The Heroic Age of the Late Qing Dynasty

As soon as he walked out, Zhang Yinghao received another telegram: The Russian troops that marched into Tannu Uriankhai Banner had been annihilated by the supporting field army and the local garrison...

Zhang Yinghao looked down again and saw that the supporting cavalry had made contact with the troops originally defending Tannu Uriankhai. After consultation, the two sides arranged for the original defending troops to pin down the Russians from the front, while the cavalry quietly circled behind the Russians. When the Russians attacked their position again, they suddenly launched a fierce attack. Then the cavalry charged, and the defending troops suddenly counterattacked. Caught from both sides, the Russian army collapsed, unable to advance or retreat. This single battle decided the fate of Tannu Uriankhai.

Seeing the formidable strength of the Field Army, Zhang Yinghao suddenly felt a surge of ambition. What if the People's Liberation Army could seize this opportunity to conquer all of Siberia? With Russia's national strength at a freezing point, it seemed possible. However, after careful consideration, Zhang Yinghao abandoned this tempting idea and simply chuckled.

Zhang Yinghao knew that Tsarist Russia hadn't reached its limit yet; it was merely severely constrained by a single railway. But if the People's Liberation Army continued its offensive, wouldn't it face the same dilemma faced by the Russian army? Furthermore, if the liberated areas proved overly greedy, other countries would inevitably intervene, and China at that moment wasn't in a position to challenge the entire world. These areas were already sparsely populated and faced harsh climates, making it difficult for the Chinese from the interior to live there. If Russia refused to recognize the ownership of these territories, a guerrilla war would become a long-lasting wound for China. Siberia was simply too vast, and the number of large carnivores like tigers, dogs, and bears might even outnumber humans. Just thinking about these things made Zhang Yinghao feel a headache and frustration.

However, Zhang Feng and his men's military operation, if successful, would require a change in the location of the Northern Great Wall. Zhang Yinghao's obsession with building a Great Wall stemmed from the belief that it could enhance national identity, something no amount of money could buy. As for the specific location of the Northern Great Wall, Zhang Yinghao had no intention of interfering. As long as Zhang Feng and Liu Wenxiu felt they had control over the situation, and the PLA was willing to expand territory, Zhang Yinghao naturally had no objections. As long as the newly acquired territory was fully utilized, his journey would not be in vain. Zhang Yinghao had also figured it out: even if China were defeated by Russia in the future, or even if the entire army led by Zhang Feng and Liu Wenxiu were completely annihilated, China's territory would still be in the shape of a begonia leaf.

Before Zhang Yinghao could put the telegram down, another messenger came over with a sheet of telegram. Zhang Yinghao took it and read it, and suddenly a headache struck him. The telegram was short, stating that a localized rebellion had occurred in Xinjiang, specifically in southern Xinjiang, but that the rebel forces were now spreading to central Xinjiang.

Zhang Yinghao didn't know if this rebellion had actually occurred in history, or if it was a change brought about by the butterfly effect. In fact, upon seeing the Southern Xinjiang rebellion, Zhang Yinghao knew what was going on, a feeling like having a God's perspective.

Zhang Yinghao returned to his office and immediately began to summarize the information he had collected over the years. He also sent telegrams to Liu Wenxiu, Zhang Feng, and comrades in Gansu and Tibet, asking for their opinions on the liberation of Xinjiang and the status of material consumption and reserves of various units.

After learning about the situation, Zhang Yinghao immediately convened a collective meeting of the Central Military Commission and the Central Committee members, and specially invited Zhang Zhidong, the 13th Dalai Lama Thubten Gyatso, the Mongolian Living Buddha Jebtsundamba Khutuktu VIII Bokdog Gegen and others to attend the meeting.

A comrade who specializes in investigating, researching, and organizing documents about Xinjiang introduced to the comrades at the beginning: "The contradictions in Xinjiang are extremely complex and sharp, with internal and external troubles. In 1875, Zuo Zongtang, the governor-general of Shaanxi and Gansu in the Qing Dynasty, took office as the imperial commissioner to supervise Xinjiang affairs. By the end of 1877, the Qing army had successively recovered the areas north and south of the Tianshan Mountains that had been occupied by Yakub Beg of the Kokand Khanate in Central Asia. This is known in history as the "Battle of the Qing Army to Recover Xinjiang."

In 1881, the Qing government recovered the Ili region, which had been occupied by Tsarist Russia for 11 years. In 1884, Xinjiang Province was established, implementing the same administrative system as the 18 provinces of mainland China, with a governor-general overseeing all military and political affairs throughout Xinjiang. The Qing government implemented the county system throughout Xinjiang, established Xinjiang Province, and abolished the beke system. Rural Xinjiang, particularly in Uyghur areas, rapidly shifted from labor rent to a combination of labor rent and rent in kind. Uyghur farmers gained a degree of personal freedom, and productivity recovered and developed on a new basis. The Qing Dynasty's management of Xinjiang far surpassed that of previous dynasties in both scale and scope.

While these feudal landlords certainly contributed to maintaining national territorial integrity, much like the generations-long defense of Hami by the Hui royal family, they ultimately represented the old feudal establishment, and by the time of the Great Revolution, they were no longer able to keep up. The authoritarian rule throughout Xinjiang, with its heavy labor service and exorbitant taxes imposed on its subjects, left the people reeling, and rebellions and riots continued unabated.

Moreover, ever since the British occupied India, they have been trying to expand their sphere of influence to Xinjiang. Therefore, the British began to support the rebellion in southern Xinjiang in the early 19th century. The northern Xinjiang region was the sphere of influence of Tsarist Russia and also faced huge external threats.

In fact, from the late 19th century to the early 20th century, with the strong advocacy and support of imperialism such as Britain, Turkey and Russia, "Pan-Turkism" and "Pan-Islamism" spread to Xinjiang. Therefore, Xinjiang has always faced an arduous struggle against separatism. Comrades, do you have any questions about this?

At this time, a comrade raised his hand and asked: "Comrade, what do these 'Pan-Turkism' and 'Pan-Islamism' mean?"

Pan-Islamism advocates uniting all Islamic nations and ethnic groups to establish a theocratic "Great Islamic Empire." Pan-Turkism, on the other hand, claims that all Turkic-speaking peoples are one nation and advocates uniting all Turkic-speaking peoples in western and central Asia to establish a "Great Turkic Empire," a so-called pure "Turkic nation" state. These proposed states would include Xinjiang.

After answering the question, the comrade continued, "Xinjiang has always been one of the Qing government's biggest headaches. First, the Russians, never forgetting their expansionist ambitions, constantly dispatched soldiers or instigated border residents to harass and encroach on China's borders. Second, the people of Northwest China often have extreme religious beliefs, especially Islam. Armed forces like 'Black Hui, White Hui,' and 'Black Lamas' frequently appear, slaughtering those of different faiths. The worst victims are the Han people, who are as docile as sheep and rarely resist.

The current Qing court does not attach much importance to Xinjiang. The reason they sent Zuo Zongtang to quell the rebellion in Xinjiang was simply to save the central government's face and prevent the ruling class from being branded as having lost territory. In reality, they do not value the impoverished Xinjiang or even the Northwest region...

After listening to this comrade's introduction, everyone gained a general understanding of Xinjiang. However, their understanding of Xinjiang still remained focused on poverty, backwardness, and feudal conservatism. Everyone also knew that transforming Xinjiang was a matter of utmost urgency. However, Zhang Yinghao was different. He was well aware of the countless treasures buried beneath the land of Xinjiang.

Zhang Yinghao also stood up and introduced himself: "Historically, China was able to expand its territory into Central Asia during the Han Dynasty, and even into Siberia during the Tang Dynasty, not to mention the Yuan Dynasty and the mid-Qing Dynasty. However, successive rulers focused solely on their own achievements during their reign, never considering the silent contributions of decades of obscurity to lay a better foundation for the next generation of successors. As a result, no feudal dynasty ever truly valued or considered expanding into Central Asia and Siberia, and dozens of times, they missed out on two of the world's most fertile lands..."

While past history cannot be changed, there is an opportunity now. Even though the new government isn't strong enough to invest heavily, Zhang Yinghao has begun to consider laying some foundations for the future!

However, it had been quite some time since Zhang Yinghao cut off access to Xinjiang, and the large-scale rebellion that had only just begun was quite unexpected. The former Xinjiang governor had died in office, and he had also dispatched troops to Shaanxi. Now Xinjiang didn't even have a governor. This also shows how strong the centripetal force of the Chinese people and the cohesive force of national unity were.

Moreover, without looking at the data, as long as you see the southern Xinjiang region, you will know that this rebellion is definitely related to the British. If it is in the northern Xinjiang region, then it is definitely related to Tsarist Russia. However, there are two problems, and the British are definitely involved.

Zhang Yinghao's biggest headache was China's current transportation problems. Transporting troops or military equipment from southeastern China to Xinjiang required at least two or three months of marching. Traveling from Beijing to Xinjiang was no easier than traveling from Beijing to Europe. Even the Sichuan to Lhasa route—taking a boat from Chongqing to India and then on to Xinjiang—was much easier than crossing the mountains from Sichuan to Lhasa.

Although Zhang Yinghao had previously planned to first build a railway from the Northeast through Outer Mongolia to Xinjiang, it now seemed that time no longer permitted. If the rebellion was not suppressed, once a country was established or the rebels were allowed to establish a solid base, things would change dramatically.

Perhaps the desire to build a railway into Xinjiang was one of the reasons why Britain instigated the rebellion in southern Xinjiang. Once this railway entered Xinjiang, the connection between Xinjiang and the mainland would be greatly strengthened, and both Britain and Russia would lose the opportunity to control Xinjiang. Just like the Trans-Siberian Railway, Japan had to start the war before the railway was completed, otherwise the cost of the war would be beyond Japan's ability to bear.

However, Zhang Yinghao now believed that the PLA lacked the capability to fully liberate Xinjiang, primarily due to logistical constraints. Xinjiang stretched nearly 2,000 kilometers from north to south; the distance from Lanzhou to Xingxing Gorge alone was over 1,000 kilometers, and from Xingxing Gorge to Yili was over 1,500 kilometers. With such vast distances, relying solely on human and animal power was simply not enough to sustain a large-scale military operation. Therefore, Zhang Yinghao's calculations dictated that a large-scale military operation against Xinjiang would be difficult to launch over the next few years without resolving the crucial transportation challenge. At best, he would simply attempt to seize a bridgehead.

But Zhang Yinghao thought about it the other way around. The situation now seemed to have reached a point where Xinjiang could be liberated. The PLA had occupied the Hehuang Valley in Qinghai, and through large-scale organized farming, they had established a certain material foundation. The PLA had also long since opened the door to Xinjiang. Most importantly, the Shaanxi-Gansu-Ningxia-Qinghai region had been liberated for quite some time. Although these areas had previously suffered a severe drought, the Forward Party had not intervened to help the local people. Instead, it organized the people to work and provided relief to millions of victims.

Moreover, these areas are now sparsely populated. Through a series of measures such as allocating land, building water conservancy projects, constructing roads, and promoting compulsory education, the people have gained real benefits, the prestige of the Progressive Party and the People's Liberation Army among the people has been established, ethnic and religious conflicts in these areas have been eased, and the support of the people has been gained. Now there is a deep popular base.

Although a large amount of food, livestock, and other supplies had been withdrawn during the previous campaign against Tsarist Russia in Outer Mongolia, the remaining food supply was still sufficient to prevent starvation. Therefore, if an invasion were to take place in Xinjiang now, these areas would be the PLA's rear base, providing much better conditions than Zuo Zongtang's invasion of Xinjiang. Furthermore, the further time passed, the greater the advantage. Therefore, whether or not to send troops to resolve the Xinjiang issue immediately, Zhang Yinghao needed to consult with other comrades and obtain more information.

For a long time, the Liberated Areas and the People's Liberation Army had been essentially at war. To mobilize manpower and material resources, many areas had implemented officer status. However, with the expansion of the Liberated Areas, many areas were essentially free from the turmoil of war, so the grassroots political system had to be established quickly. The grassroots political system in the Liberated Areas was implemented at the county, township, and village committee levels.

Before the PLA arrived, the Northwest was remote and agricultural production was extremely backward. Aside from a few handicraft workshops and small coal mines, there was no real modern industry. However, in the period following the liberation of the Northwest, the Forward Party implemented a series of policies and measures to address the people's food needs. Construction is now proceeding at full speed, especially on railways and highways, particularly the Xi'an-Lanzhou railway, which has become a "national-level" key project in the liberated areas.

Although Ningxia, Gansu, and other regions had already begun collecting taxes, they were still very low, especially due to low commercial taxes. Furthermore, the population of Northwest China was small, so tax revenue was actually quite low. Many of the mineral deposits discovered in the Northwest had not yet been put into production. Even if some were produced, it was mostly through manual excavation and used for local construction. Therefore, tax exemptions and subsidies were not yet feasible, and there was no reason to drain the pond to catch fish.

Therefore, for these places, the only way to collect sufficient supplies is through trade, while minimizing inflation. Of course, this is only possible because the Forward Party, through regulation and unified purchase and sale, can manage the internal flow of personnel and supplies without excessive cost considerations; otherwise, this model would be severely problematic. The army also had to rely on its own settlements to partially meet its food needs, which was the direct reason Zhang Yinghao dared to mobilize the army.

Zhang Yinghao shared the information with the comrades present, and they all discussed the current situation. Zhang Yinghao believed that the army grew stronger with use, and that even more training could not compare to a single actual combat.

The final conclusion of the discussion was that it was already September, and if the advance wasn't made, it would have to wait until next year. After careful consideration and discussion, the consensus was that liberating Xinjiang should be done sooner rather than later. This strategy, combined with the Qing court's strategy of pacifying the Dzungar Khanate and Zuo Zongtang's strategy of recovering Xinjiang, was to be divided into three routes. This strategy, adopting some of Zuo Zongtang's strategies from recovering Xinjiang, involved attacking north first and then south, advancing rapidly and engaging in quick battles, and achieving victory through both conventional strategies and unexpected tactics.

One route would be to march from Lhasa, Tibet, along the Himalayas through the Ngari region, following the route taken by Tsewang Arabtan after his defeat by the Qing Dynasty, retreating from Lhasa to Ili. Furthermore, the troops would be stationed in Aksai Chin, attempting to recapture the Ladakh region secretly occupied by the British. This was because Aksai Chin was the only route from Xinjiang into Tibet. Although New China failed to recapture southern Tibet during its previous self-defense counterattack against India, it still firmly controlled Aksai Chin.

Of course, the main task of this army was not to enter Xinjiang. Its main purpose was to conduct an armed parade to deter the British in India, and at the same time lay the foundation for connecting Xinjiang and Xz in the future.

The second route was to march from Anxi in Gansu, along the route that Zuo Zongtang took to recover Xinjiang, and was responsible for liberating Hami, Barkol, Turpan, Dihua and towns along the way.

The final route, of course, would be to advance from Uliastai and Khovd, directly attacking Tarbagatai and Ili. The primary mission for the first phase of this year was to liberate Hami, Tarbagatai, and other areas, control the key transportation routes between Xinjiang and Gansu and Mongolia, and dispatch cavalry to attack Turpan, laying the foundation for future operations to liberate all of Xinjiang.

After the Military Commission issued the order, the rest was the staff's job. The specific actions would depend on the specific circumstances. Furthermore, since the rebellion had occurred in southern Xinjiang, Qing officials should still control northern Xinjiang. Therefore, the most important thing now was to determine how much Qing influence remained in Xinjiang and whether it could be used to our advantage.

However, these are minor details, because the PLA never thought of relying entirely on others. It would be best if these remnants of the Qing Dynasty could surrender to them. If not, the PLA would definitely be able to complete the task of liberating Xinjiang by relying on itself and mobilizing the masses.

After Zhang Yinghao left the meeting, the staff began the discussion.

"Since we want to occupy the Hami area and attack Turpan, the most basic thing is that the area south of the Tianshan Mountains, from Sandaoling to Xingxingxia, must be included in this combat goal, and the passage between Xinjiang and Gansu must be completely controlled." Staff Officer Yang Tianyu drew a circle on the sand table with the wooden stick in his hand to show his intention.

We haven't even started yet, so anything can happen, including failure, so it's never too much to prepare.

"I don't think anything else is a major issue for attacking Xinjiang; the most important issue is logistics. Compared to Gansu and Ningxia, Xinjiang is vast and sparsely populated. Based on the information we've gathered so far, Zhenxi has a population of around 8,000, and Hami has a population of just over 14,000. A total of just over 20,000 people spread across an area of ​​over 160,000 square kilometers, which really shows how sparsely populated they are. Given this situation, supplying a large force would be extremely difficult."

"This really requires careful planning. If we're transporting grain from Gansu and Ningxia to Xinjiang, not only is Gansu over 600 kilometers from Hami, but the Hexi Corridor alone is nearly 1,000 kilometers long. Even with the roads now being repaired, it's still very difficult to transport supplies over long distances using horse-drawn carriages."

"This depends on military reclamation. The troops in Ganzhou have accumulated a lot of food through reclamation. The distance from Ganzhou to Hami is about 800 kilometers. Although it is still far, it is much better than shipping from Shaanxi."

"According to current intelligence, the PLA is more than capable of dealing with the remnants of the Qing Dynasty and the rebel forces in Xinjiang. However, in war, we must be lenient with the enemy and strict with ourselves. We must not resort to the tactic of adding fuel to the fire. There is also the issue of replenishing munitions and supplies."

"We need to send out more cavalry. Cavalry is highly mobile and should focus on surprise attacks, harassment, and outflanking the enemy's rear. This type of operation doesn't consume much ammunition, so I don't think there will be any problem."

"Xinjiang is such a vast area that with fewer people, I'm afraid we wouldn't be able to defend it. Furthermore, Xinjiang's Uighurs... those who believe in Islam, etc., if we can't communicate well, it will cause even greater trouble later."

"Our policy is freedom of religious belief and ethnic equality. However, those thugs who armed themselves to resist the PLA's advance into Xinjiang were still met with devastating blows. To be honest, if Zuo Zongtang hadn't decisively ordered no prisoners to be taken alive, even insisting on 'killing those who surrendered', when suppressing the rebellions in Gansu and Xinjiang to avoid future hidden dangers, this cruel practice, while provoking fierce resistance from Yakub Beg and his subordinates, also laid the groundwork for Xinjiang's long-term stability. Peace has now lasted for thirty years."

Once the army received the order, they moved swiftly. This was especially true for the troops stationed in Anxi, Gansu, who had been preparing for the march into Xinjiang. Zhang Yinghao had also made considerable preparations long beforehand, not only planning to build a railway from Outer Mongolia into Xinjiang, but even before Zhang Yinghao arrived at the Mogao Grottoes in Dunhuang, he had already begun considering the issue of liberating Xinjiang.

Zhang Yinghao's bold plan to march three armies into Xinjiang was based on considerable confidence. Not to mention the Production and Construction Corps, which had previously maintained stability and defended the border, Zhang Yinghao had already brought it into play. The PLA's weaponry was now comparable to that of Zuo Zongtang's invasion of Xinjiang. Zuo Zongtang dared to march into Xinjiang despite the turmoil within the Qing Dynasty. With the unity of thought and action within the liberated areas, Zhang Yinghao naturally had the confidence to march into Xinjiang. Furthermore, with the liberation of Outer Mongolia, the PLA not only possessed a vast cavalry resource, but also had an additional route into Xinjiang compared to when Zuo Zongtang recaptured Xinjiang.

Outer Mongolia could also provide the PLA with a large amount of logistical supplies, which was particularly important for the army to wage war. Of course, Zhang Yinghao had already established food processing factories in Gansu, especially two compressed food factories. These factories normally produced puffed biscuits, but could immediately switch to compressed food production when the war order was issued. As long as there were sufficient raw materials, there would be no major problem in supporting the troops entering Xinjiang.

After Xinjiang was established as a province, it also imitated the systems of other inland provinces, merging the "juntai" and "yingtang" into one, placing them under the jurisdiction of local officials and renaming them "yizhang." According to statistics, there were 150 yizhang across Xinjiang at the time, with a total of 1716 post horses and an annual expenditure of 5.4 taels of silver, all of which were reimbursed on a list. Required flour and fodder were also provided by local officials.

In the 28th year of the reign of Emperor Guangxu (1902), Xinjiang Governor Rao Yingqi requested the establishment of more prefectures and counties and more post stations. There were 213 post stations in southern and northern Xinjiang, equipped with 213 post clerks, 1066 grooms, and 2106 horses.

In the 29th year of the reign of Emperor Guangxu (1903), Pan Xiaosu, who had just arrived in office, imitated the Russian trolley system and founded the "station car" from Dihua, the capital of Xinjiang Province, to Suzhou (Jiayuguan) in Gansu Province. It was also called "six sticks" by the people.

At the time, Xinjiang had two routes to inland Gansu: Barkol in summer and Turpan in autumn and winter, then eastward via Hami. Each route involved 30-40 stops. The vehicles were provided by the government, with 10 vehicles available daily, managed and operated by local authorities. Official documents were handled by postmasters, who relayed and delivered them at designated stations. Official travel expenses were covered by the government, while merchants and civilians paid fares at designated stations. Initially, the route was highly successful and immensely popular.

Initially, there were only a few carriages, but as time went on, problems arose. As the number of passengers increased, the first passengers left, leaving the remaining passengers with no other carriages. The carriages that departed would not arrive or return on time, and passengers would spend days at the post stations, running out of rations and unable to find a carriage, leading to widespread complaints. Furthermore, during periods of wind, rain, and snow, postmasters would often eject passengers from their carriages and leave them in the wilderness, leading to widespread complaints. Later, many of the "standing carriages" broke down, leaving them unrepaired. There were not enough carriages and horses, and no replacements were available. The drivers were underpaid, leading to complaints from the passengers. The "standing carriage" system lasted only three years before it was abolished, turning a good idea into a bad policy. Therefore, the first priority of the PLA's advance was to address the problems of the post stations and "standing carriages" along the way, thus resolving the transportation issues for passengers traveling between Gansu and Xinjiang.

Zhang Yinghao had always known that these Manchu provincial governors were the best friends of the Progressive Party and the People's Liberation Army. This was because these people were bound to commit atrocities while in office. Revolution and counter-revolution were a pair of contradictions, or rather, a pair of interacting forces. The forces were equal in magnitude but opposite in direction. When the dawn of revolution appeared, the more these counter-revolutionaries oppressed and exploited them, the more intense the anger of the working people grew, and the more powerful the revolutionary fire would become once it ignited.

The current weather wasn't ideal for advancing into Xinjiang, but winter would make it difficult for a large army to enter. Therefore, the PLA had to at least liberate the Hami region before the weather turned cold. However, Zhang Yinghao no longer needed to intervene in these matters; once the tasks were assigned, the comrades in the army would complete the work.

Just as Zhang Yinghao was preparing to liberate Xinjiang, Liu Wenxiu and his men received good news: the cavalry of the Fifth Field Army and the Sixth Mongolian Field Army had joined forces in Verkhovna Udinsk and, in one fell swoop, had captured this crucial Russian trade center connecting Eastern Siberia and Mongolia. The locals living in Verkhovna Udinsk were Buryats, a branch of the Mongolian ethnic group. Initially, the Buryats were deeply reluctant to join the Tsarist Russia because the Russians, upon arriving, burned their homes, abducted their women, and forced young men to serve as soldiers and pawns. Even during the Russo-Ukrainian conflict of previous generations, large numbers of Buryats were on the front lines.

In addition, the two sides look quite different and have different beliefs and customs. Moreover, from a historical perspective, the Russians were once the vanguards of the Mongols, and now they have changed their identities, which is always a bit unpleasant.

Therefore, facing the invasion of Tsarist Russia, a large number of Buryats put up a tenacious resistance. In the 1780s, during the reign of Empress Catherine, with the failure of the last major uprising, the Buryats completely surrendered to the Tsarist Russian Empire.

But the prerequisite was that Empress Catherine II promised that the Russians would no longer interfere with their beliefs and lifestyles; and the Buryats needed to fulfill their promise to serve the empire for generations; in return, the St. Petersburg government granted them tax-free rights.

However, behind the scenes, the rulers of Tsarist Russia had been secretly carrying out a major ethnic exchange, continuously migrating large numbers of Russians, Ukrainians, and Belarusians in order to assimilate and dilute the local Mongolian population. This inevitably led to sharp ethnic and religious conflicts in the area, and the next step depended on the ability of the Kadima Party.

Time passed quickly and it was September 18, 1906. The war in the north was gradually subsiding without a ceasefire. However, China's disaster did not stop and a strong typhoon hit Hong Kong.

Because the typhoon was so fierce, although it only lasted for a few hours, the losses and damage caused by the storm were enormous because the British authorities in Hong Kong did not take proper precautions and evacuation measures.

The storm caused an estimated 15000 deaths and 1349 missing persons. Considering Hong Kong's population at the time was only 32, the death toll reached 5% of the city's population. This era's Hong Kong was no longer the Hong Kong of the past. The local population now primarily relied on fishing, so the vast majority of the victims were floating dwellers. In addition to the loss of life, thousands of houses were destroyed, and nearly 3000 fishing boats and over 60 ocean-going vessels sank. The losses were devastating, transforming Hong Kong into a living hell. This was the deadliest typhoon in Hong Kong's history.

This typhoon also hit the Pearl River Estuary area in Guangdong, causing serious casualties and economic losses, so it was called the "Bingwu Wind Disaster" or the "1906 Pearl River Estuary Typhoon".

Chapter 691: Second update!

During the decadent and backward Qing Dynasty, the imperial court was practically powerless to respond to major disasters. But Zhang Yinghao, educated by the Party, has come to realize that wherever disaster strikes in China, the Progressive Party and the People's Liberation Army should be present.

Upon receiving news of the devastating disaster in Hong Kong and the Pearl River Estuary, Zhang Yinghao immediately recalled the previous September, when a tropical cyclone passed through the Zhoushan Islands and made landfall in Shanghai, triggering a rare storm surge. Newspaper reports claimed, "The water rose to 20 to 30 feet, with the area ranging from two to seven times higher. The area was 40 miles north to south, 14 to 15 miles wide at its widest point, and 4 to 5 miles at its narrowest. Countless people were swept away." "The dead are now exposed, their coffins unexamined, and will drift into the sea." Over 26,000 people drowned in Chongming, Chuansha, Baoshan, Nanhui, and other areas. The devastation was as horrific as hell. The foreign powers had already stationed over 30,000 troops in Shanghai, and dozens more perished. Over a thousand ships sank or were damaged in the Huangpu River, and three foreign warships were sunk after leaving port.

With this thought, Zhang Yinghao withdrew his thoughts and could only silently mourn for the victims. However, even if Zhang Yinghao had no intention of profiting from this disaster, it was undeniable that this was the perfect opportunity to deploy the People's Liberation Army and legitimately liberate Guangdong. He hadn't had the option of forgoing the opportunity to march on Shanghai last year, but this time, he wouldn't let it go. Furthermore, Zhang Yinghao had long coveted Guangdong, and regardless of this terrible disaster, he had already intended to liberate Guangdong.

The liberated areas now had only one outlet to the sea, which was Qinzhou in Guangxi. However, Qinzhou's location was not very good. On one side, it was close to the French colony of Vietnam, and on the other side, it was close to the French concession of Guangzhou Bay, which was also the Zhanjiang area. Therefore, Qinzhou was not a good place for development at that time.

In his previous life, Zhang Yinghao had lived in Guangzhou for more than ten years, so he naturally knew that the core area of ​​Guangdong was on the plains in the Pearl River Delta. This area would be home to high-rise buildings in the future, but now it was a base for abundant grain production. If the plains in the Pearl River Delta alone were developed, it would be no problem to feed hundreds of thousands of troops. Faced with such a prospect, it was an inevitable choice to capture Guangdong as soon as possible and find a better outlet to the sea.

Guangdong also boasts a unique geographical advantage for industrial development. Guangdong's economic development in the early days of New China was due to numerous factors, including its proximity to the inland region, the influx of talent and technology from across China, and the influx of technology and capital from overseas. But why did Guangdong flourish, and not Guangxi or Xinjiang? Its immense geographical advantages are undeniable, and Guangdong truly possesses enormous potential.

Victory comes from a correct strategy, and victory comes from correct tactics. If the strategy is correct, then the Progressive Party should turn this strategy into reality, into concrete, actionable steps.

Before the PLA defeated Japan and Russia, Zhang Yinghao had indeed had significant concerns about occupying the coastal areas. However, his concerns were now minimal. At least the PLA had proven with its strength that the great powers would not be able to invade China's heartland without paying a sufficient price.

Britain's overseas colonies lacked the capacity to mass-produce naval guns and shells, nor were there many places capable of repairing these massive warships and cannons. Furthermore, China and Britain now share a land border, and Zhang Yinghao never believed any nation's army could successfully challenge the PLA on Chinese soil. Regarding the British Empire, it could be said that they were wary of each other.

Therefore, the only country that could truly threaten China's coastal cities and reduce them to ruins was Japan, because Japan could actually send a large number of warships to bombard coastal cities and also receive a large amount of ammunition. Therefore, liberating Guangdong with the power of defeating Russia and Japan was the best choice.

Zhang Yinghao studied the map and, after reviewing the data he had compiled, came across an interesting problem. There were several main roads southbound from Jiangxi to Guangzhou, but Zhang Yinghao had no idea where these roads were. Even though he had been from Shaoguan in his previous life, he had no idea where the ancient road from Shaoguan to Guangzhou was. In his previous life, Zhang Yinghao had always taken trains or highways, never walking.

Before the Tang Dynasty, most people going to Guangzhou went through Hunan and entered through the Lingqu Canal. As the south developed, it gradually became an important financial support for the country, and the road to Guangzhou became through Jiangxi. So after thousands of years of development, there are now roads in Jiangxi that go through the mountains and directly reach the city of Guangzhou.

However, this time, Zhang Yinghao did not intend to use only one large army to liberate Guangzhou. Zhang Yinghao always believed that the use of troops should be like a lion fighting a rabbit, and that the PLA must use all its strength to push forward. To liberate Guangdong, Zhang Yinghao directly ordered four armies to enter Guangdong, determined to control the situation in Guangdong in one fell swoop.

The first route would depart from Qinzhou, liberate the Leizhou Peninsula and other areas, and could potentially liberate Hainan Island. The second route would depart from Wuzhou, traveling directly to the Guangzhou area via water. The third route would depart from Hunan and Shaoguan, and the fourth route would depart from Jiangxi, heading south to liberate Guangdong.

Another important reason for sending so many troops to liberate Guangdong was to prevent interference from Britain, France, and other powers. If war broke out with Britain and France in coastal areas like Guangzhou, the People's Liberation Army would suffer if it were short-handed. Therefore, Zhang Yinghao mobilized from all four directions, sweeping away the Qing forces in Guangdong with a devastating force, liberating Guangdong in one fell swoop.

Rescuing people was like putting out a fire. Zhang Yinghao issued a direct order, and the frontline troops immediately marched into Guangdong to provide relief. Zhang Yinghao then immediately issued a second order, which was to liberate the areas north of the Huai River, including Xuzhou, Weishan Lake in Shandong, and Liangshan, with Lianyungang as the seaport, to form a new province called Huaihai Province. Once this new province was established, the long-standing Manchurian line would be severed, and the Qing Dynasty would be completely unable to maintain its balance.

Zhang Yinghao believed that while Jiangsu Province had Nanjing as its provincial capital to the south, Xuzhou, located north of the Huai River, also fully met all the requirements for a provincial-level city. Xuzhou, a strategic north-south pass, had been a battleground throughout history, witnessing dozens of major battles. Its geographical location was easily defended and difficult to attack. Control of Xuzhou would provide a hub for controlling routes north to the Yellow River, south to the Huai River, and west to the Central Plains. Xuzhou would also serve as a national transportation hub.

If a province has two provincial capitals, limited funds, technology, and talent would be divided between two cities, effectively dispersing the province's strength. If Xuzhou were to become a provincial capital, its achievements would far surpass those of its predecessor. Furthermore, the Qinling Mountains and the Huai River are a crucial dividing line in China, naturally creating a significant north-south divide. Therefore, separating the two provinces and cities is necessary, as it would be more conducive to economic development.

Since the Hongze Lake area had already been liberated by the People's Liberation Army, the army could directly split Jiangsu Province in half along the Huai River. After receiving the telegram, the People's Liberation Army in the Yimeng Mountain area marched directly south. After the two armies merged, they could try to liberate Linyi, Xuzhou, Zaozhuang and other places, and establish the Huaihai Province during the Great Revolution.

Order after order was issued, and the army was mobilized. The People's Liberation Army, liberating Guangdong, marched across the border under the pretext of relief efforts in Guangzhou, singing Chinese revolutionary songs, and marched straight to Guangzhou.

Military operations in the liberated areas have always been a subject of intense concern to the Qing court. Most emperors in any dynasty were not fools. At least the two emperors still in power, Empress Dowager Cixi and Emperor Guangxu, were not fools. Empress Dowager Cixi, in particular, seemed to have foreseen the end of the Qing dynasty when she learned that the People's Liberation Army had launched another military operation.

When the People's Liberation Army entered Guangdong, the relevant telegram had already been sent through that small

The small telegraph wire reached the capital. The Qing court knew that if the People's Liberation Army launched military operations against the coastal provinces again, the end of the Qing Dynasty would not be far away. So after seeing the People's Liberation Army marching into Guangdong, Cixi could not bear such pressure and

He was hit and was bedridden again.

Regardless of the reaction of the Qing Dynasty or the foreign powers, the frontline troops must strictly follow the orders issued by the Central Military Commission of the People's Liberation Army.

Anyone who has the slightest knowledge of the policies of the Liberated Areas in the provinces semi-surrounded by them should know the series of policies of the Progressive Party on land, etc.

That is, wherever the People's Liberation Army goes, they must divide the land. So the coastal provinces either call the People's Liberation Army red bandits, because the People's Liberation Army flies the red flag. Or they call the People's Liberation Army the remnants of the Hongyang rebels, because the Taiping Heavenly Kingdom advocated the division of land. Of course, now the grassroots people have no say at all, they are the silent majority, and those who know about the Forward Party are the landlords and gentry class, they don't know

The Forward Party represents the fundamental interests of the vast majority of the people and is the target of dictatorship in the liberated areas, so it does not need to pay any attention to these remarks.

Regardless of Hong Xiuquan's Christian beliefs or the shenanigans he and Yang Xiuqing engaged in, the Taiping Heavenly Kingdom's "Heavenly Land System" was a significant advancement. However hypothetical this system may have been, the Taiping Heavenly Kingdom, as described in history books, was the pinnacle of peasant uprisings in China.

Being able to come up with a set of ideas and corresponding systems that align with China's traditional small-scale peasant economy and the egalitarian ideals of Chinese farmers is, in itself, a tremendous improvement, at least many times greater than Li Zicheng's refusal to pay taxes. Zhang Yinghao strongly agrees with this concept. Although he knows that its implementation faces significant problems, he does not oppose the people's yearning for a better life.

Yin Chaozong is now a member of the glorious People's Liberation Army. He was one of the workers who revolted in the Pingxiang Coal Mine and one of the early members of the Forward Party developed in the Pingxiang Coal Mine. He participated in the battles to liberate Changsha, Jiujiang, Nanchang and other places. He fought bravely and was promoted many times on the front line. After the reorganization of the army and the elimination of the dross, he has now been promoted to the regiment political commissar and is considered one of the backbones of the army.

The political commissar holds a higher position in the PLA than a military commander of the same rank. However, to avoid unnecessary losses caused by the leniency of some political commissars, as happened in the previous "Xuecun Battle," Zhang Yinghao has also stipulated that officers and soldiers have the final say on operational command. If a conflict arises between the political commissar and a commander, the commander has every reason to disregard the commissar, but the dispute must be promptly reported to higher authorities. Of course, the political commissar can also convene a Party Committee meeting to discuss the removal of a commander if necessary. If the Party Committee approves this resolution, the subsequent commander and soldier can still fully oppose the political commissar's order.

The dual-commissar system, a seemingly diametrically opposed system, was also one of the key guarantees of the Progressive Party's continued leadership of the armed forces. The worst-case scenario of a complete rift between the two leaders hadn't yet occurred. Unless the entire national system was rotten to the core, the chances of the Party committee, command center, and general staff all collapsing into chaos were slim to none, unless everyone wanted to perish together. Furthermore, if problems arose after a war failed, they would be fatal.

This presents a very interesting situation: whoever is more capable in combat, the political commissar (who serves as the military secretary) or the commander (who serves as the deputy secretary of the Party Committee), will be the one whom everyone defers to during military meetings. After all, military commanders have no problem training soldiers and other routine tasks. In combat, all soldiers share the same desire to win and return alive. So, if everyone knows the political commissar is more capable, it's called the Party Committee's decision, and everyone defers to the political commissar. If the commanders are more capable, then professionalism reigns supreme, and everyone defers to the commander in combat. Of course, there's only one prerequisite: all members of the Party Committee meeting must be Party members, including the commanders. However, there's no precedent for non-Party members becoming high-ranking commanders.

As the regimental political commissar, Yin Chaozong had undergone numerous training and examinations, and naturally understood the Forward Party's political platform. He always remembered Chairman Zhang Yinghao's words during training: "What is the purpose of our revolution? Some people dream of promotion and wealth, of becoming a noble or a prime minister. Others dream of a peasant woman, a mountain spring, a little land, or a warm home with a wife and children." One of the most fundamental goals of our Forward Party is to ensure that everyone has food to eat and clothes to wear. The Taiping Heavenly Kingdom's ideal of equal distribution of land and wealth was not wrong. Therefore, our mission is to unite the suffering people of the world, those who yearn for a better life, and work together, through arduous struggle, to realize our common ideal and ultimately achieve communism...

Yin Chaozong agreed with what Zhang Yinghao said. Therefore, Yin Chaozong quickly found his place in the team and was directly promoted to regimental political commissar after passing the training and examination.

Yin Chaozong led his troops southward. Along the way, reconnaissance troops had already been sending back intelligence along the main roads. Back when the People's Liberation Army liberated Jiangxi, the Qing troops in the towns and cities along the road from Jiangxi to Guangdong were already in a state of panic. But the intelligence returned by the reconnaissance troops showed that the Qing troops in those small strongholds were empty, all of them had fled.

Thinking about the history of the liberation of Jiangxi, Yin Chaozong suddenly recalled the liberation of Ganzhou, Jiangxi. Ganzhou is located in southern Jiangxi, on the upper reaches of the Gan River. It borders Sanming and Longyan in Fujian to the east, Meizhou, Heyuan, and Shaoguan in Guangdong to the south, Chenzhou in Hunan to the west, and Ji'an and Fuzhou in Jiangxi to the north. It is an important city.

After liberating Ji'an, the troops prepared to liberate Ganzhou next. Therefore, extensive preparations were made before departure. The General Staff, aware of the importance of this march, worried only about insufficient preparations. However, due to a lack of intelligence, many plans were impossible to make due to concerns about emergencies. Given the PLA's training level, marching 30 to 40 kilometers a day was nothing. Besides marching, most of the time was spent sending out scouts, gathering intelligence, and mapping the areas they passed through.

The officers of the General Staff anticipated a bloody military operation, but only after the march was complete did they realize it was merely an armed parade. The Qing troops in Guangdong had no intention of leaving the province to resist the PLA. The common people, savvy at assessing the situation, adopted a tacit acceptance after realizing they were powerless to resist the PLA. Many of the Qing soldiers, patrol battalions, and Green Camp troops had vanished long ago.

Initially, it was believed that attacking Ganzhou would be a major battle, as Ganzhou was the key point on the southward march. After conquering Ganzhou, the troops could move directly to Shaoguan, and after breaking Shaoguan, Guangzhou City would be within attack range.

As the People's Liberation Army prepared to attack Ganzhou, they constructed hundreds of ladders to scale the city walls. Yin Chaozong still vividly remembers arriving in Ganzhou under a rainy sky, with the city gates tightly shut. Using a telescope, he could see numerous Qing soldiers, dressed in sash robes and bamboo hats, marching along the city walls. Clearly, the Qing army was well prepared for defense.

However, the sight of this scene was met with laughter from the PLA. Even with the use of firearms, many sections of the Ganzhou city wall were shrouded in white mist, suggesting they were still simmering with water, oil, or even gold, as siege weapons. Anyone with even a modicum of modern military knowledge would find this scene deeply amusing. But after the laughter subsided, the comrades could only shake their heads in a wry smile, looking at each other in silence, feeling helpless and sorrowful for this troubled empire.

Indeed, if it were a traditional siege, the infantry would use ladders to approach the city walls, then bravely climb them and strive to scale the nearly two-foot-high walls. Perhaps most of these soldiers would have sharp knives and swords slung around their waists, demonstrating their immense bravery.

Imagine the attackers desperately scaling the walls, while several defenders pour a basin of smoking, burning kerosene down a ladder. The black oil flows down the ladder, and huge balls of flames cascade down onto the attackers, who scream and slap the flames in terror. Or perhaps boiling gold liquid pours directly onto them, scorching them and causing them to scream and eventually die of infection. To capture a city wall is to risk the lives of the soldiers. This is why the saying "the best strategy is to attack the enemy's plans, the next best strategy is to attack their alliances, and finally, to attack the city."

The Chinese had already developed this traditional defense model to its peak. However, in the face of modern weaponry, it was no match. With orders issued from PLA headquarters, artillery units quickly moved their cannons to pre-determined positions. These cannons, with small barrels and small muzzles, were specifically designed for long-distance marches. Because these small cannons could be quickly moved on carts, if that proved impossible, they could be carried by a few men, or even disassembled and transported.

The Qing army was still making a lot of noise on the city wall. Looking at the actions of most of them, there was nothing unusual. It was obvious that the local army of the Qing Dynasty had fallen behind to such an extent. Not only were they lagging behind in weapons, but there was also a gap of several generations in consciousness.