The Heroic Age of the Late Qing Dynasty

Zhang Yinghao took the document and began to read it. It contained a lot of information, but the summary was simple. The Qing court launched an investigation into the PLA's easy liberation of Yunnan and Guizhou, only to discover a chilling fact. The Sichuan rebels had long since sent people to Yunnan and Guizhou to establish organizations, resulting in a large number of "guides" in the areas under Qing control. These people immediately responded by raising troops to support the PLA's advance into Yunnan and Guizhou, or by providing them with guidance, leaving the Qing with virtually no chance of resistance.

The Qing Dynasty immediately began to analyze the abnormal situations across the country, and then they got a terrifying answer without much investigation, that is, the Red Bandits had planted nails all over the country. The previous nationwide strikes and uprisings across the country, the Red Bandit organizations were developing in full swing in the vast rural areas, and now the sharp struggle between the rural unruly people and the landlords and gentry were all the credit of the Sichuan Red Bandits, and the shadow of the Forward Party was behind the scenes.

The Russo-Japanese War was still raging in Northeast China, and uprisings were breaking out across the country. The large-scale uprising of the secret societies in Guangxi had yet to be suppressed. The Qing court knew that if it didn't make a desperate effort and immediately eliminate these "traitors," the Sichuan rebels would launch another attack, and the Qing would be doomed.

The high officials in the Qing court did not reflect on themselves, and the Qing royal family would not admit their mistakes. In their eyes, if they could not resolve the conflict, then they should resolve the person who created the conflict!

Therefore, the Qing Dynasty also took ruthless action this time. After receiving help and support from the great powers such as Britain and France, it planned to order all forces to first join forces to eradicate all revolutionaries and troublemakers across the country, suppress the rebellious mobs, and then concentrate all their forces to immediately launch a decisive battle with the Sichuan rebels. Only with the help of the great powers would they have a glimmer of hope of winning.

The Qing court's response was truly sluggish. In reality, the local landlords and gentry, the ruling class of the Qing dynasty, had already taken action long before these high-ranking rulers took action. In areas under Qing rule, militia groups guarded key arteries, interrogating passersby and arresting progressive Party members and revolutionaries. In areas bordering the liberated areas, intimidated by the PLA's overwhelming power, these militia groups, while afraid to confront them directly, frequently harassed the fringes of the liberated areas, using every possible means to treat civilians attempting to flee.

After the mid-Qing Dynasty, the population increased significantly, the contradiction between population and land became acute, and peasant uprisings surged. To make up for the shortage of troops, the imperial court began to instruct local areas to recruit personnel to deal with the rebels. These civilian armed forces, organized under the names of "tuanlian" and "xiangyong", were the predecessors of the militia.

After the Taiping Rebellion broke out, the Eight Banners and Green Camp of the Qing Dynasty were vulnerable to the fiercely motivated Taiping Army. The Qing government ordered local officials to mobilize landlords and gentry to form local militias to combat the Taiping Army and the subsequent Nian Rebellion. Local Han officials such as Zeng Guofan, Hu Linyi, Zuo Zongtang, and Li Hongzhang organized militias, soldiers, and other landlord armed forces to repeatedly defeat the Taiping Army. By using local treasuries to collect military funds, they ultimately extinguished the Taiping, Nian, and Tongzhi Hui Rebellions.

Why did the Qing dare to allow its people to recruit soldiers and control military power? Weren't they afraid of separatist regimes? Why did the Qing have landlord armed forces to keep it alive? First and foremost, the Qing court supported these armed forces. The Qing imperial family was high above, the ruling class within the ruling class. Therefore, they dared to mobilize the ruling class to suppress the uprising because the landlord class also opposed the uprising and threatened to undermine local stability. They had a common enemy.

Miraculously, these uncontrolled armed forces gained the Qing court's approval. Zeng Guofan and his colleagues repeatedly received strong support from the Qing court, transforming the Hunan Army into a regular force that received imperial rations and obeyed orders. Militia leaders were also granted various levels of imperial official positions. Zeng Guofan, Zuo Zongtang, and Li Hongzhang successively became high-ranking officials at the level of governor-general and provincial governor. It can be said that without the full financial and material support of the Qing government, even Zeng Guofan and his colleagues, even if they were exceptionally talented, would have been unable to convince the Hunan Army to serve the Qing court.

The Qing court was the ultimate beneficiary of the infighting among the Han armed forces. There is no doubt that the reason why the Qing court was able to "extend its life" for several decades was largely due to the desperate fighting of these militia groups.

However, after the Boxer Rebellion, uprisings and banditry broke out in various places. Not only the aristocratic families, but even ordinary villagers wanted to resist the bandits and defend their hometowns. When many places formed militias, the slogans they raised were "eliminating banditry" and "protecting the country and the people."

Chapter 392: Thanks to my book friend Cappuccino for the extra chapter!

The militia forces across the country truly ushered in their "vigorous development" period after Zhang Yinghao launched the revolution in Sichuan. Especially after learning about the policies of the Progressive Party towards landlords, gentry, and bandits and gangs, in order to fight against the "Land Revolution" and other tyrannies led by the Progressive Party, the reactionaries, who were overwhelmed with a sense of crisis, raised guns and formed militias under the banner of "preventing bandits and protecting the countryside", and their power expanded rapidly.

To maintain public order, the Qing government granted these spontaneously formed civil organizations, which contributed to local stability, official recognition. While this recognition was limited to political and legal matters, with no funding provided, these organizations were left to fend for themselves. However, with Qing approval, the armed forces across the country became much more empowered, and they grew and prospered openly.

Zhang Yinghao also knew that the reactionaries across the country were slowly uniting, and their forces were growing stronger, especially with the help and support of the great powers. The British government and the British plenipotentiary, Sir John Sawyer, were deeply resentful of the Qing revolutionaries in Sichuan. They were completely outside the control of the British Empire. Not only were they disobedient, they were also completely independent, even daring to challenge the British Empire directly. In Sawyer's eyes, such a situation was absolutely unacceptable in this ignorant and backward country. No country or force in the world could challenge the British Empire, as those that had challenged it in the past had either been annihilated or surrendered. A consensus had been reached between Britain and Sawyer: arm the Qing army and help the obedient Qing court eliminate these bandits. After eliminating the red bandits, they could then take advantage of the Qing.

In the late Qing Dynasty, secret societies were ubiquitous across the country, and they were the main force behind the uprising. The Qianjin Party's policies in Sichuan offended both the landlord class and the secret societies. Through propaganda from the Qing, the landlords, and the secret societies, this became known nationwide, driving the vast majority of landlords, gentry, bandits, and secret societies into opposition to the Sichuan Qianjin Party and the People's Liberation Army. It was precisely because of this common "enemy"—the Qianjin Party—that the Qing Dynasty maintained its unification.

Zhang Yinghao knew that the comrades sent out later would rarely dare to act under the banner of the Forward Party, as they would be pursued and blocked by all forces, making it difficult for them to advance. They were even often brutally murdered by the reactionaries. Even in some places, many comrades, even after developing their power, were forced to retreat underground or retreat to remote corners, relying on strategic locations for defense. Ultimately, the landlord gentry still hadn't abandoned the Qing Dynasty and still harbored illusions about it.

Of course, in the previous life's revolution, Sun Zhongshan proposed the slogan "Three Mingisms," but he lacked a concrete revolutionary program or action plan, much less specific content and propositions for the land distribution. Therefore, Zhang Yinghao knew that with the precedent of the Forward Party, the landlords and gentry would be even less likely to abandon the Qing Dynasty in this life. As long as they maintained Qing rule, their land would be safe, but if Sichuan were to be overthrown by the revolution, they would lose everything. Many revolutionaries, realizing this, prepared to win over the landlords and gentry to the party, claiming that the Forward Party was not a revolutionary party, and that the tyranny currently underway in Sichuan was even more brutal than that of the Qing Dynasty and definitely not a revolution.

However, in the face of increasingly fierce class struggles in rural areas, local militias, with the support of the Qing Dynasty, also brought out the household registration management system with military management that began in the Song Dynasty - the Baojia system. The Baojia system was a long-standing social governance method in the feudal era of China, which could effectively control the local people.

Many "wise men" also took the initiative to give tenants a slight rent and interest reduction to ease the conflict. It was also because the power of the landlords and gentry increased greatly that the Qing Dynasty strengthened its control over the new army.

Due to surveillance, revolutions in various places in this life have become more than twice as difficult as in the previous life.

However, Zhang Yinghao had already fully grasped the rapid maturation of the nationwide revolution. Revolution and counter-revolution were inherently contradictory. While these counter-revolutionaries carried out their reactionary rule and propaganda, they were actually also indirectly promoting revolution. Furthermore, the militia's operating funds, while a small portion coming from the pockets of the landlords and gentry, were largely funded by solicited donations or apportionments. To this end, they established a variety of taxes, from so-called "corps donations and joint group fees" to "village protection fees, land donations, and ancestral hall donations." In some places, even locals were required to pay a tax for marrying off their daughters or marrying off their wives.

What is even more serious is that once these militia members have power, they will do whatever they want. They rely on force to drag away the people's oxen, plunder the people's food, and even kill able-bodied men, rape or abduct women, making the people everywhere suffer.

When Zhang Yinghao saw these materials, he once again recalled Snow's evaluation of the "militia" organization in his previous life: "Whenever the Red Army occupies a place, its first and last enemy is the militia."

Although many militia groups operated solely for self-protection, integrating soldiers with farmers, training in peacetime and preparing for battle, their sizes varied, but they possessed a certain cohesion due to ties of blood and geography. However, militia groups were ultimately mere vines attached to the regular army. How many capable and capable members could a militia possess? Once attacked by regular troops, they could easily collapse.

The Forward Party now had a plan for dealing with the militias. It offered preferential treatment by immediately allocating land to Qing soldiers and militiamen willing to surrender. Many Forward Party members had successfully infiltrated the militias, demonstrating the remarkable success of this policy. Furthermore, the local armed forces in Sichuan, Shaanxi, Yunnan, and Guizhou had previously caused little significant trouble, and most of the reactionary militias were quickly eliminated. Therefore, once power was secured, it would be relatively easy to disintegrate, disorganize, or even encourage rebellion through military strikes and political propaganda, ultimately eliminating the militias.

After reading the information, Zhang Yinghao knew that this time, the Qing Dynasty could not let the butcher knife fall. Previously, there had been nationwide demonstrations and strikes, and uprisings that had sprung up and then disappeared across the country, represented by Jing Tingbin, the Shuanglong Society in Chuzhou, and the Longhua Society in Yongkang. The Shanghai Anti-Russian Volunteer Corps had been slandered as an anti-Qing organization, and all of these had been suppressed by the Qing Dynasty.

The ongoing boycott of American goods is also being suppressed by the Qing Dynasty. At the end of last year, the unequal treaty, the "Sino-American Treaty Concerning the Restriction of Chinese Workers and the Protection of Chinese Living in the United States," expired. The Chinese people, especially the overseas Chinese in the United States, strongly demanded the abolition of the treaty. Under pressure from public opinion, the Qing government demanded that the US government revise the treaty. However, the US government flatly refused, unreasonably demanding its renewal, sparking the boycott of American goods. This year, the boycott officially erupted, but the Qing government is currently suppressing it. If history had followed, the movement would have died down after October.

At this point, high-ranking officials like Yuan Shikai, Governor-General of Zhili, Cen Chunxuan, Governor-General of Guangdong and Guangxi, Zhang Zhidong, Governor-General of Huguang, and Duan Fang, Governor-General of Liangjiang, had all received orders from the Qing court to eliminate the rebels within their jurisdictions. Zhang Yinghao knew that if these officials took action, the slaughter would be brutal. Just like Zhang Zhidong's killing of Tang Caichang of the Self-Reliance Army, the province-wide roundup of rebels was a daily occurrence, and anyone who showed any signs of activity would be spared.

If the Qing Dynasty allowed militias from across the country to join the massacre, Zhang Yinghao was certain that a nationwide bloodbath would unfold, with dire consequences. Revolutionary and progressive forces across the country would inevitably suffer enormous losses and setbacks. Once this kind of killing based on class hatred began, it would be like the Boxer Rebellion, which targeted anyone who had contact with foreign religions or even possessed a pen. Once the reactionaries launched a collective attack, they would not stop until all progressive forces were completely annihilated. It would undoubtedly escalate into a horrific massacre comparable to the Kuomintang's previous massacre of millions in the Jiangxi Soviet Area.

Now, apart from the base areas where they had been established, Zhang Yinghao himself was not entirely clear on the current status of the comrades he had sent out. Therefore, he himself did not know how much influence he had gained, nor did he know how much power he had. However, it did not matter; as long as the troops within the liberated areas were mobilized, they could actually mobilize again.

Of course, Zhang Yinghao also knew that in some places, the armed forces developed by the Forward Party had already liberated a large area, and Comrade Li Tong had already controlled the entire Dabie Mountain area. Although the comrades in various provinces had made some progress and some had not, they had basically met the minimum requirements of the Leading Party.

At this time, thanks to Zhang Yinghao's appearance, new armies appeared in every provincial capital ahead of schedule. For example, Hubei Province, historically, only had over 16,000 officers and soldiers by 1907. However, in this time and space, the Hubei New Army alone reached the number of New Army troops during the Wuchang Uprising. The number of New Army troops in other provinces bordering the Liberated Areas also greatly increased compared to previous lives, and the number of militia groups increased exponentially.

However, the Qing army relied on money to build its army, while the People's Liberation Army relied not on money but on faith, simply having enough to eat. Therefore, the Qing struggled to support tens of thousands of Beiyang troops, and the new armies in other provinces were formed independently. It can be seen that the Qing Dynasty eventually gave up even the most important military power.

At this point, Zhang Yinghao even thought that the Manchu royal family had anticipated the Qing's demise. They feared that the new rulers would immediately retaliate against them, so they deliberately disrupted China and caused warlords to fight each other in order to buy time and resolve past hatreds. If this were true, then the Manchus had indeed achieved their goal.

Zhang Yinghao wasn't planning a decisive battle with the Qing court in the north; keeping the Qing was still somewhat useful. Instead, he decided to deal with the south first. The Qing's economic foundation lay in the south. While the north had a strong army, it didn't have much money. Would the army eat itself up? Therefore, if the northern army expanded too much, it would collapse internally.

Most importantly, the Beiyang Army was also a feudal army, a force of soldiers raised on silver. Without money, it was doubtful whether Yuan Shikai could have commanded it. Zhang Yinghao knew that he had missed the best opportunity. If he had fought a decisive battle with the Qing Dynasty right after the Russo-Japanese War broke out, the war would probably be almost over by now.

"Chairman, there's another situation. The British sold a batch of weapons to Guangdong and Guangxi Governor-General Cen Chunxuan to equip the new army. There are about 30,000 rifles, as well as machine guns and cannons..."

Zhang Yinghao listened, nodded, and looked up at the calendar. It was almost May. Without further delay, Zhang Yinghao immediately convened a top-level meeting, with all members of the Party, government, and military in Chengdu in attendance.

When everyone arrived at the venue, they were all talking about it.

"I wonder what the chairman is calling this meeting for?" "Yes, it's been a long time since we held such a meeting, right?"

"Yes, there are so many people. It was during the last Party Congress, right?" "Did you hear what happened?"

"Is there going to be a war?"

"We'll know soon. The Chairman is coming soon. It must be a big deal, otherwise they wouldn't have called such a big meeting. Are we going to go to war with the British?"

“Maybe?”

After everyone arrived, Zhang Yinghao entered the conference room and took the chairman's seat. He distributed the document detailing the Qing dynasty's plan to massacre progressive forces across the country. After the comrades had read it, Zhang Yinghao said, "We must find a way to stop this massacre by the Qing dynasty. Otherwise, it will become a counterattack by the landlord class against progressive forces. From a class perspective, this will be a loss for the Chinese people and a major disaster for us."

After Zhang Yinghao finished speaking, he immediately dropped a bombshell that stunned everyone: "Comrades, today we are going to discuss the issue of liberating a few more provinces and diverting some conflicts."

Listening to Zhang Yinghao's tone, it sounded as if taking over a few provinces was as easy as eating and drinking water. Many comrades were a little confused when they heard this, as they had never heard of this issue before. However, the comrades in the Military Commission knew it all and had been constantly preparing for the deployment of troops. They immediately stated, "Chairman, it's time to go out. The frontline troops are rubbing their hands and have submitted many requests for battle. We will resolutely obey the Chairman's orders..."

The new Finance Minister Deng Haidong also said: "The Ministry of Finance is also in a difficult situation now. It is too difficult to carry out large-scale infrastructure construction in Yunnan and Guizhou.

The transportation problem is too serious. Many technical conditions are not mature now. We cannot rely solely on Sichuan for support. If we do so, Sichuan's blood will be drained. I also support

Attack immediately, at least capture Guangxi and Hubei. Hubei has steel mills, and we need to build an outlet to the sea in Guangxi..."

After listening to the comrades' statements, Zhang Yinghao nodded and said directly: "Comrades, I still clearly remember that when our Sichuan University held a welcome party for President Yan Fu, a comrade asked me how long the Russo-Japanese War would last. My prediction was that it would end in a few months at the shortest. Comrades, do you know how many people are fighting on both sides of the Russo-Japanese War and how many casualties there are? The total number of Japanese troops participating in the war is over one million, and the casualties are about 27

Ten thousand people, the Russian troops participating in the war reached 1.2 million, and the number of casualties and Xiaozai B was about 270,000.

What does this mean? It means that if we or the Qing Dynasty wanted to recapture Northeast China, a year ago, we would have had to face a combined force of over two million Japanese and Russian troops, with casualties exceeding 500,000,000, to have any chance of victory. Do we have that many troops now? Do we have that much material resources? None.

The most important point is that after the Russo-Japanese War, these two countries will obtain a large amount of supplies in the shortest possible time, and their national strength will recover rapidly. Their recovery speed will definitely exceed our growth rate. In other words, if we do not take advantage of this time to attack, then we will face the same scenes as the current Russo-Japanese War, with millions of troops fighting and hundreds of thousands or even millions of casualties.

The current situation is that both Japan and Russia are exhausted and gasping for breath. Once they relax,

This prompted us to unify the country as quickly as possible. Only by uniting the whole country can we fight against Japan and Russia. Otherwise, in the future, as long as we send troops out of the country, we will face Japan or Russia.

Or Russia or even a joint stranglehold of the two countries.

The price paid at that time will be dozens or even hundreds of times higher than it is now.

And once the Russo-Japanese War is over, the great powers will definitely immediately arm the Qing court to fight against us. If we arm the Qing court with a million troops, then we

We still need to fight a decisive battle with the Qing Dynasty. Although the final victory will definitely belong to us, the ones who will suffer losses will definitely be our country and our nation.

So, how the future will unfold is now clear. If we attack now, we might just face the unarmed Qing court, with its few hundred thousand elite troops and a million local militia. If we don't attack now, we might face a reassembled Eight-Nation Alliance and a million-strong armed Qing army. Comrades, isn't it clear now? Everyone, share your opinions!

In reality, Zhang Yinghao had already grasped the madness and strength of the Japanese. In 1904, they were able to mobilize over a million troops with loans, despite suffering 270,000 casualties. By the time of the September 18th Incident, Japan had already completed its Second Industrial Revolution and was even more powerful. The Kuomintang, a political party originating in Japan and traditionally pro-Japanese, understood Japan's power better than anyone else.

Chiang Kai-shek knew that even if the Northeastern Army's 400,000 troops fought to the death, as long as the Japanese were determined to invade, the Northeastern Army would be no match. Even if his Central Army pressed forward, they would still lose. For Chiang Kai-shek, the representative of the interests of the landlords and comprador capitalist class, even if he was being bullied to death, he would never fight to the death knowing that he would lose. He would never do business that would lose money, haha!

"Chairman, needless to say, I support the fight."

"Yes, Chairman, news has arrived from many places that the landlords are launching a counter-offensive and have killed many of our comrades."

"Go ahead and fight. Even if it means risking your life, let's beat up the Qing Dynasty first."

Chapter 393:

In fact, Zhang Yinghao had only recently come to the realization that he couldn't have his cake and eat it, and that was the dilemma of not having it both ways. His previous plan had been to quietly develop his power, wait until he had grown stronger, and then destroy the Qing Dynasty, and then naturally unify China. That way, he wouldn't have to worry about foreign powers sending troops to intervene, nor would he have to worry about blockades, and there wouldn't be a war between warlords.

After completing the Chengdu-Chongqing Railway, Zhang Yinghao realized he'd made a monumental mistake: he'd always tried to proceed steadily, concentrating all his resources. While this was true, he was now in a completely agricultural country, particularly inland. Even if he exhausted all Sichuan's manpower and resources, how much construction could he accomplish? Furthermore, China's geography was fragmented, and development was extremely uneven. Sichuan and Shaanxi were now like two different worlds, separated by mountains and rivers, leaving little connection between them.

In China, concentrating national resources is not simply what Zhang Yinghao had imagined: simply distributing land. This completely fails to reflect the superior system of concentrating resources to accomplish major tasks. Only major national projects, like the Sichuan railway project, can mobilize the entire province's resources. Only by liberating more provinces can we concentrate greater resources for larger-scale construction. Even if armed intervention by foreign powers were to occur, the burden should be shared by the entire nation, not just the few provinces that have been liberated.

I've always understood the principle that if you focus on your own projects, others will follow you. But these days, I've come to realize that when we undertake major national projects and large-scale construction projects, the entire nation will be drawn to these projects. Only then can the entire nation's strength be mobilized, rather than simply mobilizing the masses. If we simply mobilize the masses but don't know how to direct their energy, serious problems will arise.

At the beginning of the founding of New China, during the Taizu era, large-scale construction was carried out. Countless railways and highways were built, more than 300 large reservoirs, more than 2,100 medium-sized reservoirs, and more than 85,000 small reservoirs were built. This is only the data for reservoirs. There is also river embankment repair work in the Yangtze River, Yellow River, Huai River, Haihe River, Pearl River and other water systems. In his previous life, when Zhang Yinghao was selling medicine for treating bone diseases, he heard an old soldier say that when they were digging the riverbed of the Haihe River, they just jumped into the water in the middle of winter, dug for a while, and then went ashore to roast a fire. Eventually, their knees and other joints became diseased. They felt pain when the weather changed and were very afraid of the cold.

Why has China been able to achieve remarkable achievements in later generations? It is because everyone is doing things and revolving around things. Problems arose during the Cultural Revolution because at that time, some people were unwilling to revolve around things and wanted to revolve around people. It would be strange if there were no problems. However, the final struggle was still revolving around things.

People have won. After all, only by focusing on the matter can we solve the big problems. There are some problems that cannot be solved by focusing on them.

Zhang Yinghao figured this out, and no longer had any hesitation. He immediately convened a meeting to unify their thoughts and send troops to fight. The final result was undeniable: everyone voted unanimously to launch the war of unification.

Zhang Yinghao did not delay any longer and immediately went to the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress and obtained unanimous approval. Zhang Yinghao signed the liberation of Guangxi, Hunan, Hubei, Shanxi and other provinces.

At the same time, Zhang Yinghao personally sent a telegram to the Shaanxi Military Sub-district, asking them to send cavalry north out of the Great Wall to the vast

Go to the prairie and liberate the enslaved prairie people.

At the same time, all departments also sent telegrams in an orderly manner to all the bases established by the comrades who had been sent out before, such as Li Tong in Dabie Mountains, Chen Guanghe in Jinggang Mountains, and comrades in Yimeng Mountains, Taihang Mountains, Luliang Mountains, Daqing Mountains and other places in Shandong, issuing orders to cooperate with the main force to launch an uprising.

The war machine immediately began to churn, orders being issued methodically. The main force stationed on the border had long been eager to fight and earn merit, and upon receiving the order, they immediately began making final preparations. In fact, the liberated areas were constantly expanding. The Qing imperial power did not extend below the county level, and the vast rural areas were a playground for the People's Liberation Army. For example, the vast areas of Guangxi near Guizhou and Yunnan had already been liberated by the People's Liberation Army. Those secret society armed forces had become obedient after fighting two battles with the liberation forces, while the remaining Qing officials in Guangxi still dared not speak out. Furthermore, the People's Liberation Army had already entered northwestern Hubei, and while land reform was being carried out under Zhang Zhidong's nose, he could only sigh helplessly.

Then there's Xiangxi, a distinct geographical term. While narrowly defined, it refers to the later Xiangxi Tujia and Miao Autonomous Prefecture, broadly speaking, it encompasses western Hunan Province, encompassing Xiangxi Prefecture, Huaihua, Shaoyang, Loudi, Zhangjiajie, and parts of neighboring cities and counties. Broadly defined, Xiangxi is quite large, closely connected to the neighboring mountainous regions of Chongqing and Guizhou to the west.

Shen Congwen wrote in "Miscellaneous Notes on Western Hunan" that outsiders' impression of this area is: "Women are mostly good at poisoning, and men are particularly fond of killing people." Superstitious beliefs such as witchcraft and corpse-driving have brought a touch of mystery to this area.

The saying "When Huguang is prosperous, the whole world is well-fed" has been around for a long time. The rich water system of the Yangtze River Basin and the vast 800-mile Dongting Lake give the province of Hunan sufficient confidence to regard itself as a land of fish and rice.

However, Hunan's abundance is very unbalanced. The Dongting Lake Plain and the areas around the Xiangjiang River Basin produce most of Hunan's grain, while the Xiangxi region, with an area of ​​37.2% of the province, once took away 68% of the province's poor counties.

Western Hunan boasts a complex terrain, dotted with high mountains and vast valleys. The Wuling Mountains, the eastern extension of the Yunnan-Guizhou Plateau, and the Xuefeng Mountains, the dividing line between China's second and third terraces, stretch northeastwards through western Hunan, one south and one north. Their main ranges and tributaries cover 90% of the region's land.

Western Hunan is rife with mountains, each one a challenge to traverse. Between two mountain ranges, the Yuan River winds northward, creating one of the few remaining valley plains in the region. Major cities in western Hunan, such as Shaoyang, Huaihua, and Yuanling, along with nearly half of the population, are concentrated along the main and tributary rivers of the Yuan and Zishui Rivers. In the past, transportation primarily relied on boats, leaving the deep mountains a seldom-explored landscape.

Hidden mountains and forests provide refuge for numerous mysterious people. The idyllic paradise that the Wuling people in Tao Yuanming's "Peach Blossom Spring" stumbled upon while wandering along a stream lies west of Changde City, Hunan Province. Due to the frequent wars at the end of the Qin Dynasty, they retreated to the mountains to recuperate. The complex terrain of western Hunan not only provided shelter for these refugees, but also concealed the whereabouts of bandits and robbers.

There were frequent wars in the late Qing Dynasty. Retired officers and soldiers and vagrants gathered together in the mountains. The majority of them were the Hunan Army that fought against the Taiping Heavenly Kingdom.

The Taiping Heavenly Kingdom's advance from Guangxi to Hunan was met with widespread defeat by government forces, giving local militias an opportunity to rapidly rise. After the capture of Tianjing, they were repatriated by Zeng Guofan, but the habits of the old army were hard to shake. Many veterans from western Hunan, unwilling to continue farming or be bound by government constraints, chose to become bandits.

Another example is the Xiangxi Tusi uprising in the late Qing Dynasty. Many soldiers and officers who participated in suppressing the uprising were disinclined to fight, either fleeing or colluding with the local Tusi. Knowing they could no longer return to the army, they simply took to the mountains and established themselves as bandits. The rampant banditry and chaotic conditions in the region were a reflection of the local situation, and the mountains provided refuge for these defeated soldiers and local militia.

The Hunan and Huai armies were arguably the most powerful armed forces in China at the time. They saved the Qing Dynasty from the Taiping Rebellion, but they also set in motion a trend of local militias that would be difficult to reverse. After the People's Liberation Army entered Yunnan and Guizhou, a large number of landlords and gentry fled to these areas.

However, the more acute the contradictions are, the more mature the conditions for revolution are. Due to the land reform in Yunnan and Guizhou, many people in the mountains left the mountains and settled outside the mountains. In addition, the armed forces formed by the comrades sent back by Zhang Yinghao in the early days, and the People's Liberation Army used the policy of first winning over and then beating, fighting and winning at the same time against the bandits in Xiangxi. That is to say, those who can be won over will be won over, and they will become their own forces. With their help, they will go into the mountains to suppress the bandits and accurately strike the bandit nests. After suppressing the bandits for a period of time, they will win them over again.

The bandits of Xiangxi were no longer the hundreds of thousands of defeated soldiers of Chiang Kai-shek's later era. Instead, they were still using single-handed tactics, using firearms, matchlock rifles, muskets, homemade cannons, and even bows, arrows, spears, and broadswords. They stood a chance against the PLA's mortars and machine guns. More than half a year had passed, and most of the bandits in Xiangxi had been eliminated, and land reform was proceeding smoothly.

"Chairman, are we really going to adopt such a strategy and tactics this time?" Liu Qi still asked worriedly in the combat command room.

Zhang Yinghao nodded and said: "Our combat objective is very clear, that is to destroy the enemy's vitality. Although the Qing Dynasty is incompetent, the provinces from Mongolia to Guangxi have a certain degree of psychological preparation and have made some defensive preparations for us. We must mobilize the Qing army and not let them hide in the

We will suffer losses, so we should just fight yours and I fight mine, and not follow the path prepared for us by the Qing Dynasty."

Military experts say it's best not to fight a war on two fronts, but Zhang Yinghao's plan for this battle was an all-out offensive. He didn't even know how many fronts he would attack, intending to liberate all the provinces surrounding the currently liberated areas at once. This was a tactic Zhang Yinghao devised based on China's unique transportation conditions at the time: no main force, or rather, all the main forces.

One of the purposes of this operation was to train a group of junior officers and test their ability to adapt flexibly. The combat troops only considered offense, not defense and logistics, nor the gains and losses of cities. Because Zhang Yinghao believed that these troops might be deployed in the war with Japan and Russo-Japanese in the future, if their subjective initiative was not strong, they would inevitably suffer in the future. This was just a major military training for the Qing Dynasty.

At the same time, Zhang Yinghao also sent a large number of small units into the Qing-controlled areas. They would fight if they could win, and flee if they couldn't. They would take advantage of any roads and exploit any opportunities. They would launch a full-scale, roundabout attack, attacking the enemy from behind or from the side, thus defeating all the Qing's previous preparations. As long as they could selectively defeat a few Qing units, Zhang Yinghao believed that the Qing army would naturally be completely defeated.

The Huaihai Campaign in previous lives was similar. The enemy was viewed as a series of points. Without air superiority, mobile forces, or robust logistical support, the PLA had 600,000 troops, while the militia had 800,000. The PLA used extensive infiltration and detours, then concentrated its superior forces to devour the encircling militia troops one by one. The 800,000-man army was annihilated by the 600,000-man force. This wasn't the most bizarre thing; the most bizarre thing was that the 800,000-man army was surrounded and annihilated by the 600,000-man force, leaving them unable to escape.

Zhang Yinghao believed that as long as his grassroots units were more effective than the new army, his commanding officers were more capable of immediate combat than the enemy, and his small units possessed superior combat capabilities, he could employ this interpenetration tactic. In a previous life, he had read the saying: "When you're poor, interpenetrate; when you're strong, bomb." Indeed, during the initial counterattack against Vietnam, this principle was followed. Against the tiny Vietnamese, the idea was to use artillery, bombing the entire Vietnamese army and then pushing through. However, the PLA immediately suffered the same underestimation of the enemy as during the Korean War, suffering heavy losses. Ultimately, the grassroots officers were forced to resort to the interpenetration tactic again to deal with the Vietnamese.

However, the infiltration tactics must have a fearless spirit of sacrifice, and small units must also use themselves as the main force, because when infiltrating, you really don’t know what kind of unit is on the opposite side. It is lucky to encounter a small unit, but if you encounter a large unit, you must be determined to die. When necessary, a squad must dare to launch a desperate attack on a company, a regiment or even a division.

In this era, Zhang Yinghao believed that the Qing Dynasty's new army, like the militia of his previous life, would absolutely fear the infiltration tactic. Their morale would likely plummet upon hearing that the People's Liberation Army was surrounding them. Of course, Zhang Yinghao was no fool, so he wouldn't resort to such a large-scale infiltration in completely hostile territory. He dared to do so out of his disdain for the Qing army and its control over the grassroots. In Zhang Yinghao's view, the common people he faced, whether they were fighting him or not, were the same. While the common people wouldn't help him, they certainly wouldn't help the Qing army either. Since both sides shared the same mass base, Zhang Yinghao dared to conduct such an infiltration tactic.

Moreover, Zhang Yinghao wasn't a fool who hadn't seen a spy film. His former undercover predecessors were so powerful, there was no way he wouldn't be able to use them. Therefore, whether it was the Beiyang New Army or the Hubei New Army, there were already quite a few comrades from the Forward Party lurking within them. They might not have risen to high positions, or spread communist ideology, but if these people acted simultaneously to disrupt the troops, the Standard Commanders and Assistant Commanders would be left helpless.

Moreover, many comrades of the Forward Party had received considerable training and had acquired some education before joining the army as artillerymen, engineers, and other branches of the military, with quite a few now serving as officers. The Forward Party had already taken firm root, especially within the Hubei New Army.

In reality, as long as the principles of revolution, nationalism, and the state as a tool of class rule are clearly explained, and once a person acknowledges that the state is a tool of class rule, those who understand will immediately understand the Qing Dynasty. Soldiers are actually more sensitive and receptive to these things. Anyone with a clean background will almost certainly join the revolution, and even those who don't will generally not betray the revolutionaries.

The Forward Party certainly didn't recruit comrades by simply picking anyone. They had to undergo thorough investigation and testing. Their family backgrounds were also thoroughly investigated. The Forward Party was tightly organized, so even when there were several instances of informant crises within the Hubei New Army, exposed members were able to receive advance notice and evacuate safely.

Chapter 394:

The order to war hadn't yet been officially issued, but many armies had already begun preliminary preparations. One unit, departing from the Bashan Mountains, trudged through the mountain trails, their goal being Yichang. Since ancient times, "the roads of Shu are three thousand miles long, and the gorges are one line." Yichang, "controlling Bashu from above and drawing in Jingxiang from below," was a battleground for military strategists. Numerous battles had been fought over Yichang. Zhang Zhidong, knowing its importance, stationed a large force there. Only if the PLA captured the city first could subsequent troops and supplies be transported to Hubei via the Yangtze River, effectively ensuring the battle's success.

“Coo, coo…”

"Quack quack, quack quack."

Regimental Commander Zhou Baogui, who had just arrived in Yichang, had no time to rest his troops before he immediately led his men to pick up Ge Erbao, a comrade of the New Army lurking in Yichang. After the Qing Dynasty ordered the blockade of Sichuan, Zhang Zhidong immediately sent troops to Yichang to garrison and built a number of permanent fortifications. Cannons were aimed directly at the Yangtze River to prevent the Sichuan Red Bandits from escaping through the Yangtze River. Without first dealing with the New Army troops in Yichang and these cannons, Chongqing would not dare to send ships to land in Yichang. Zhou Baogui, upon hearing the birdsong, immediately croaked twice.

"Cuckoo!"

“Quack!”

After the slogans were exchanged, Ge Erbao's voice was heard: "Come out, comrades, you are finally here."