, local grain, withheld grain from migrant workers, engaged in reselling state assets, and defrauded state bank loans, totaling over 580,000 yuan.

Xie Guangkun, a former combat hero who made invaluable contributions to the liberation of Sichuan, worked diligently even after being wounded, rising through the ranks to become Party Secretary of Baoning City. However, he succumbed to temptation and committed heinous crimes. He exploited his power, indulged in pleasure, and led a decadent lifestyle, pursuing a life of luxury. He was completely captivated by his hedonistic nature and engaged in pervasive corruption. He embezzled public funds, construction costs, local grain reserves, migrant workers' wages, disaster relief grain, and funds earmarked for river management. The sheer variety of his embezzlement is truly staggering.

Xie Guangkun engaged in rampant corruption in Baoning and exercised absolute power, even claiming, "I conquered Sichuan, and now it's my turn to enjoy it." He also deliberately oppressed officials who opposed him, with some flatterers even calling him "leader." His sheer audacity left the people furious but unable to speak out, calling him a "local emperor."

The Sichuan Provincial Party Committee recommended the death penalty for Xie Guangkun and Wu Dacheng. Relevant leaders agreed, but also sought to suspend their sentences, taking into account their past contributions to the revolution. They wondered if their past contributions to the revolution might be taken into account, sparing the execution and giving them a chance for reform. The Provincial Party Committee was also in a dilemma. Leaving aside Wu Dacheng and the others, Xie Guangkun, a high-ranking official with significant past contributions, was a concern. The Provincial Party Committee immediately requested further instructions from the Party Central Committee.

Zhang Yinghao immediately ordered a thorough investigation of the case upon learning of it, and quickly responded: "Precisely because these individuals hold high positions and have made significant contributions, they must be dealt with more seriously. That is why they must be executed. Only in this way can we save more cadres who have made different mistakes."

The provincial party committee had a clear idea after receiving Zhang Yinghao's instructions.

Yet, even so, every time someone is found to be corrupt, there's a constant stream of people pleading for their safety. Many comrades believe that many of these individuals have made contributions and still hope to save them. Their pleas are always the same: they argue that these individuals have recognized their mistakes, have made significant contributions, and have a significant influence among Party members and cadres. Don't execute them; give them a chance to reform.

Zhang Yinghao watched the comrades pleading for mercy, and after hearing their plea for "sparing lives," he suddenly understood something. It was extremely difficult for bureaucrats or Party members to consciously eliminate the rotten flesh through Party spirit. They always relied on luck. If the leadership's fighting spirit weakened even slightly, or if leading cadres slacked off even slightly, the Party's metabolism would be disrupted.

Bureaucrats don't actually need to fight corruption, nor do they want to. They don't want to offend their colleagues. They prioritize harmony and a harmonious environment. They're driven by career advancement and wealth, not accountability to the people. Bureaucratic corruption harms the interests of the people, and even the small groups of bureaucrats themselves benefit. Therefore, it's the people who truly need to fight corruption. The Party is the vanguard and leader of the people, and so it needs to fight corruption. However, relying solely on Party spirit and ideals, or relying on the conscious efforts of Party members and bureaucrats, is insufficient. Ultimate victory in the fight against corruption can only be achieved through the power of the people.

Officials should take the initiative to fight corruption, just like what Kong Yiji said: Stealing books is not considered stealing... Stealing books is the business of scholars, so how can it be considered stealing? Can the ruled class discuss the affairs of the ruling class? We are all comrades, so can my corruption be called corruption? We are leaders, so isn’t it normal for us to take a little? It is normal to help each other and protect each other! Even if it is a small amount of money, there must be some unavoidable reasons. After all, they are our comrades! It will be over if we understand each other! Haha!

After Zhang Yinghao figured out the forces he should rely on, he slammed the table and said, "Are you trying to save corrupt people, or are you trying to save China?"

These righteous words left all the pleaders speechless. Zhang Yinghao continued, "If corruption is not eradicated, our red flag will not fly long, and our Forward Party will lose its prestige and the support of the people! Fighting corruption is the bounden duty of us Forward Party members, and no one can stop us! We must resolutely execute those who hold high positions, have made great contributions, and have a great influence. Killing a chicken to scare the monkeys, killing one to warn a hundred. Only in this way can we save 20, 200, 2,000, or even 20,000 cadres who have committed various mistakes..."

Zhang Yinghao then went to the Discipline Inspection Commission, the Rectification Commission, the Political Security Bureau, and the Military Political Security Department, giving instructions: "...The Party conduct of the ruling party is a matter of life and death for the Party! A thousand-mile dam collapses because of an ant hole. If these problems of corruption, extravagance, and debauchery are not taken seriously, if we are indifferent and lenient, and if no immediate measures are taken, then they will spread like an infectious disease, rapidly becoming an epidemic. Then our Party will quickly slide into the abyss of depravity. Today's Forward Party will become the Donglin Party of the late Ming Dynasty. All Party members must fight corruption with the utmost resolve, raising it to the level of destroying the Party and the nation..."

Two weeks later, the Sichuan Provincial Committee of the Forward Party passed a resolution expelling these corrupt officials from the Party. Xie Guangkun and Wu Dacheng were subsequently sentenced to death by the court and executed immediately. Xie Guangkun, Wu Dacheng, and others were executed by firing squad. This caused a great sensation throughout the liberated areas and greatly deterred those comrades who were tempted to take action or make mistakes, temporarily suppressing the wave of corruption.

They all have children in their families, and Xie Guangkun's wife is pregnant with their third child. After Zhang Yinghao learned about the situation, he immediately issued an instruction: the children of corrupt elements cannot be treated as counter-revolutionaries, and at the same time, the children of these people will be raised by the state.

The Liberated Areas, having been established so recently, faced numerous problems. Bureaucracy and corruption arose for many reasons, primarily: first, the low ideological and work abilities of a large number of Party and government officials; second, the legacy of feudalism and the corrupt practices of some retained Qing Dynasty officials; and third, the corruption and bribery of bourgeois lawbreakers.

Zhang Yinghao mobilized the masses for the Three Antis Movement and, in a series of articles, pointed out: "To promote the improvement of social morals, we must first improve Party conduct" and "Only by improving Party conduct can we change social morals." The people's understanding, trust, and support for the Party are always marked by its concrete actions and fine conduct. The quality of Party conduct determines public support, and public support, in turn, determines the Party's fate.

Unhealthy tendencies within the Party pose a grave threat to the development of communism. They corrode the Party's vitality, undermine its relationship with the masses, damage its prestige, weaken its fighting capacity, and encourage the spread of unhealthy social practices. Zhang Yinghao also pointed out that the greatest danger for a ruling party is becoming divorced from the masses. If relations between the Party and the masses are not well managed, it will be impossible to unite the masses with the Party in building the country.

Therefore, whether our Party has a sound work style is a major political issue crucial to its ability to gain the trust of the masses and establish its prestige. Unhealthy practices within the Party will foster unhealthy tendencies in society and undermine the Party's prestige. If the Party loses its prestige among the masses, it will lose all appeal and will be powerless to fulfill its historical mission of leading the people, liberating the country and nation, and completing the cause of building communism in our country. Every progressive Party member should conscientiously take the lead in upholding the Party oath and set an example of law-abidingness. Once our Party's work style is completely upright, the people of the entire country will follow our lead, and the overall social atmosphere will fundamentally improve.

To rectify the Party's style, we must uphold the good and eliminate the bad. We must clearly support and advocate correct thinking, work styles, and behavior, and implement a series of measures against incorrect thinking, work styles, and behavior, supporting the broad masses of Party members and the public in combating unhealthy tendencies. We must also recognize that those who engage in "relationship studies" and those who indulge in extravagant lifestyles are, after all, a minority. They deviate from Party principles, violate the interests of the people, and become alienated from the masses. This deeply resents the broad masses and will inevitably lead to their opposition. For the very few who disregard the law and discipline, we must strictly enforce Party discipline and diligently investigate and punish them. We should investigate as many as we can, and there is no question of "the law not holding the masses accountable."

The China Progressive Party is a proletarian party. The Party is fully capable and powerful enough to eliminate the bad practices within itself. As long as the Party is united and works together, it will make unremitting efforts to fight against unhealthy practices such as "relationship studies" and eating and drinking, break the vulgar "relationship studies" and put a stop to the eating and drinking practices. This will definitely be achieved.

"In the current period of historical transformation, problems are piling up and a vast amount of work is waiting to be done. Strengthening the Party's leadership and rectifying its work style are of decisive significance."

He said: "Party leaders at all levels are particularly required to set an example. They are the role models and benchmarks for the entire Wangyun, and the party leaders at all levels are the role models and benchmarks for the entire party."

Chapter 320:

After Zhang Yinghao had completed his preparations, he gave the order for all Party organizations to begin reviewing the relevant Party members and cadres. This was the current situation with the Forward Party. Under the Party's discipline and the "Four Obediences," the structure of the various Party organizations in the Liberated Areas was such that as soon as the Central Committee issued an order, the subordinate departments would immediately take action. Moreover, compared to other political forces of the era, the Forward Party's actions were swift and powerful.

"Before we seized power, joining the Party and becoming a cadre not only offered no fame or fortune, but also carried the risk of sacrifice at any moment. Therefore, the vast majority of Party members and cadres focused on liberating more people, strictly observing the Party's organizational discipline, fighting bravely for the people's interests, and remaining closely connected to them. They were unafraid of any hardship or difficulty, and were willing to sacrifice their lives..."

Since it was an internal party meeting of the Safety Committee for Eliminating Counter-Revolutionaries and Slowdowns, all discussions went straight to the point, which was to rectify the party style and address corruption. Naturally, there was nothing to hide from the party members, said Chairman Liu Xudong, making a speech.

"Comrades, after the Forward Party seized power in Sichuan, and especially after the victory in the first anti-encirclement and suppression campaign, the Party in the liberated areas was transformed from a subject of oppression, encirclement, and massacre to a ruling party, coming out from underground. All work in Sichuan is under the leadership of the Party. The Party also liberated Shaanxi, earning it high prestige among the people. Party organizations have penetrated into every place and every department in Sichuan and Shaanxi. Many Party members hold leadership positions in economic and cultural organizations and people's groups at all levels..."

Some of the comrades below were taking notes, while others were listening quietly. Liu Xudong paused briefly at this point, waiting for everyone to finish writing down what he had said before continuing: "Because the Party's environment and status have undergone fundamental changes, on the one hand, some within our Party, thanks to the victory of the revolution and their positions as "officials," have become complacent and overwhelmed. They enjoy flattery and cannot tolerate criticism, becoming elated and dazed. Gradually, they no longer care about the suffering of the masses, becoming shrouded in the dust of bureaucracy, becoming proud, conservative, lazy, and greedy for pleasure, fostering a sense of privilege. A few among them could not withstand the erosion of various "sugar-coated bullets" in society, mainly feudalism, hedonism, and other decadent ideologies. They went from being public servants to tyrannical masters who ride on the people's heads, or became mediocre people who have lost their revolutionary enthusiasm, have no sense of political responsibility, and are preoccupied with personal agendas.

On the other hand, some outside the Party with impure motives believe that since the Party is in power, joining it will bring them both fame and fortune without any sacrifice, without having to endure harsh trials and dangers, and without the risk of being trusted and given important positions. They therefore use every possible means to infiltrate the Party in order to scramble for power and gain. These individuals have seriously undermined the Party's conduct, disrupted the close ties between the Party and the masses, damaged the Party's prestige, and weakened its fighting capacity.

At this point, Liu Xudong said with a serious face: "Chairman Zhang said: Historically, people and groups that have come to power have all turned themselves into rulers. But our Forward Party is a leader, not a ruler. Rulers and leaders are different. Turning leaders into rulers creates a series of problems. The relationship between rulers and the masses is that of rulers and the ruled, that is, the relationship of oppression and oppression, the relationship of exploitation and exploitation. The rulers are the masters, and the people are the slaves. The rulers rely on power and repression. The relationship between leaders and the masses is that the Party leads the people to liberate themselves from the oppression of the reactionary classes, supports the people to be masters of their own country, and all power belongs to the people."

Liu Xudong continued, "The core of politics is interests. All members of the Progressive Party should understand that the interests of the people are the interests of the Party. Apart from the interests of the people, the Party has no other interests. Being responsible to the people is being responsible to the Party. All the power of the Party serves the people. Party members cannot use the power given to them by the Party and the people to seek personal gain. For example, we have confirmed that there are counter-revolutionaries within the Party, but some comrades in our ranks feel that they have a close personal relationship with this counter-revolutionary and cannot bear to see their good friend suffer a bad end. So they privately inform their friend and ask him to find a way to evade punishment. Some comrades use their own wages to support their relatives and friends. This is a personal freedom and naturally there is no problem. But if we use the power in our hands to seek benefits for our relatives and friends, do you think this is right?"

After hearing Liu Xudong's words, some comrades excitedly said, "That's not right." But more comrades remained silent. Liu Xudong, without the slightest impatience, continued, "Some Party members are quite liberal. They do not implement the Party's lines, principles, and policies, and even resist them. They talk behind the scenes about the central leadership and spread rumors. Some are still engaged in factionalism, forming cliques, and undermining the Party's unity. Some have no regard for the organization and refuse to obey transfers. Some violate laws and disciplines. There are also many comrades who do not oppose, stop, or fight against bad people, bad things, and bad phenomena. They turn a blind eye and so on. These are all violations of Party discipline and are not allowed. The few Party members who are daring, refuse to change despite repeated warnings, and continue to corrupt the Party's style must be severely criticized and struggled against. Those with bad nature and serious circumstances must be punished according to Party discipline and even the law. It is very necessary to enforce Party discipline.

Our National Safety Committee for the Suppression of Counterrevolutionaries and Work Sabotage is a unique institution. Our public and private powers are almost completely distinct. Most of those we face are enemies and counterrevolutionaries, and the division of interests is clear. Therefore, after this meeting, all comrades will be subject to review. Every comrade must explain their own situation, and every comrade must also clearly disclose any information they know about other comrades. This isn't the organization making things difficult for you; it's protecting you. Only after we have thoroughly reviewed our internal affairs will the reorganized Suppression Committee have stricter discipline, and the penalties and punishments will be even more severe.

Upon hearing that the Purification Committee would also begin a comprehensive investigation, the comrades present immediately darkened. To investigate others is one thing. But to have it happen to oneself is another. Explaining oneself is one thing, explaining others is another. Those who are cheerful upon hearing they will be investigated are heartless comrades who would hardly be allowed on the Purification Committee. To be investigated is to expose oneself to the light of day, to reveal everything one considers to be secret, and to have it repeated before everyone else is bound to feel uncomfortable.

Liu Xudong looked at the expressions of his comrades and smiled, saying, "We can't whitewash mistakes or avoid addressing our problems. We must also pay attention to the methods of criticism and adhere to the principles of 'punishing past mistakes to enable future ones, curing illnesses to save patients,' and 'unity-criticism-unity.' Therefore, allowing comrades to undergo review is not to make them informers or to dig up old scores. Instead, it is to ensure that every Party member strengthens their strict Party character and sets an example. This is part of maintaining and strengthening Party discipline and cultivating Party members' ideological awareness."

Zhang Yinghao naturally understood that in addition to relying on the Party's correct political leadership and integrating with the masses, Party members actually needed to rely even more on the consciousness of the proletarian vanguard, its loyalty to the revolution, its tenacity, its spirit of self-sacrifice, and its heroism. Therefore, only by strengthening the ideological education of Party members, strengthening the awareness of organizational discipline, enforcing discipline, and rectifying Party conduct could the Party ensure its permanent color.

Seeing that the comrades remained silent, and many had even begun to turn pale, Liu Xudong took out the list and began to read it. Some comrades who usually behaved well were also called out, but many of their faces immediately changed drastically when their names were read. Liu Xudong ignored them and sent these people to be examined first.

When Liu Xudong told those whose names were called out to undergo investigation, many comrades walked out of the meeting room with dark faces and silence. However, some people could not bear it anymore and shouted at Liu Xudong: "Chairman Liu, I...I am innocent!"

Liu Xudong listened and gave him a helpless smile. "No one wants to convict you now, right? If you know you're innocent, tell the investigating officer. I'm not a judge, so it's useless to tell me. Go and accept the investigation. We're all adults, so we should be bold and daring in our actions."

Most of the people whose names were called stood up and walked out, whether they wanted to or not, but there were two people who lingered on the stools and didn't know what they were waiting for. Liu Xudong saw that there were still people who refused to leave and waved his hand. Immediately, the guards who were waiting outside came in and took the two people out.

“Chairman Liu, I really didn’t do anything. I’m innocent. I…” “Chairman Liu, I confess. Please let me go. I…”

The comrades were originally a little resistant to the review, but after these two people made a fuss, their original resistance was diluted a lot. At this time, they had to immediately adjust their mentality and realized that the review had to be carried out.

After all the comrades named left, Liu Xudong continued, "Now let's discuss and summarize the current unhealthy trends and how to combat them..."

It wasn't just the Security Committee for the Suppression of Counterrevolutionaries and Work Sabotage that was conducting internal investigations; nearly every department was conducting internal investigations to some extent. After each department completed its internal investigation, the Suppression Committee, the Political Security Bureau, and the Discipline Inspection Commission would conduct secondary investigations based on the actual circumstances. Zhao Erni had never imagined that she would be the first government department to be investigated.

As someone who had presented reports as a government representative at the National People's Congress, almost all of Zhao Erni's colleagues believed that her promotion was only a matter of time. Now, as the chairperson of the State-owned Assets Supervision and Administration Commission (SASAC), she handled assets numbering in the hundreds of thousands, a position of considerable power. However, she never imagined that her name would be among the first batch of cadres to be reviewed.

Since the SASAC was a newly established department, Zhao Erni had to do a lot of things herself, and she was extremely busy all day. So when the comrades from the Discipline Inspection Commission, the Rectification Commission, and the Political Security Bureau came to see her, she was a little confused. She thought something had happened to her work and suddenly felt a little uneasy.

In terms of rank, Zhao Erni's rank is much higher than these staff members. However, the Discipline Inspection Commission and the Rectification Commission do not care about your rank. This has been repeatedly emphasized in training within the party and government departments, and there are also similar examinations.

You should know that these departments are really powerful departments, which are specialized in dealing with people. As long as they are authorized, they can almost see the higher-level officials.

step.

After being taken to the special investigation site of the Suppression Committee, which looked a bit eerie to Zhao Erni, the joint investigation team of three departments began with the words, "Comrade Zhao Erni, don't have any concerns and answer the organization's questions truthfully." Zhao Erni was really shocked when these words appeared.

She immediately thought about her own mistakes at work and felt that there was nothing wrong. Then she tried to think about her colleague's mistakes, wondering if there was anything she needed to "snitch" and become a "traitor." However, she felt that her colleague had done nothing wrong either.

Although I am sure that I have not made any mistakes, I am really

Zhao Erni was still worried. Few people targeted by these powerful departments had a good ending. Even though Zhao Erni was in a high position,

Although she tried to remain calm on the surface, she still felt helpless and powerless.

Zhao Erni knew her situation well. She was a child from a poor family. She had followed Chairman Zhang Yinghao from Guang'an all the way to Chengdu. It was only because of his esteem, coupled with her own hard work and quick learning, that she was able to reach her current position. After arriving in Chengdu, she immediately brought her family over and found them jobs. Given her current status, most people simply couldn't reach her.

Zhao Erni had read nearly all of Chairman Zhang Yinghao's articles, and naturally understood where her power came from. She knew the Progressive Party emphasized gender equality, and that she herself had been arrested as a typical example. She knew that as long as she followed Chairman Zhang Yinghao's lead and worked diligently, she would achieve everything she desired. As a woman, her current position was a blessing that outweighed her sacrifices. Zhao Erni naturally understood her position, and so she had always been cautious in her work and open and honest in her conduct.

Despite Zhao Erni's confidence, the investigation still left her feeling overwhelmed. Starting in Guang'an, she was questioned about everything she'd decided on, much of which she couldn't recall. For example, she explained why she had initially encouraged her family to form a rural cooperative, and then why the entire family relinquished their land and changed their household registration.

When asked these questions, Zhao Erni was stunned for a moment, and it took her a while to react. The rural cooperative incident happened a long time ago, and if the staff hadn't asked her today, she would have almost forgotten about it. At that time, she was just a small cadre, and naturally she worked hard to gain benefits for her family. As for why she gave up the land later, it was naturally because she had grown up, her horizons had broadened, and she no longer cared about the benefits of the land.

Chapter 321:

Zhao Erni honestly admitted that she was short-sighted at first and that she was only trying to protect her family's interests. She then sincerely explained that after studying Chairman Zhang Yinghao's thoughts, she had improved her awareness and understanding, and realized her mistakes.

Seeing Zhao Erni was so honest, the staff couldn't help but look at each other. Then the staff asked Zhao Erni many questions, many of which were things that Zhao Erni thought she would never let anyone know. Many of these things were discussed privately by a few comrades.

Erni knew that these things must have been confessed by other people, that is, these staff members could string together all the things that the party members and cadres in the liberated areas had done, both openly and secretly, through questioning, and knew who did what and when.

"I understand." Zhao Erni shuddered at the thought. She didn't dare hide anything. She answered the staff's questions honestly, sometimes even revealing things her colleagues didn't know.

This review was comprehensive, covering almost everything Zhao Erni had done since joining the company. The sheer volume of content was staggering. Zhao Erni herself also reviewed everything she had done since joining the company, realizing she had indeed made many mistakes at work. Many of these things opened her eyes, making her realize that she should reflect on herself three times a day. She learned how to do this, and it was a huge benefit.

After the review was complete, the examiner sorted out the records and then said, "Comrade Zhao Erni, now that we have finished asking questions, do you have any questions for us?"

Zhao Erni was asked this question for two days straight. She was tired physically and even more tired mentally. She said directly: "No."

"Okay, Comrade Zhao Erni, please take a look at the record of our conversation. If there are no problems, please sign your name."

The meeting minutes were incredibly long, yet Zhao Erni still read them carefully. She felt her responses to many of the questions were inadequate, and even felt she hadn't said many of the words well enough, or even said them at all. However, Zhao Erni was too lazy to revise them, so she simply signed them, feeling they were fine.

The reviewers left immediately with their records. Zhao Erni wasn't the only one exhausted; the reviewers themselves were even more exhausted. Not only did they have to ask questions, but they also had to pursue any problems they discovered. It was truly exhausting. Of course, their hard work was worthwhile. The results of this comprehensive review were immense. Through mutual denunciations among the comrades under review, they uncovered a large number of Party members and cadres who engaged in corruption, factionalism, and problematic work styles. Numerous unqualified Party members were expelled, and a large number of problematic cadres were removed from office. This review yielded significant results, purifying the Party's ranks, increasing its cohesion and effectiveness, and strengthening its discipline...

After the review, Zhao Erni was assigned to a small room to rest. There were no tables or chairs in the room, only a bed, neatly laid out with a quilt and other items. A small nightstand held toiletries and other daily necessities. Seeing her treatment, which resembled solitary confinement, left Zhao Erni bewildered. She felt uncomfortable with the thought of being the head of the State-owned Assets Supervision and Administration Commission (SASAC) being treated like a prisoner. Then, thinking of the mountain of work ahead, she rolled her eyes and decided, "Whatever happens, make the best of it!" She simply lay down on the bed and fell asleep.

I didn't know how long I had slept when there was a knock on the door. Zhao Erni opened it and saw two staff members holding a notice. They said, "Comrade Zhao Erni, we are here to officially inform you that you have been assigned to the Central Party Member and Cadre Training School for a three-month training program. Please come with us now."

Zhao Erni wanted to leave as soon as possible, leaving this somewhat gloomy and solitary confinement room. She didn't care about the next arrangements. She knew that everything now had to be done according to the Party's arrangements, and there could be no disobedience.

When they arrived in front of a sign that read: "Central Party Member and Cadre Training School," Zhao Erni finally realized that her review was over. Zhao Erni was no stranger to training. Comrades who made mistakes were generally demoted after training, but normal promotions also required training. She just didn't know if she could still get a promotion after training since she was already at the ministerial level.

This is a newly built school with spacious and bright classrooms, huge glass windows, and tight security. If this place is suddenly attacked by the enemy, the entire Forward Party will suffer heavy losses.

As soon as Zhao Erni entered the room, she saw that the room was already full of people. Zhang Yinghao was sitting on the podium, and below him were several senior cadres from the Politburo Standing Committee who were in charge of the work of various cities. Not only them, but also comrades such as Chen Wei, Bao Shilin, Wu Guozhu, Qian Daoming, Chen Guiying, Zhang Kai, and Yu Qingao were all there.

In addition, there were some young cadres from the Liberated Areas who had performed exceptionally well in various areas. Zhao Erni was no stranger to these people; she had attended many of them at the People's Congress, the Party Congress, and the Labor Conference. If she didn't know them personally, she'd at least have met them on occasion. It was as if the leaders of the Liberated Areas had gathered together. Seeing this lineup, Zhao Erni immediately knew this training session was something special; no wonder all the comrades had to undergo vetting.

Zhang Yinghao waved Zhao Erni to sit down. This training session seemed quite high-level; each table was already prepared with paper and pens. Zhao Erni sat down, almost instinctively picking up the pen on the table and immediately beginning to listen attentively.

Zhang Yinghao said cheerfully, "Now that everyone is here, let's begin the training. Let me explain why we've arranged this training at this time. The Russo-Japanese War is underway in Northeast China, and we just had a battle with the British. I believe that if we don't proactively provoke a war, then we're unlikely to encounter a large-scale enemy attack in the short term. Of course, that's assuming the Qing Dynasty doesn't borrow heavily from foreign countries and then recklessly launch an armed attack on us..."

Zhao Erni watched Zhang Yinghao speak eloquently at the podium. She felt she couldn't adapt to this change for a while. Not long ago, she felt like a prisoner, but now she was receiving training from Zhang Yinghao along with top executives. The content of Zhang Yinghao's training was completely different from ordinary work, and it actually concerned overall considerations.

What exactly is industrialization? How do we industrialize? This is a difficult question that has plagued us. In my opinion, what is industrialization? It's actually very simple. Take cars, for example. If we need a specific car, our designers can design it instantly, and our factories can manufacture it instantly. If we need a certain reactor, we can design and manufacture it ourselves. In other words, when we can design and manufacture all the machinery and equipment we need according to our needs, then we can be considered to have achieved the initial stage of industrialization. This will require at least two generations of unremitting efforts to achieve... So let's first review the industrialization path of the great powers.

Zhang Yinghao then discussed the beginnings of capitalism – the opening of new shipping routes, early colonial expansion, the triangular trade, the Renaissance, and the Reformation – and the rise of capitalism – the bourgeois revolutions (the three major revolutions in Britain, France, and the United States), the reform of European feudal states, and the Enlightenment.

Then he talked about its development - the Industrial Revolution in the steam age, bourgeois revolutions and reform movements - the American Civil War, the Russo-Japanese reforms, the unification of Italy and Germany, the socialist movement, the birth of Marxism, the First International, the Paris Commune, etc. After that, Zhang Yinghao directly talked about the Second Industrial Revolution in the current electrification era, the emergence of monopoly organizations, the great powers' frenzy of dividing up the world, and the final formation of the capitalist world market...

Some of the things here are things Zhang Yinghao has covered before, but many more are things he has never covered before. If Zhang Yinghao's lectures at the beginning gave the comrades the feeling of a lighthearted historical account, then the deeper he went, the more profound the content became, and the more shocking it was.

Through Zhang Yinghao's narration, all comrades could feel that a great era was about to come, and a magnificent era was about to appear before the people.

Zhang Yinghao didn't mention the Third Revolution. There was no point in trying to explain the internet, a technology so utterly divorced from reality. Overcoming this barrier to understanding was simply beyond the comrades' current capabilities. In fact, even Zhang Yinghao himself lacked the ability to do so. He simply knew these facts from his own personal experience. Even the greatest visionary couldn't imagine what the future world would look like.

After Zhang Yinghao finished speaking, he changed the topic and said: "Okay, the industrialization process of Western countries has been explained, and we must learn the industrial achievements of Western countries over the past few hundred years as quickly as possible and in the shortest time. How should we do it? Lao Tzu said that it is easier to achieve the difficult than the easy, and it is easier to achieve the great than the small. The difficult things in the world must be done from the easy, and the great things in the world must be done from the small. The industrialization of our country is naturally inseparable from learning from the industrialization path of Western countries, but we must start from the most basic things. What are the most basic things? Knowing machines, using machines, and being familiar with machines. Eventually, we can design and manufacture any machines we need ourselves. Only then will our industrialization be on the right track.

How should we develop? Everyone should now understand the cruelty of primitive accumulation in capitalism. Marx once said: "Capital enters this world dripping with blood and filth from every pore." The development of Western capitalism has already wiped out hundreds of millions of people. If China were to follow the example of the great powers, how many would die in our country? One hundred million or two hundred million? Therefore, our country cannot do this; it would be too tragic. Therefore, we must study "Das Kapital" and "The Communist Manifesto" to chart the path forward and explain why we must wage a people's revolution.

When Zhang Yinghao explained a passage and asked for questions, one comrade immediately asked, "Chairman, are you so sure that the property owners, or the bourgeoisie, are unwilling to join the people's revolution?"

Zhang Yinghao answered directly: "This is determined by class attributes. There is a passage in the Manifesto: ... He replaced exploitation veiled by religious and political illusions with open, shameless, direct, and blatant exploitation. The bourgeoisie has wiped out the sacred halo of all professions that have always been respected and awe-inspiring. It has turned doctors, lawyers, priests, poets and scholars into wage laborers hired by it for money. The capitalists hire these workers to make profits for themselves, so exploitation and oppression are inevitable.

Let us now consider wage labor. The average price of wage labor is the minimum wage, the amount of necessities of life necessary for the worker to maintain his working life. Therefore, what the wage laborer appropriates through his labor is barely enough to sustain the reproduction of his life. Does wage labor, the labor of the proletarian, create property for the proletarian? No. This labor creates capital, that is, property that exploits wage labor, property that can only increase if new wage labor is constantly produced to be exploited anew.

We communists have no intention of abolishing the individual appropriation of the products of labor for the direct reproduction of life, an appropriation that leaves no surplus to enable one to command the labor of others. We want to abolish only the wretched nature of this appropriation. Think about it, comrades: under this appropriation, the worker lives solely to multiply capital, living only when the interests of the ruling class require it. In bourgeois society, the worker's labor is merely a means of earning a living; the profits go to the capitalists, and there is no accumulation of labor. In communist society, accumulated labor is merely a means to expand, enrich, and improve the workers' lives. Thus, in bourgeois society, the past governs the present; in communist society, the present governs the past.

Zhang Yinghao's cryptic remarks left the attendees bewildered, though some seemed to understand. Zhang Yinghao continued, "But capital isn't an individual force; it's a social force. Therefore, by transforming capital into public property belonging to all members of society, what changes is only the social nature of property. It loses its class character."

We say that the land of the land feeds the people of the land, so we divide the land. Should the wealth of the land also be divided among the people of the land? Yes and no. Simply distributing money to the people of the land is meaningless. We use the value created by the labor of the working people to provide public services, such as medical care, railways, postal services, education, and so on. We also need to vigorously develop infrastructure so that all people can enjoy these services. In this way, we are effectively distributing the wealth of the land among the people of the land. Do you understand?

Seeing the bewildered faces of his comrades, Zhang Yinghao thought for a moment and said, "Let me give you a simple example. Postal service is one of our public services. Comrades, you all have no objection to providing postal services to the people, right?"

"Of course not."

“That’s a good thing.

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Chapter 322:

Zhang Yinghao listened, nodded, and said, "Comrades all agree to provide postal services, but this postal service is not charity. If the postal service is not a public service, but is handled by private individuals, then comrades, do you think it can be done well?"

Zhang Yinghao's question left many comrades bewildered, as they hadn't even considered the question. Without allowing the comrades to answer, Zhang Yinghao spoke directly, "What would private individuals do? They would only establish post offices in economically developed areas, automatically ignoring remote villages. China is so vast, every township needs at least one post office. China must have at least 42,000 township-level administrative units, and a rough calculation of these post offices would show a total of at least 100,000 people. Current projections suggest the postal service will be in the red for at least a hundred years, with losses of at least 1 billion yuan. How many wealthy people could be bankrupted by 1 billion yuan? Comrades, think about this: who would be willing to take on the postal service as a charity? Who could afford the investment? Who in China would be willing to be the unwitting victim of a hundred years of losses? There's no problem letting private individuals run postal services in coastal areas, but comrades, think about this: would these private individuals actually run a post office in XZ? Would they even run one in the Daliang Mountains?

It is said that there are people who will do business that will cost them their lives, but no one will do business that will lose them money. When future profits are predictable, who would be willing to provide services that are expected to lose so much money? So these are basic services that require funding from the state. Where are the taxes we collect used? They are used in these places.

Take compulsory education, for example. Our country has a total population of 450 million. How many children aged six to twelve go to school? A conservative estimate is 50 million. With an average of 50 children per class, there would be a million classes. Let's assume, on the low end, that one teacher is responsible for all the courses in a class, which would require a million teachers. How much would a million teachers need in salary per year? Assuming a salary of 100 yuan, that would be 100 million yuan. To put it bluntly, how much did the Qing Dynasty pay in reparations from all the unequal treaties it signed? It wouldn't even cover several years' wages for these teachers. What's the current state of the Qing Dynasty? War is raging, and it's on the verge of destruction.