The Heroic Age of the Late Qing Dynasty

After the People's Liberation Army liberated Hami, all forces resisting the PLA were purged. Hami's Hui King, Shamuhusuote, was a militant who believed in "absolute obedience." He believed both his rule, that of the Qing court, and that of the local people, required absolute obedience. He considered the peasants and slaves lowly, despicable, and shameless. To consolidate his rule, he decreed the implementation of a brutal system of serfdom, reducing any peasant who disobeyed his orders to serfdom for others to manipulate and manipulate.

Shamuhusot's actions sparked strong opposition from local peasants, leading to numerous uprisings. Upon the arrival of the People's Liberation Army, they demanded the emancipation of the slaves. Shamuhusot rebelled and was defeated. The army then confiscated over 100,000 square kilometers of land belonging to the Hui king, including Hami, Yiwu, and Bushan, along with a vast amount of fertile farmland. With this vast amount of farmland, the PLA could not only distribute it to the local people but also retain a significant amount for military reclamation, addressing logistical issues.

In the winter, they took the opportunity to distribute land, so that the people in Hami area would completely accept the People's Liberation Army and support the Progressive Party, thus gaining more soldiers for the PLA's subsequent conscription.

Less than 60 kilometers from Hami, in Erdaogou, the news that a local landlord had joined the Hami King in a rebellion and was captured and executed by the People's Liberation Army shocked everyone in Erdaogou. Some were happy, some were excited, and of course, some were worried... The joy and excitement are self-evident. As a local bully, the landlord had always been known to bully men and women. Now that the landlord had been publicly tried, the people living around Erdaogou would no longer be subjected to the landlord's humiliation and exploitation. As for those who were worried, they were tenants who depended entirely on the landlord for their survival. In their view, if the landlord was gone, the land they rented would also be gone. For tenants without any assets, without land and work, they would have no income for the coming year and no food to survive. Just as everyone began to worry about their livelihoods, a piece of news quickly spread throughout Erdaogou.

"The Han people actually distributed the landlords' land to the peasants, and they did it in the winter so that the next year's farming season wouldn't be delayed!"

"Yes, in five days' time we will give everyone land, pastures and livestock."

"According to calculations, every citizen of Erdaogou, regardless of gender, age or status, will be allocated five mu of land. Three years before the land is distributed, a grain tax of 30% will be levied. After three years, the tax will be levied at a 28% rate. If a family member joins the People's Liberation Army, the five mu of good land allocated to the soldier will be exempt from grain tax..."

"Five days later, the heads of each household will gather at the village entrance with their household registration certificates, ready to fight against the local tyrants and divide up the land..."

As the news spread, the entire city of Erdaogou erupted in excitement. The cold weather couldn't dampen the people's fervent enthusiasm. Although rumors had long been circulating that rebels in Gansu were targeting local tyrants and dividing up their land, the local landlord families desperately denied the allegations. Anyone who spread the news soon disappeared from Erdaogou, leaving everyone furious but unable to speak out. They hadn't imagined the news was true, and they hadn't imagined such a good thing would happen to them.

Niyazi was a tenant farmer who rented five mu of fertile land from a landlord. Having fled to Hami during a severe drought, he had no land of his own in Erdaogou. With four mouths to feed, the pressure was immense.

When he received the news that the landlord's family had been arrested and executed for their numerous crimes, Niyazi felt a mixture of joy and worry. It goes without saying that he was happy. As tenants of the landlord's family, Niyazi's family had suffered a lot of abuse from the landlord. If it weren't for his excellent farming skills, he himself would have been almost reduced to slavery. In addition, Niyazi was an outsider. While other tenants of the landlord's family only had to pay 70% rent, Niyazi's family had to pay 80% of their income. After a year of hard work on five acres of fertile land, he only got 200 kilograms of grain. How could 200 kilograms of grain be enough to feed five mouths at home? To prevent his family from going hungry, Niyazi had to replace all the fine grains he harvested with coarse grains. Although coarse grains were unpalatable, the whole family only had to dig up some wild vegetables throughout the year, so at least they didn't have to worry about starvation. So, Niyazi fled famine in Gansu with his family to Xinjiang. For eight years, they could only make ends meet year after year. It can be said that this was all thanks to the landlord. Now that the landlord who bullied him is gone, Niyazi is happy from the bottom of his heart.

However, although Niyazi was happy that the landlord was gone, he still had to face a problem. Without the landlord, would the landlord's five acres of fertile land, which he had been renting and cultivating, continue to rent it to himself? Just as Niyazi began to worry about this matter, news that the People's Liberation Army was preparing to divide the land finally reached Niyazi's ears.

"Master, do you think the Han people will really distribute land to us? Moreover, they will only collect 30% of the grain tax in the first three years..." the wife asked with both suspicion and expectation.

Niyazi shook his head and replied: "I don't know. I have lived for decades and have never encountered such a good thing. I have never seen such a righteous army. However, I believe that the Han people will not deceive us, because I have never seen an army that does not fight back when beaten or scolded. Although I have not been back to Gansu for several years, I have heard some news from the Han people. Moreover, they say that they are the people's soldiers and represent the interests of us poor people. Besides, what's the point of them deceiving us poor people with no money and no land..."

At this point, his wife's face showed an expression of agreement: "I also trust these Han people. They are very friendly and their business is fair..."

"That's right. Take the example of us clearing wasteland for the Han people... They said they would give 20 kilograms of grain for every acre of good land, and they really gave us 20 kilograms of grain... In just over a month, we've already received over a hundred kilograms of grain from these Han soldiers..."

"You haven't seen how happy the three children have been over the past month... We've been here for eight years and have hardly eaten refined grains. But this past month, we've been able to eat porridge made from refined grains every day..."

Niyaz seemed determined. He decisively said to his wife, "Since you trust the Han people, let's go... Each person will have five mu of land, and our whole family can get 25 mu... If we only pay 30% of our income as grain tax, we can still have 3,000 to 4,000 kilograms of grain left over each year. Then our good days will be here."

"Yes, three or four thousand kilograms of fine grains, that's unimaginable. If we keep two thousand kilograms for ourselves, we'll still have over a thousand kilograms left... Then, our whole family can wear new clothes, buy some meat from time to time, and even save some money to marry our children..."

Five days later, under the auspices of the People's Liberation Army, Niyazi finally received his wish of 25 mu of land. Throughout Hami, millions of impoverished people like Niyazi were all given their own land. Serfs and herdsmen became masters of their own land.

Hami's animal husbandry was also well-developed. Within the Hui King's territory alone, there were nearly 27 million mu (approximately 1.5 million hectares) of grassland, and the Hui King directly owned over 150,000 head of livestock. The Hui King's livestock were primarily herded by traditional Uyghur herders, who inherited the herdsmen from generation to generation, with some employing temporary or long-term laborers. After the People's Liberation Army liberated the herders, they distributed the grasslands and a large number of livestock to them. Some large livestock were also distributed to the people for use in agricultural work.

For a time, the entire Hami area was filled with laughter and joy, which was even more lively than the Chinese New Year.

While the People's Liberation Army was resolving the people's land problem, it also immediately began investigating Russia's situation in Central Asia. At this time, a document had been reviewed and placed on the desks of the leaders of the Northwest Bureau. Dong Lianying picked up the document and began to read it.

.two….-.

Between 1815 and 1907, Russia acquired significant territorial gains in the Caucasus, Central Asia, and the Far East, laying the foundation for its transformation from a European predator to a global power. Russia's conquest of Central Asia was its largest colonial operation in Asia in the 19th century. The content is both thrilling and chilling...

Russia's conquest of Central Asia was swift. In less than half a century, Russia had acquired an area equivalent in size to Western Europe. Russian casualties during the battle were minimal, with fewer than a thousand dead.

Russia completed its Industrial Revolution in the 1880s, greatly enhancing its national strength. These feudal khanates were no match for Russia...

The several khanates of Central Asia were still in the feudal stage of society, with backward economies and disunity. Frequent wars weakened their national strength. Their armies were largely composed of irregulars and were untrained; equipped only with old cannons, flintlock muskets, and primarily cold-bladed weapons, they were no match for the formidable Russian army, which was trained and equipped in European ways. Russia's occupation of Central Asia brought enormous economic and strategic benefits, laying a solid foundation for its continued southward expansion strategy.

After reading the document, Dong Lianying immediately fell into deep thought. He certainly understood the central government's purpose in giving him this document. If the Japanese could fund the uprising of the Russian revolutionaries to gain support for their war against Russia and ultimately achieve victory, then the People's Liberation Army could also help China liberate Xinjiang and recover its homeland by liberating the people of Central Asia.

After reading the information, everyone started discussing it immediately.

"Does this information mean we'll encounter Russian troops again if we march into Xinjiang?"

"Whether we encounter Russian troops depends on whether they enter Xinjiang now. But we will definitely encounter British troops in southern Xinjiang. If we don't, there will definitely be British soldiers obstructing the process."

"Let's not talk about the southern Xinjiang issue for now. This document mainly talks about the Central Asian region. It should be telling us to be on guard against Russia."

"No, I think if Russia interferes with my advance into Xinjiang, then we naturally need to bring the war to our current borders."

"I think so, too. The great powers want us to recognize the unequal treaties signed by the Qing Dynasty. We must fight them. Now that the West Siberian railway has been bombed, the possibility of the Russian army attacking China from Xinjiang is the greatest."

Hearing the discussion in the conference room, Dong Lianying suddenly laughed. When everyone heard Dong Lianying's laughter, the discussion stopped immediately.

Dong Lianying cleared her throat and said, "Everyone, look at the map of our country. We are truly surrounded by enemies. Chairman Zhang is the only one in the world who has the courage to challenge the entire world. However, the purpose of establishing the Northwest Bureau is to liberate Xinjiang and to conduct subsequent operations in that region. And since this information has been delivered to us, I believe that Russia will definitely interfere with our efforts to liberate Xinjiang, so we must start preparing for this."

"How do you prepare for a rainy day?"

"Since Russia has taken away hundreds of thousands of square kilometers of land in the northwest, we must prepare to take it back later."

Hearing Dong Lianying's words, the attendees erupted in excitement. They had long been envious of Liu Wenxiu and Zhang Feng's expansion into the north. Officers and soldiers who hadn't seen combat were already clamoring for battle, eager to engage the Japanese and Russian armies on the front lines.

"What do you mean, Commander Dong? Infiltration?"

"Haha, great minds think alike."

Everyone is familiar with the word "infiltration." After all, the PLA's ability to liberate so many areas relied heavily on those comrades who had been deployed there beforehand. Their presence in the local area provided a strong foundation for the masses, and once the main force arrived, with them leading the way, it was easy to defeat the Qing army, and the entire region was liberated. The landlords and gentry were completely powerless, obediently accepting the leadership of the Forward Party. The people avenged their grievances, and only a few innocent gentry received any preferential treatment.

“But we have no comrades from Central Asia.”

Yes, how can we infiltrate without comrades from Central Asia? Infiltration is a technical job. If we don’t speak the language, infiltration will be as difficult as climbing to the sky.

"Muslim."

Hearing these three words, the attendees suddenly became enlightened. Indeed, religion is a natural bond, a natural tool for infiltration. Hui people generally learn the Quran and Arabic from a young age. While many may not be proficient, their faith keeps them ingrained in their scriptures, so they have no problem speaking them.

"Everyone can see from the data that the conflict between the people of Central Asia and Russia is becoming increasingly intense. It can even be said that it's just a spark away from exploding. Do you think the revolution in Russia has been completely suppressed? That's absolutely impossible. Even throwing a stone into a pond can still cause repercussions. Moreover, revolutionary regimes have already been established in Tashkent and Andijan, and some troops have also participated in the revolution. All we need to do is send in Arabic-speaking Muslims to organize the local people. Then, driving out the Russians and liberating Central Asia should be no problem."

"Yes, we will promote a great national uprising in Central Asia." "So what about leadership?"

"Haha, that's for the future."

Dong Lianying didn't say anything, because if the Russians were driven out, the peoples of Central Asia would have to rely on either China or Britain. This was the tragedy of small nations. Dong Lianying didn't believe that China's millennia-long influence on Central Asia could be less than that of the British. Furthermore, Dong Lianying had his own ambitions. He wanted not only to reclaim the lands lost to Russia, but also to carve out a substantial piece of Russia's fat, just like Liu Wenxiu and his colleagues had done.

In the northwest, there were many Arabic-speaking Muslims. With the help of Ma Fuxiang and others, the Kadima Party quickly gathered over 200 members. These individuals, committed to rescuing their Muslim brothers in Central Asia, formed teams of ten and, armed with Russian Mosin-Nagant rifles, entered the Andijan and Tashkent regions in batches.

Dong Lianying's mission for these Muslims was simple: first, to reach out to the local people, mobilize them, and inspire hatred for the Russians, driving them out. Second, to sabotage the Central Asian railway built by the Russians, and where appropriate, to destroy Russian arsenals and telegraph lines. Third, to vigorously promote the slogan: "On the 15th of the month, kill the Russians." This slogan would encourage some oppressed and exploited locals to take initiative and launch surprise attacks on the Russians. As long as some local people organized and took action, the Russians in Central Asia would be defeated and their weapons and armor shed in despair.

Dong Lianying looked at the backs of the Muslims as they walked away, wondering how these Muslims would develop in Central Asia. Of course, Dong Lianying only regarded this as a casual move. If it could work, that would be the best. If not, Dong Lianying did not think that he could not solve the Xinjiang issue. In the face of the land revolution and the people's liberation, all reactionaries were paper tigers.

After sending these Muslims away, the PLA immediately began the operation to liberate Xinjiang. In order to quickly resolve the problem of Xinjiang's rebel forces, this time the PLA marched into Xinjiang, not only all the way to Hami, but also the troops in Khovd and the troops in XZ marched towards their respective destinations at the same time.

The troops in Khovdo crossed the Altai Mountains and headed straight for Tarbagatai, while the troops in Hami split into two groups: one group headed straight for Turpan, and the other group went through Barkol and headed straight for Dihua. Another group of troops in the Ali region of Xinjiang followed the Himalayas into Xinjiang, opening up road traffic between Xinjiang and Xinjiang.

The PLA's advance into Xinjiang was delayed by several months due to winter, exposing most of the rebels. If these rebels were completely eliminated during the liberation of Xinjiang, the rebel forces in Xinjiang would not be able to recover for decades, and Xinjiang would have at least several decades of peaceful development. After the PLA liberated Hami, the potato crop planted there had already been harvested. This batch of potatoes, along with compressed biscuits and canned food, solved the PLA's food problem as they advanced deep into Xinjiang.

Russian Expansion in Central Asia (Free)

By the 1730s, the Kazakhs were nominally subject to Russia. The Middle and Small Kazakh Khanates sought Russian protection and acknowledged Russian suzerainty. In 1822, Tsarist Russia promulgated a Kazakh code, deposing the khans of the Middle and Small Kazakh Khanates, depriving the states of their sovereignty. Kazakh uprisings seeking to restore independence were brutally suppressed by Tsarist Russia. In 1847, after establishing an alliance with the Great Khanate, Tsarist Russia began to covetously target the three feudal khanates of Kokand, Bukhara, and Khiva in the southern steppes.

In the mid-19th century, Russia established its rule in the Aral Sea region.

In the ten years between 1850 and 1860, the volume of goods entering Russia from Central Asia tripled, while the volume of goods exported from Russia to Central Asia doubled. Central Asia became an important market for Russian industrial products.

In 1853, the Russian army advanced southeastward and captured the Kokand fortress of Akmekent. Subsequently, the Russian army connected the two areas and built many forts along the Syr Darya River to strengthen defenses.

To the east, in 1845, Russian troops forcibly occupied the northern bank of the lower Ili River, annexing the Kazakh people in the area, who had been affiliated with the Qing government. In 1847, Tsarist Russia established the Kopal Fortress east of Lake Balkhash. In 1854, it established the Vilni Fortress (present-day Almaty) south of the Ili River and dispatched troops to occupy the middle reaches of the Ili River. Subsequently, Tsarist Russia established post stations between these fortresses. In this way, Tsarist Russia constructed a defensive line of armed fortresses stretching over 700 kilometers east of Lake Balkhash. Later, it forced immigrants to establish numerous Cossack villages and settlements in the area, stealing nearly 10 square versts of Chinese territory.

At this point, the Russian fortifications built on the east and west sides of the Kazakh steppe acted like two pincers, encircling the three Muslim khanates to the south. The eastern fortress line also served as a base and outpost for Tsarist Russia's infiltration and invasion of my country's Xinjiang region.

At the time, Russia was divided on whether to expand its invasion of Central Asia. General Chernyaev, representing the pro-war faction, argued that without conquering Tashkent, Russia could not maintain its position in Central Asia, particularly its existing border with Kokand, which aimed to reclaim the southern Kazakh steppes. However, Foreign Minister Gorchakov and Stremokhov, Director of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs' Asian Department, insisted that there was no need to expand conquests to avoid direct conflict with Britain, and that efforts should focus on consolidating existing territories in the region.

In 1857, Ignatieff, the Russian military attaché to Britain, was recalled to Russia. The Tsar questioned him about Britain's Asian policy. Ignatieff emphasized the importance of Asia to Russia, stating, "Once Russia breaks with Britain, it will only be able to engage in a struggle with some chance of success in Asia, thereby endangering the survival of the British. Asia is the only territory left for Russian commerce and industry, and Russian industry is too weak to compete successfully with other countries." Ignatieff's opinions strengthened the Tsar's resolve to continue expansion in Central Asia.

In a report submitted to the Tsar, General Zimmermann of the Army, one of the pro-war factions, pointed out that if Russia adopted a wait-and-see policy in Central Asia, it would lead to Kokand establishing ties with British India. To avoid this, Kokand should be completely conquered. He stated in his report:

"I venture to challenge the view that Russia should not acquire new territories. ... People say that Russia, by seizing territories from its Central Asian neighbors, offended them and provoked their opposition. But if that were the case, the annexation of Siberia would also be condemned, since Siberia was also forcibly taken from the natives. If people had said during the time of Tsar Ivan IV that Russia was too big and should not expand further, the Volga would still be in Muslim hands, and our motherland, even if it had managed to preserve its independence, would have been no more than a small Muscovite. A major expedition to Kokand would have boosted Russian trade, just as the trade of England and France prospered after their expeditions to Moscow."

In 1863, having completed its conquest of the Caucasus and suppressed the Polish uprising, Tsarist Russia was free to focus its efforts on addressing the situation in Central Asia. While Alexander II's reforms of serfdom spurred the development of Russian capitalism, the plight of Russian peasants made it impossible to provide a broad domestic market for Russian industry. The Tsarist government encouraged entrepreneurs to explore new markets in the empire's newly expanded border regions, and farmers to seek land there. At this time, the territories Russia had recently expanded into and remained to expand into were primarily in Central Asia.

In November 1864, Russian Foreign Minister Gorchakov submitted an ultimatum to European countries, stating: "Russia's position in Central Asia is like that of all civilized countries bordering semi-civilized, nomadic peoples with no established social organization. In this case, the interests of maintaining border security and commercial exchanges will always require more civilized countries to have a certain degree of sovereignty over those neighbors who disturb others with violence and barbarism." This ultimatum was actually a formal diplomatic announcement by Tsarist Russia to invade Central Asia.

In May 1864, General Chernyaev led the Russian army from Siberia and first captured the Orei-Ata Fortress. In September, they captured another important town, the Chimkent Fortress.

Russia's military actions caused unease among European nations. Britain expressed serious concern, fearing that further Russian military action would endanger the security of its Indian territories. To allay European concerns, in November 1864, Russian Foreign Minister Gorchakov issued an open letter to European nations, stating: "The motives of the Russian leaders are simple. They simply want to ensure an effective border—a border that can be protected in the Russians' struggle against border plunder. Therefore, the Russian Empire will not stop until it reaches the borders of settled countries. After stopping in these places, Russia will build a line of fortresses to protect its borders. This will teach the nomads, accustomed to plundering, that trade is better than plunder, and will grant them the grace of 'Western civilization.'"

In January 1865, Russia established the Turkestan Oblast in the newly conquered territories. This Oblast was governed by a military governor, who was responsible for the region's military and political affairs and reported to the Governor-General of Orenburg. Chernyaev was appointed military and political governor of Turkestan, with full responsibility for foreign affairs, trade, and military deployments with the khanates of southern Central Asia. At this time, relations between Bukhara and Kokand were becoming increasingly tense, threatening to erupt at any moment. This development favored Russia, as the discord between the Muslim khanates provided an opportune opportunity for Russian intervention.

In April 1865, Chernyaev mobilized his troops and attacked the Niyazbek Fortress. He then advanced towards Tashkent, encountering the main Kokand forces. A fierce battle ensued, resulting in the death of Kokand leader Kuri Khan, giving the Russians the upper hand on the battlefield. In June, Chernyaev led his troops in a fierce assault on Tashkent. The Muslim defenders put up a desperate resistance, capturing every fortification on the city walls and every house with the help of hand-to-hand combat. After a brutal and bloody battle, Chernyaev's Russian forces captured the city, establishing their protection of Kokand.

After Russia occupied Tashkent, it tried to build the city into the economic center of Central Asia, hoping that the local residents would benefit from it, win their favor towards Russia, and weaken Bukhara's prestige among the locals.

After Russia occupied Tashkent, a large number of Russian merchants entered the city, and commerce and trade quickly flourished, making Tashkent the economic center of Central Asia. This significantly impacted Bukhara's economy. After the mid-19th century, Bukhara's economy experienced slow growth, and people lived in poverty. Dissatisfaction with their rulers grew, and they longed for a change in their lives.

In May 1866, General Romanovsky, who succeeded Chernyaev, led his troops to capture the Bukhara regions of Iljar, Khojand, and Nau. The Russians demanded territorial cession, indemnity, and trade. Bukhara, weak at the time, was unable to resist the Russian invasion. Soon, the cities of Ula-Tyube, Dizzakh, and Yangjikurgan were successively captured by the Russian army. The newly captured regions were incorporated into a special military district, with Kaufman, Director of the Russian War Ministry's General Staff, as the military commander.

Anti-Russian forces within Bukhara secretly gathered strength and sent envoys to Kokand and Khiva seeking an alliance against Russia. In June 1868, Russian General Kaufman led his troops to defeat the main Bukhara army. Simultaneously, a major anti-Russian uprising broke out in Samarkand. Upon hearing the news, Kaufman quickly led his troops to Samarkand and brutally suppressed the rebels. On June 23, the ruler of the Bukhara Khanate was forced to sign an agreement with Russia, recognizing Russia's protectorate over Bukhara.

After conquering Kokand and Bukhara, Khiva became Russia's next target. In 1868, Russian General Kaufman negotiated with the Khan of Khiva, but the Khan showed a firm will for independence, and the Russians returned empty-handed.

The Russian army actively deployed its forces to conquer Khiva. In November 1869, Russian troops dispatched from the Caucasus to occupy Krasnaya Bay on the eastern shore of the Caspian Sea, completing a three-sided encirclement of Khiva. In 1872, Tsar Alexander II issued an order to Kaufman to conquer Khiva.

In 1873, the Russian army concentrated 13,000 troops and launched an all-out attack on the Khanate of Khiva. In May, the capital of Khiva was occupied by the Russian army. In August, Khiva signed a peace treaty with Russia, recognizing it as a Russian vassal state.

After the Russian army occupied the Khanate of Khiva, the last independent country left in Central Asia was Turkmenistan, located south of the Karakum Desert.

In 1873, Russian troops entered Turkmenistan and occupied part of its territory. However, the Russian army's complete conquest of Turkmenistan took much longer than the conquest of the three previous khanates. In 1879, General Lazarev of the Russian Army, while attacking Gokchepe, was decisively defeated by the Turkmen army, shocking the Tsarist government. In 1880, General Skobelev, commander of the Russian expeditionary force to Turkmenistan, received a directive from the Tsar: "The confirmed plan must not be altered or retreated from under any circumstances, for this would be a sign of weakness on our part in both Europe and Asia, would encourage further arrogance on the part of our enemies, and would likely inflict immeasurable losses on Russia compared to the entire expedition."

In November 1880, Skobelev led the Russian army around the Gokchepe Fortress. The defenders put up a fierce resistance, but Skobelev ordered a continuous artillery bombardment of the city. In January 1881, the Russians used mines to blast through the fortress's walls, sending the defenders fleeing. The Russians pursued them relentlessly, slaughtering everyone, regardless of gender, age, or status, killing thousands. Inside the fortress, the Russians counted 6500 bodies. They also executed all the men who hadn't escaped, leaving behind 5000 women and children.

In 1884, Russian forces captured the important Turkmen oasis city of Merv and advanced all the way to the Afghan border, pressing directly against Herat, the gateway to Afghanistan. A further advance southward would have put the Russians at the very doorstep of India. To avoid direct conflict with the British, the Russians stopped advancing. Soon, beleaguered resistance groups across Turkmenistan laid down their arms and surrendered to the Russians.

In 1887, Russia and Britain demarcated the border between Turkmenistan and Afghanistan. It was not until 1895 that the Russian army ended its expansion in Central Asia.

Seize Ili and Pamir.

(1) Occupation of Ili

As Tsarist Russia advanced southward, it did not forget its territorial holdings in Xinjiang, China to the east. In 1857, Wolihan, a descendant of the former Kashgar feudal nobility, led his army from Kokand to occupy Kashgar. Tsarist Russia saw this as an excellent opportunity to infiltrate Xinjiang. Kavalevsky, director of the Asian Department of the Tsarist Russian Foreign Ministry, recommended active Russian intervention. In an official letter to the commander of the Siberian Independent Corps, the Russian Minister of War explicitly instructed:

"Send an experienced and reliable person to Kashgar to learn about the progress of the uprising there. However, one condition must be observed: the person sent can only receive verbal instructions and must not carry any documents that may reveal his position and identity under any pretext.

At your discretion, we must strengthen our forces in the Outer Ili Border Region, both those already deployed to the natural boundary area of ​​Aydarlei and on the Tsarin River, not far from the Chinese border, and those deployed south of the Vilna Fortress along the Kashgar border line.

If an old dynasty independent of the Chinese government is restored in Kashgar, and its representatives request your aid or assistance, do not refuse their request. After cordially receiving the envoys of the new Kashgar regime, ask the government for permission to take further action on this matter. At the same time, given the current situation, be prepared to provide assistance.

In 1864, Tsarist Russia signed the Sino-Russian Treaty of the Northwestern Boundary with the Qing government, ceding over 44 square kilometers of territory in northwestern China. Not content with this, Tsarist Russia set its sights on China's Ili region. Kuropatkin, former Russian Minister of War, bluntly stated, "The fertile Ili region is a strong fortress extending eastward. Its incorporation into Russia would be highly advantageous, not only because it would greatly facilitate the defense of our territory but also because it would threaten China."

In 1864, an ethnic minority uprising against the Qing Dynasty erupted in Xinjiang, China. Kokand General Yakub Beg seized the opportunity to lead his army into southern Xinjiang and establish a new Khanate. Yakub Beg's overtures to Britain alarmed Tsarist Russia, who feared that expanding British influence would encircle Russia's flanks and even threaten relations between European Russia and Siberia.

In March 1866, the Russian army seized the Musor Pass, a key transportation route connecting the north and south of the Tianshan Mountains, and assembled troops west of Ili, preparing to invade the area. In the early 1870s, Yakub Beg captured the Turpan Basin and Urumqi. Seeing the Qing government's inability to suppress the rebellion, Tsarist Russia launched a two-pronged attack on Ili in May 1871, occupying it in July. Believing the Qing government's quelling of the rebellion was impossible, Tsarist Russia declared its intention to withdraw from occupied territory if the Qing government could regain control of Xinjiang.

In May 1876, Zuo Zongtang led the Qing army against Yakub Beg. The following year, Yakub Beg's army was defeated, and he was poisoned by his own men. By the end of the year, the rebellion had been quelled. The Qing government negotiated with Tsarist Russia several times, demanding the Russian army withdraw from Ili, but to no avail.

In July 1880, the Qing government dispatched Zeng Jize to St. Petersburg to negotiate with the Russians. In February 1881, the two sides signed the "Revised Treaty," which primarily included territorial cession, indemnity, trade, the establishment of consulates, and consular jurisdiction. Tsarist Russia withdrew its troops from Ili only after ceding over 70,000 square kilometers of Chinese territory.

(2) Invasion of the Pamirs

In 1876, the Tsar dispatched Skobylev to the Pamirs for an expedition and survey, preparing for Russian expansion there. In 1889, Colonel Gromchevsky, on behalf of the Tsarist Russian Geographical Society, entered the Pamirs to investigate their military value. In October of that year, Russians encountered the British at Kaian Aksai in the Pamirs, engaging in a firefight that forced the Russians to retreat.

In 1891, Tsarist Russia sent a reconnaissance team led by Colonel Ionov into Tulangkuri in the Pamirs. They distributed leaflets to local residents, claiming that the area belonged to Russia. After the Chinese government protested, the Russian troops withdrew. Britain expressed grave concern, and the British ambassador to Russia sent a note to the Russian Foreign Ministry, stating, "It cannot be proven that the Pamirs belong to Russia." However, Russia was unyielding on this issue. In a directive to the ambassador in London, the Russian Foreign Minister wrote, "We must firmly uphold our rights in the Pamirs, which, despite being a desolate, mountainous region, holds undeniable significance for Russia."

In 1892, Ionov led his army into the Pamirs, capturing Sumantash and then Aktash. The Russian army continued to advance, occupying over 2 square kilometers of Chinese territory. The Qing government subsequently engaged in numerous negotiations with Tsarist Russia, but to no avail. Tsarist Russia continued to occupy a large area of ​​territory west of the Sarikol region.

In 1897, Tsar Nicholas II told the Swede Sven Hedin: "The Hindu Kush is exactly the place that I have always had my eye on, but no one has ever understood my opinion on this matter and simply told me the truth.

Tsarist Russia's rule over Central Asia.

The establishment of Russian rule in the Kazakh steppes was a long and cautious process. In the early days, the Tsarist government did not force the Kazakhs to belong to Russia, but instead granted them "diaspora" status. The Russian government also exempted the Kazakhs from military service and preserved their customs and traditions.

In the 19th century, as Russian and Ukrainian farmers came to the Kazakh steppe to reclaim wasteland, the grassland decreased, which had a great impact on the Kazakhs' traditional animal husbandry. Conflicts intensified and several Kazakh anti-Russian uprisings broke out.

In 1867, the Tsar issued a decree establishing the Governor-General of Turkestan to administer Central Asia. However, for the Tsarist government, this region seemed like a secluded world far from the capital. Even as late as 1885, orders from St. Petersburg still took eight to ten days to reach the Afghan border. To administer Central Asia, the Tsarist government relied solely on the governors and generals stationed there. All power in Central Asia rested in the hands of the military, and all administrative bodies were headed by Russians.

At that time, Central Asia actually became a military control area of ​​Russia. In the 1890s, a man named Markov who came to Tashkent wrote:

"Everything here is militarized, and every street is filled with soldiers. Cossacks, cavalrymen, officers, on foot, in carriages, on horseback; salutes are heard everywhere, spurs are heard everywhere, and privates running along the sidewalks often skillfully clear the way for some passing commander. In Tashkent there are not only military fortresses, but also many barracks with bayonets and cannons flashing in front of their gates. Moreover, most officials are soldiers, most institutions are military institutions, meetings are military meetings, clubs, libraries, schools are all military, and even the churches here are military. ... Wherever you go, you see almost no one except soldiers, officers, generals, their wives, and children. Non-military people here are unconsciously lost in the overwhelming military population."

During his tenure as Governor-General of Turkestan, Kaufman implemented a relatively relaxed policy in Central Asia. He tried not to change local customs, but he abolished slavery. One of his guiding principles was to minimize interference in the affairs of the local population, focusing instead on controlling them. His rationale for this approach was that gradual change through good example was far more effective than repressive policies.

The Russians also brought their own political, economic management model and lifestyle to Central Asia. Russian settlements were located on the outskirts of the city, and the layout of the houses was carefully designed. The Russian quarters in Tashkent were characterized by straight boulevards and spectacular public buildings. The Russians also established observatories, museums, public libraries, and published newspapers. During his tenure as Governor-General, Kaufman encouraged the exploration and study of natural history and resources in Central Asia. The Russians also established factories and constructed water conservancy facilities in Central Asia. The Russians believed that their occupation of Central Asia had brought peace and civilization to the region, a point beautifully reflected in a letter from General Chernyayev, the military and political governor of Turkestan Oblast, to the King of Khiva:

...The unstable situation in Kokand, and the resulting prolonged chaos, have caused the Divinely Mighty Emperor great concern for that country. The Kokand government has oppressed the entire population it governs for centuries and has repeatedly taken actions that undermine our commercial interests in Central Asia. Therefore, His Majesty is determined to eradicate this arbitrary behavior of the Kokand government. To this end, he sent me last year to command his army to Kokand, hoping to establish order in the Khanate by force and to bring peace and tranquility to its inhabitants, which are essential for the people of any country to live and work in peace. Your Highness knows that last year I conquered the entire northern part of the Khanate and brought its oppressed inhabitants the blessing of my great monarch's protection and the protection of his wise laws."

One manifestation of Russia's economic exploitation of Central Asia was the promotion of cotton cultivation there. In the 1880s, with cotton prices rising on the world market and Central Asia's climate ideal for cotton growth, Russia launched a large-scale cotton cultivation campaign. Cotton exports from Central Asia grew annually: in 1884, cotton exports reached 873,000 poods, 2,673,000 poods in 1890, 6,880,000 poods in 1901, and 8,123,000 poods in 1906, accounting for 30% of Russia's cotton consumption.

The widespread promotion of cotton cultivation led to the encroachment of previously fertile farmland. In 1892, nearly 7500 million mu of fertile farmland in Samarkand Oblast alone was converted to cotton cultivation. The reduction in grain cultivation area led to a sharp rise in grain prices, severely damaging the interests of local residents.

The first Russian immigrants arrived in Central Asia in the 1870s, encouraged by the Tsarist government to cultivate the land. Since then, the number of Russian farmers migrating to Central Asia has steadily increased. In 1906 and 1907 alone, the number of Russian immigrants reached 216,000 and 577,000, respectively.

For the local population, Russia's immigration policy was more detrimental than any other policy. Land-hungry Russian peasants were allowed to settle in the most fertile lands of Central Asia, depriving local herders of the pastures they depended on for survival, plunging them into poverty and exacerbating ethnic tensions.

While the Russian colonial authorities did not force local residents to convert to Russian, they did close local schools and establish Russian-language schools, implementing a policy of Russification. In reality, very few local children attended Russian-language schools.

Between 1899 and 1905, the Russian government built the Orenburg-Tashkent railway. Low-priced wheat from Ukraine and Siberia entered Central Asia, lowering grain prices there and encouraging locals to devote more land to cotton cultivation. The railway's construction attracted even more Russians, and several Russian towns emerged along the route. This change in lifestyle had a significant impact on traditional Muslim society, generating significant ethnic tensions.

The Russian government's exemption of the local population from military service was not an act of goodwill but rather a matter of security. The Russian government believed it would be unsafe to awaken the local population's militaristic spirit and introduce them to European military organizations and the use of modern weaponry. The Russians did not want an unruly local regular army.

Generally speaking, Russian rule rarely interfered with local economics, society, law, religion, or customs. Russian imperial rule in Central Asia, as in the Caucasus, was intended to control rather than assimilate. The Russians justified their occupation of Central Asia by arguing that their expansion was motivated by humanitarian goals and a civilizing mission.