Servant of the People in Kyiv

Chekhov pointed at the box with a hint of meaning and said, "There are things in here that Natasha gave you. You miss her the most, right?"

Haniyev was stunned, and looking at Chekonenev's smiling face, he couldn't help but smile too.

Vyshevsky took the suitcase from Haniyev and said, "I'll go to the parking lot and drive the car. You guys wait for me at the lobby entrance."

About twenty minutes later, Yalta No. 1 left Simferopol Airport and drove towards Yalta city on the highway.

There is not much traffic on the spacious road. Through the car window, you can clearly see the green trees on both sides and the endless white clouds in the blue sky. Compared with the industrially developed Kyiv area, the environment here is obviously excellent.

Feeling a bit stuffy, Chekhov took off his woolen coat and nodded with satisfaction: "The air here is very fresh. Find me a good health doctor. Maybe my rheumatism and rhinitis can be cured."

Haniyev patted his chest and assured, "Don't worry, old leader. I will arrange for you the highest standard of treatment, which is only enjoyed by national leaders."

Chekhov didn't think Haniyev would deceive him. He said happily, "Thank you very much. Let's have a few drinks tonight. You can tell me about your recent experiences, and I will also tell you about the central government's follow-up arrangements for our Chernobyl project."

Chapter 086 Let the Past Gone with the Wind

After sending Chekhov to the Friendship Sanatorium, the secretary and the director accompanied him and introduced the currently open facilities in the sanatorium and the services that Chekhov could enjoy. Chekhov was indeed very satisfied.

That night, Sherbitsky showed up at the reception banquet in the restaurant. Although he only had a drink with Chekhov and left, Chekhov was still happy to get himself drunk.

Haniyev felt that he had learned another trick from Sherbitsky. His attendance at the banquet today not only gave face to himself but also to Chekhov. He just drank a glass of wine, but made his two subordinates even more loyal. This was the way to get to the top.

Back at the municipal party committee office, Haniyev drank a glass of cold boiled water to soothe the alcohol. Vyshevsky had already pulled the large suitcase brought by Chekonenv into the room.

"open to take a look."

After hearing Haniyev's instructions, Vyshevsky leaned over and unzipped his pants, and a mixed aroma of vodka and vanilla filled the room.

Smelling the familiar smell of sausage, Haniyev began to salivate, which was a natural reaction of the body's memory.

"It's Koubasa. It smells so good. Your mother's cooking is amazing!"

Vyshevsky took out a large bag and looked at the tangled sausages inside with admiration.

"You'd like to take some."

Haniyev waved his hand.

"What do I want with it? We eat three meals a day together. I think we should send it to the sanatorium and let Shcherbitsky and Chekhov taste it too."

"You're right, this is best."

Haniyev nodded, walked over and took out another bag of clothes and put it aside. Then there were a few pieces of leather and two jars of wild honey, which were obviously sent by colleagues from the high slopes. There were also some letters, and judging from the signatures on the covers, they were all citizens of Pripyat. Finally, there was a red pine box.

Haniyev's eyes narrowed when he saw the mahogany box. He recognized it as the music box he bought for Natasha when he went shopping with her after finishing the investigation in Kiev. It was the first gift he gave her.

Vyshevsky closed the door and left with the sausages. Hanyev didn't even look at the letters and fur honey. He picked up the music box and sat back at his desk.

After opening the music box, the melody of Hawthorn Tree suddenly sounded.

Under the orange light of the desk lamp, a little princess in a pleated skirt and a little prince in a suit were spinning, kissing each time they turned a circle.

There is a letter embedded in the cover of the music box, and the wax seal on the letter is printed with a small and cute heart pattern.

Haniyev took a deep breath and opened the letter. When he saw the contents, he gritted his teeth and scratched his hair with a gloomy face.

The letter fell to the ground, crumpled, and the words were clearly visible under the orange light:

"Dear Victor,

Hello, we haven't seen each other for more than fifty days. I miss you very much...

I want to tell you that I'm engaged to Nicholas, the guy who works with you. I don't love him, but my family needs him. We might get married before the New Year. I'm very grateful to have met you...

Love you Natasha"

There wasn't much in the letter, but Haniyev picked it up and read it for a long time, then drank half a bottle of vodka before falling into a deep sleep.

For the next few days, Haniyev was immersed in high-intensity work. It seemed that only hard work could numb himself and make him forget the unhappiness.

As Haniyev's confidant, Vyshevsky naturally knew the reason. On the third night, he specially cooked the sausages made by Natalia, took a can of meat and pickles, and brought two bottles of vodka to find Haniyev who was reviewing the speech for tomorrow's economic reform promotion meeting.

"Stop busying yourself with your shit and have a drink with me!"

Haniyev looked up and asked curiously, "What's bothering you?"

"I haven't been home for almost two months. Zhuoya and I had a fight over the phone. She said little Ivan barely recognized me..."

After saying this, Vyshevsky drank a large glass of vodka in one gulp.

Zoya is Vyshevsky's wife, and little Ivan is their child, who is less than one year old.

Haniyev suddenly felt guilty. He held his wine glass and said with some regret, "I can't believe that asking you to help me would affect your family. Family is the most important thing. If you need to, you can always come back to Kiev. You know I won't keep you here."

Vyshevsky laughed. "We are the closest of friends, Victor. Since I've decided to follow you, I will never leave you behind. Besides, I can earn much more working with you than driving a bus in Kiev."

The city party secretary's driver earned a maximum of 100 rubles a month, but Vyshevsky's salary was naturally higher than that of an ordinary driver. In addition, he could get some allowances reimbursed every week, so he did earn a lot.

Haniyev raised his glass and said, "But if you don't go back, will Zoya be satisfied?"

Vyshevsky waved his hand gently. "The environment here is great, but even better is being able to interact with Shcherbitsky. Perhaps you'll be promoted soon, and I'll have better opportunities with you. Zhuoya will figure it out."

Haniyev nodded, and suddenly he felt that the responsibility on his shoulders was even heavier.

A politician can say at any time and place that he loves his country and his people, but most politicians and officials only love people in a broad sense, not in reality.

Haniyev used to have this problem, but now he feels that his good friend Vyshevsky and his family rely on him, and this sense of responsibility makes him more vigilant.

Seeing that Haniyev's mental state was much better, Vishevsky cut a piece of sausage and handed it to him with confidence: "Try it, it tastes like your mother."

Haniyev ate a piece and praised it: "It is really delicious and you can never get tired of it. You should try it too."

After the two drank a bottle of wine, Haniyev took the initiative to talk about Natasha and expressed regret that the two did not get together.

"Yuri, you know Natasha too. She's so beautiful, considerate, and good at handling all kinds of political affairs. If I marry her, I'll have a lot less worries, and we'll have something in common..."

But her family looks down on me, thinking I'm not as good as that second-generation official. How is Nicholas better than me..."

Watching Haniyev chattering away, Vyshevsky smiled and poured himself a drink. After Haniyev repeated it three times, he waved his hand and said loudly, "Victor, if you feel humiliated, then you can become a high official and make Natasha's family regret it. Only revenge can make a man feel cheerful!"

Haniyev slammed the table and stood up. "That's right, I'm going to be a big official. I'm the city party secretary now. Four years, yes, at most four years. In four years it will be 1991. Then I'm going to be the first secretary of Ukraine and the person who calls the shots in the Soviet Union!"

Vyshevsky applauded and echoed: "Yes, General Secretary Haniyev, please approve the dropping of the atomic bomb on Washington!"

After laughing and joking for a while, when Haniyev was half drunk, he suddenly figured it out. He knew that his ambition had never been women, but power, so he repeated the ambition that he dared to say when he was drunk -

"In 1991, I wanted to be the voice of Ukraine and even the Soviet Union. I wanted to influence the fate of the Soviet Union and control the changes in world politics. That's what a real man should do!"

Lying swaying on the bed, Haniyev waved his arms and muttered to himself in a daze before falling asleep: "Let the past go with the wind... Let the past go with the wind... Let it all go with the wind..."

Chapter 087 The old man is coming back

Starting from August 1986, all departments in the Soviet Union began to implement and study General Secretary Gorbachev’s important statements and documents on economic reform, and the "Self-Employment Law" was officially promulgated and implemented.

The people were awakened by the Party and the Soviets and were allowed to start their own businesses and operate independently. Although there were still many restrictions, the fate of the planned economy had already entered the countdown.

Yalta is a small city with a small population and relatively complete urban supporting facilities. After the implementation of the new law, there have been few changes. Only some small vendors and self-employed fishing boat owners have applied for certificates. However, Haniyev learned from the newspapers that in many places in the north, the enthusiasm of the people to start their own businesses is very high. However, at present, almost all resources and commodity channels are still in the hands of the Materials Bureau, cooperatives and other units. It is still very difficult for the people to start their own businesses, unless the leaders of relevant enterprises and units go into business.

However, the reform has just been implemented, and almost everyone is still taking a wait-and-see attitude, so naturally no one is quitting their job to go into business.

After nearly two months of familiarization, Haniyev has been able to fully control the city of Yalta and has become increasingly adept at handling many affairs of the Party Committee and Municipal Government.

Haniyev was intoxicated by the feeling of raising his arm and having thousands of people obey his orders. He increasingly understood that mastering and exercising power was the highest enjoyment in the world.

Chekhov lived in the Friendship Sanatorium, where he ate nutritionally balanced meals every day and enjoyed a variety of cultural, sports and entertainment activities, which prevented him from disturbing Haniyev.

After forcing Sherbitsky to step down, Gorbachev began to carry out drastic so-called reforms. Even with the obstruction of Prime Minister Ryzhkov, the reforms were still implemented step by step.

Ryzhkov is a talent promoted by Andropov. His governing philosophy has always been gradual reform, with gentle means and no fanfare. In the words of Sherbitsky, Ryzhkov, like the chief designer of Khitan, wants to take a path of crossing the river by feeling the stones.

However, the difference in concepts meant that Gotti and Rezhkov could not cooperate.

During a dinner with Shcherbitsky, Haniyev listened to the drunk Shcherbitsky comment on the radical reformers and conservatives in Moscow.

It was at this time that Haniyev truly understood who the two groups were that decided the fate of the Soviet Union and how they were fighting.

It turns out that Gorbachev's trusted think tank was Yakovlev, the Minister of Propaganda of the Central Committee. Many examples have proved that this Minister of Propaganda was able to represent Gorbachev's will most of the time. It can even be said that Gorbachev's trust in Yakovlev surpassed anyone else. There was even a rumor among senior party cadres that no matter how many ridiculous and absurd ideas Yakovlev came up with, Gorbachev would adopt them unconditionally.

In addition to this well-known think tank, Gorbachev also had several good foreign friends who offered advice, but the most important vanguard in the party was Yeltsin, who was promoted to member of the Central Political Bureau last year.

This tall alcoholic was tough, outspoken and daring. With him taking the lead, Gorbachev's reforms went very smoothly in Russia. The most important republics in the Soviet Union had implemented the reforms without any obstacles, so the other member states naturally had no reason to refuse.

With Sherbitsky relegated to the second line, the lonely Ryzhkov has recently been gradually marginalized by Gorbachev and his confidants.

Knowing that he could not stop Gorbachev's reforms, Sherbitsky was very anxious. He urged Haniyev many times to find a way to do something for his comeback. For this purpose, he even called his grandson Nikolai to come back.

In late August, the exhausted Nikolay was taken to Haniyev's office by Vyshevsky.

After a warm hug, the two exchanged pleasantries for a while. Nikolay took off his scarf, looked out the window at the bright sky, and said, "It's much warmer here than in Kiev. My grandfather was anxious to get me here. He said he needed to discuss a solution with you. He can't wait to get back out of retirement. Do you have any ideas? We should discuss it, otherwise I won't be able to explain it to my grandfather later and we'll both get scolded."

Since Haniyev had persuaded Sherbitsky to retreat in order to advance, he had a plan in mind. He hadn't mentioned it before because the time wasn't right. Now that Nikolay was asking, Haniyev could only smile bitterly and say, "Our old man needs Gordi's approval if he wants to make a comeback. It won't work just with the support of leaders like Ryzhikov. But Gordi finally brought down your grandfather, so why would he let him make a comeback?"

"What should I do? You promised my grandfather that you could help him."

Nicholas frowned.

Haniyev rubbed his brows and said, "Of course there is a way. You have to know what Gorbachev cares about most. He is superstitious about the United States and Europe and is obsessed with learning from them. The so-called reform is for comprehensive Westernization, but your grandfather has always been an obstacle to his reform. Now we have to wait until Gorbachev's reform policies begin to take effect. Your grandfather may not be able to control other places, but Ukraine is his base for decades. As long as he wants, Gorbachev's reforms will have some loopholes and incomplete implementation. It shouldn't be a big problem. Will Gorbachev have a headache then?"

Nikolay's brow remained furrowed. "But what if Gorbachev gets angry and promotes Yakovlev or Yeltsin to be the First Secretary of Ukraine?"

"That's impossible. Gorbachev has only been General Secretary for a little over a year. How many trusted confidants does he have?

The conservatives and the centrists are still very powerful, and Gorbachev cannot have the final say in the central government.

For the sake of stability, didn't he retain your grandfather's status as a member of the Central Political Bureau and the Soviet Presidium?

It is already very difficult to achieve this level of reform today. Both Yeltsin and Yakovlev cannot do without Moscow, and Gorbachev will not let them leave.

And it's useless for Gorbachev to send someone to remotely command Ukraine. That will only make your grandfather the uncrowned king of Ukraine. If he insists on sending a Russian as Ukraine's first secretary, hehe, that would be a bad move..."

Haniyev smirked and continued, "Perhaps we can stir up public discontent in Ukraine without us having to resort to any means. By then, we can mobilize public support. All we need is a few demonstrations and get foreign media involved. What will Gorbachev dare to do? By then, the entire Soviet Union will need Secretary Shcherbitsky to return to power to stabilize the situation. Gorbachev might even have to ask him to come back!"

Nicholas finally stopped worrying. He smiled and asked, "Hasn't the economic reform already begun? Why don't we start now?"

Haniyev knew that the next big move after Gorbachev's economic reform would be the "State-Owned Enterprise Law" which would be passed around next year. This would be the final blow to the collapse of the Soviet economy. At that time, state-owned enterprises would be able to operate independently and even introduce foreign capital to establish joint ventures. This would be the sword of justice to prevent a large influx of foreign capital and state officials from reselling collective assets.

Gorbachev's move was to cut off the economic system that the Soviet Union had operated for decades. Later generations referred to the collapse of the economic system during the disintegration of the Soviet Union as "public ownership turning into private ownership overnight," and the beginning of this was the "State-owned Enterprise Law."

Chapter 088 Let’s Build Momentum

Haniyev has always believed that the best opportunity to make Gorbachev's reforms go wrong is to wait for the implementation of the State-owned Enterprises Law. At that time, he can leak some information about state-owned enterprises reselling materials, or arrange for a few workers who were laid off due to joint ventures to lie on the railway tracks, let Reuters report it extensively, and hold marches and protests across Ukraine. Given Gorbachev's fear of foreigners, it will be difficult for Secretary Sherbitsky to escape.

Haniyev had a good idea, but Sherbitsky obviously couldn't wait.

Those in high positions want to hold on to power forever, and are willing to pay any price to do so.

Sherbitsky had been unemployed for less than two months, but he could no longer bear the feeling of sitting on the bench and being powerless despite having all the skills and ambitions. He now just wanted to return to the center of power in the Soviet Union as soon as possible and regain control of the helm of the big ship of Ukraine.

Haniyev understood Sherbitsky's thoughts, so after thinking it over, he said to Nikolay, "Although now is not a good time for the old man to come out, we can make arrangements in advance and build up momentum for him, so that the Soviets and the people can remember this old party member, old cadre, and old comrade who dedicated his life to the Soviets and the revolutionary cause.

With this halo, Ge Tutu will have no choice but to compromise. The Politburo may give your grandfather more power, and by next year, he may be able to successfully come out of retirement."

Nicholas became interested, leaned forward, and asked, "How do you plan it?"

"Build momentum!"

Haniyev clenched his fist and waved it. "The old Secretary has been at the helm of Ukraine for decades. He has a very strong popular base. Now that Gorbachev has been relegated to the sidelines, anyone with a discerning eye will speak up for him. So, can we invite some intellectuals to write articles to express their disapproval?"

Nikolay considered himself very courageous, but politically he was too conservative compared to Haniyev. He hesitated, "Will this anger Gorbachev?"

"Does he dare to be angry?"

Haniyev chuckled, thinking of Gordić, who was bullied like a young wife by Yeltsin a few years later. "Gordić is a tough guy with a weak heart. The people are spontaneously speaking up for the old secretary in Ukraine, and they're all talking about his achievements. This is a fact that no one can erase. Once public opinion gathers, Gordić will compromise. Then all your grandfather needs to do is bend down and bow his head, and he should be able to return to the center of Soviet power."

Haniyev was talking about a field that Nikolay had never been exposed to before. He didn't know if he could do it, so he had to go to see his grandfather with doubts.

After the grandfather and grandson exchanged views, Sherbitsky asked someone to notify Haniyev to come and see him.

Walking into the reception room, Haniyev saw Sherbitsky's cheerful face and knew that he was in a good mood. He thought that he probably agreed with his idea.

Sure enough, after sitting down, Sherbitsky highly praised Haniyev's idea, but he also raised some questions, that is, how to implement it.

"Our famous Ukrainian intellectuals are all pioneers who yearn for the West and support Gorbachev's reforms. They have many opinions about me. Will they sing my praises?"

Haniyev smiled slightly and said: "If you were still in power, these intellectuals would definitely not say hello to you, and would only cheer for your capture, but now you have retired.

Let me be frank: people are always more tolerant of losers. At this point, as long as the first person stands up to praise you, those self-proclaimed smart people who prefer to show off their superiority and only see the truth will rush to evaluate you objectively. As long as they are objective, the work you have done for Ukraine and the Soviet Union over the years will become your greatest political capital!"

Shcherbitsky was silent. He thought for a long time, then said worriedly, "I deal more with intellectuals. They are the most stubborn and fickle people in the world. They have no loyalty to the Soviets. If we approach them, it might backfire."

Haniyev smiled mysteriously. "You know, Soviet intellectuals yearn most for the so-called democratic, free, and prosperous Western world. What if I could get Reuters and other Western media to give you a positive report first?"