Servant of the People in Kyiv

Vyshevsky looked at Hanyev's smile and thought it was so dazzling that his heart somehow became warm.

Chapter 094: Create a pilot project

After the morning meeting, Haniyev stayed in the lounge to write his speech. His guesses about vigorously developing the service industry were also being improved based on the Southeast Asian service industry and Sanya, a major Eastern country in later generations.

Haniyev has gradually mastered the art of governing a region and is eager to use his power to achieve political achievements. However, Yalta has a sparse population, weak industries, and a lack of resources. The only thing it can do is its unique climate and spa culture.

It is an eternal truth that one has to rely on the land for food and the water for water for food. Haniyev wanted to make some achievements by taking advantage of the momentum of Gorbachev's economic reform, so he could only focus on the sanatoriums.

Haniyev knew very well that after the collapse of the Soviet Union, the employees of the sanatoriums were dismissed, and the good sanatoriums were idle or scrapped. It was considered a good thing if they were acquired by wealthy businessmen and turned into hotels.

He believes that this is a waste caused by the chaotic political situation and overall economic downturn after the collapse of the Soviet Union. Similar waste was absolutely common at the time of the collapse of the Soviet Union.

If the planning had been done properly, it could have been integrated and privatized, with integrated sales of convalescent medical care and tourism. This would have definitely allowed Yalta's economy to take off, after all, the city is limited in size.

After taking a nap on the sofa at noon, Haniyev woke up and revised his speech again, and then there was the afternoon seminar.

After Haniyev proposed the concept of vigorously developing the service industry at the meeting, the leaders of various sanatoriums were confused. In their rigid minds, they had never thought of allowing people to independently manage some of the services in the sanatorium, and they did not see the point in opening physiotherapy shops, foot massage shops, or massage shops in Yalta.

However, they could see that Secretary Haniyev attached great importance to the proposal he put forward, so even though everyone did not understand, no one dared to sing a different tune, but no one could put forward any constructive opinions or suggestions.

Under this wave of flattery, Haniyev's confidence doubled. He made the decision directly: "Didn't our beloved General Secretary Gorbachev want economic reform? Now that the law on self-employment has been promulgated, we can encourage citizens of Yalta, and even citizens of the Soviet Union, to come to Yalta to run service businesses. For those who want to make money but don't have the skills, I think your sanatoriums should take real responsibility. You can select health workers, physical therapists, and nutritionists to serve as training teachers, providing free training and education for these people. Our municipal party committee and government can allocate some special funds to subsidize the meals of teachers and apprentices..."

As long as we can train a large number of professional masseuses, pedicurists, and health therapists, they can start their own businesses, the service industry will flourish, and tourists visiting Yalta will have richer and more enjoyable experiences. This will also help Yalta gain greater fame, and everyone from collectives to individuals will increase their income. This is clearly a virtuous cycle..."

Haniyev became more and more excited as he spoke, and finally decided to hold a team meeting tomorrow to pass it.

Secretary Golon of the Friendship Sanatorium, who considered himself closer to Haniyev, boldly warned, "Dear Secretary Haniyev, would you please reconsider this? If the final results are not satisfactory, public opinion may be unfavorable to you."

Haniyev was not angry after hearing this. He did not think that Golon's words were a challenge to his authority. He thought about it seriously and it took him a long time to understand.

"You're right to remind me, Secretary Glorn."

Now Gorbachev's economic reform has just begun. Except for Moscow where Yeltsin is in power, most regions are probably still watching. Because for the Soviet Union, it is the first time to operate independently, and no one knows how to do it and to what extent.

Even among the Soviet people, few were willing to give up their respectable jobs to go into business, so in a short period of time, the people who would start their own businesses would basically be farmers and poor citizens.

Haniyev's move is a bit too big and will definitely anger conservative officials. If Sherbitsky has an opinion about him, it will not be worth the loss. Moreover, if something goes wrong, the reformists will think that he is blindly reforming and not complying with the central government's command. He will be caught in a dilemma and will not only fail to achieve success, but also affect his career.

This is what Golon wanted to remind Haniyev. As the secretary of the Friendship Sanatorium, he knew that Haniyev was already Secretary Sherbitsky's man, and Sherbitsky did not support Gorbachev's so-called reforms. So if Haniyev followed the General Secretary's reforms and did them with great fanfare, it would of course be tantamount to offending Secretary Sherbitsky.

Haniyev also knew that he had been a little emotional just now and almost fell into radicalism.

However, he didn't want to abandon his already well-thought-out policy. While Haniyev was pondering, Golon continued to propose: "Secretary Haniyev, I wonder if this reform could be implemented on a smaller scale, such as stricter political vetting of trainees and limiting the number of recruits?"

Haniyev knew Golon was trying to give him a way out, so he nodded. "Your proposal is excellent. We can consider it. This experiment is necessary. Perhaps it can help us find a new path for development in Yalta. Why not offer a small amount of training and substantial support? We can start with a pilot project in Yalta and see how it goes."

After asking the question, Haniyev looked around and the leaders attending the meeting applauded in agreement.

Thus, the discussion meeting on vigorously developing the service industry in Yalta was successfully completed.

After the meeting, Haniyev kept Golon and the two discussed for a long time.

After the municipal party committee passed the decision the next day, fresh opinions on exploring the development of Yalta's service industry were released.

This official document represents Haniyev's will and is also the policy that all departments in Yalta must implement.

A week later, the document sparked public opinion on developing the service industry.

Haniyev was very satisfied with the attention that the people of Yalta paid to this matter, and then at his request, a leading group for vigorously developing the service industry was established.

Haniyev is the group leader, all the leaders are deputy group leaders, and Goloun is the director of the office under the leadership group.

Without mentioning anything else, just looking at this working group, Golon has temporarily squeezed into the power center of Yalta. This is Haniyev's reward to him and also a sign of his importance. After all, the execution of this work is inseparable from the Friendship Sanatorium.

So far, the "development of the service industry" that was much talked about in Yalta is still just verbal talk, and it will be truly implemented in action in the future.

Although Haniyev had communicated with Sherbitsky a few days ago and obtained the old secretary's approval, this was still considered a slap in the face of Gorbachev's flattery. Haniyev felt a little unsure, so he found Sherbitsky again.

Sherbitsky certainly knew why Haniyev came. He only said one sentence, and after hearing it, Haniyev happily summoned the members of the leading group for vigorously developing the service industry and began to deploy and implement specific work.

Shcherbitsky's original words quickly spread, and the citizens of Yalta spread the word: "Go for it boldly! I've never been against reform, only reforms like those of Gordi. Your idea is good, and I'd also like to see if I can forge a new path."

Chapter 095 Advanced Party School Study

When Haniyev was personally in charge and was vigorously carrying out the pilot work of vigorously developing the service industry in Yalta, a study document sent by the Central Party Committee of the Republic to all states made Haniyev calm down.

Haniyev was somewhat bewildered when he saw the document requiring him to immediately drop all his work and go to the Kyiv Higher Party School for a three-month training. He saw that the document contained a comprehensive rotational training program for all Party members and cadres at or above the city level throughout the Soviet Union. The content of the training program was still unknown, but he could guess that it would be the spirit of Gorbachev's speeches and the content on reform.

Haniyev did not dare to delay and immediately put down his work and went to find Sherbitsky.

Shcherbitsky seemed to have known about this training session for a long time. In response to Haniyev's question, he explained, "This is a training session specially organized by Gorbachev to cultivate reform forces. You should go and learn what Gorbachev and his team are planning."

Because Haniyev mobilized foreign media to report on Sherbitsky, Sherbitsky's prestige is now higher than when he was in office, and his mood has become very good recently.

Seeing that Sherbitsky had no objection, Haniyev nodded and said, "I'm leaving tomorrow morning. They said they'll report on October 1st, so I'll still have time to go tomorrow."

"But before I leave, you have to give me a heads-up and see if you can get the state party committee to transfer a responsible mayor. That way, the policies I designated can continue to be steadily implemented while I'm gone."

Seeing Haniyev's flattering smile, Sherbitsky snorted coldly, "You kid also know when to be afraid. I'll let Nikolay get a secretary position in the Central Office and serve as mayor temporarily. After a year or two, he can be transferred back."

"Thank you, dear old secretary."

Haniyev bowed happily. Sherbitsky sat up from the sofa and said seriously, "This is the only thing I can do for you before I leave. You must do it well and make achievements."

Haniyev was startled: "Where are you going?"

"Ha ha……"

Shcherbitsky smiled a few times and said, "My reputation has been very high recently. Both Gorbachev and Ryzhkov are paying close attention to me. The day before yesterday, the Central Committee called me and asked me to come to Moscow in two days to attend a meeting of the Soviet Presidium."

Haniyev smiled and said, "It seems that after this conference you will have a specific division of labor."

Shcherbitsky nodded. "It's just that I can't return to the position of First Secretary of Ukraine for the time being."

The Soviet political system has always been one where the top leader has the final say. Apart from the General Secretary and the Prime Minister, the people with the most power are generally the Chairman of the Russian Soviet, the Prime Minister and the First Secretary of Ukraine.

Although Sherbitsky is still a vice-state-level leader, his power has been reduced by more than half. If it were not for Haniyev's series of help, Gorbachev would even remove Sherbitsky from the position of vice chairman at the Politburo Standing Committee meeting at the end of this year. However, now that he has been notified to attend the meeting before the conference, it is obvious that changes have taken place.

Shcherbitsky's political future had been saved, and he was naturally in a very good mood. He even made a promise to Haniyev before he left: "Victor, if you work hard and make some achievements, I will find a way to make you the deputy governor of Crimea after the New Year. As long as I am still the deputy chairman of the Soviet, this will not be difficult."

Haniyev rose from a small forestry farm secretary to the municipal party committee secretary in just half a year, achieving a four-level leap. This was the reward for the risky investment he dared to make.

However, if Haniyev made a mistake in any of the steps along the way, he would be in an irretrievable situation. Fortunately, he is currently on the road to success.

All the efforts invested in Sherbitsky seemed to be about to pay off, and Haniyev was very excited. He bowed and shook Sherbitsky's hand: "I am honored to be closer to you!"

After returning from the Friendship Sanatorium, Haniyev asked his office to book a plane ticket for him.

Vyshevsky is Haniyev's driver. In many cases, he can be said to be the incarnation of Haniyev. Therefore, in order to ensure that all policies can be implemented when Haniyev is not in Yalta, Vyshevsky must stay in the Municipal Party Committee and serve as Haniyev's eyes and ears and mouthpiece.

Time passed quickly. When the autumn rain was falling in Kyiv and the leaves were falling, Haniyev came to the Kyiv Higher Party School with his ID to report.

Khitan was a good student of the Soviet Union, and many of its systems and models originated from the Soviet Union.

Since the Lenin era, the Soviet Union has attached great importance to the education and training of cadres. After decades of efforts by several generations, the Soviet Union now has a fixed model of training, such as party schools and research institutes that accept senior cadres, as well as short-term training courses for all party members and cadres.

If Haniyev had not become the first secretary of the municipal party committee, he would not have been qualified to enter the Kyiv Higher Party School for training.

There were only 16 higher party schools in the entire Soviet Union, and two in Ukraine, one is the Kyiv Higher Party School and the other is the Odessa Higher Party School.

According to the training principles of party members and cadres, Haniyev should have gone to the Odessa Higher Party School to study. However, when allocating the study list, Nikolay made direct adjustments in Kiev. Considering Haniyev's political future, he adjusted him to study at the Kiev Higher Party School for one month and the Odessa Higher Party School for two months.

Haniyev spoke with Nikolay on the phone and understood that he meant for him to get to know more municipal party secretaries through study, especially those who could study in Kiev.

In five or ten years, Haniyev's classmates will grow up to become the backbone of various Ukrainian states. Some of them with outstanding abilities will be able to become governors, state party secretaries, or even enter the Ukrainian central government.

Only then will Haniyev be able to make good use of this classmate relationship.

Regardless of the political system, national culture, or ethnicity, maintaining social relations is beneficial to both oneself and others, and those who are doing relatively well are those who are good at this.

Haniyev was not good at scheming, but he was also willing to make friends. He did not mind the trouble and expressed his sincere gratitude to Nikolay for his arrangement.

The Central Committee of the Communist Party of Ukraine attached great importance to this training session for municipal party secretaries. The opening ceremony of the Kyiv Higher Party School was personally addressed by Comrade Stanislav Ivanovich Gurenko, the First Secretary of Ukraine.

Haniyev also saw for the first time the man who had taken the helm of Ukraine after Sherbitsky.

Gulenko looks much younger than Shcherbitsky, but is thinner and speaks less forcefully than Shcherbitsky. Even in the few months since he took over, the first secretary's presence in Ukraine has not been strong.

Haniyev knew that it was because Gulenko was promoted too quickly and lacked a mass base among Ukraine's central and provincial cadres.

Of course, another important reason is that there is still a retired emperor in Ukraine, Sherbitsky.

Unlike the original history, Shcherbitsky still has enough support and status in the Soviet Party, and Gulenko was promoted by him personally. When governing Ukraine, he dared not disobey Shcherbitsky in any way.

In the original history, Gulenko also became Sherbitsky's successor, but that was next year. The current Gulenko came to power earlier, and Sherbitsky's foundation is still solid.

To put it bluntly, Gulenko is just a puppet.

Chapter 096 Yushchenko

Gulenko is very young compared to Sherbitsky, after all, there is a seventeen-year age difference between the two.

Haniyev could see that Gulenko spoke very steadily and seemed to be neither hot nor cold in his actions. This might be due to his personality or because he understood the situation.

However, Haniyev also guessed that if he switched places with Gulenko, there would be no good way to deal with the current situation in Ukraine. After all, Sherbitsky and his cronies could not be overthrown.

If he really wants to live up to the title, all he can do now is to live well. After all, he is young, and as long as he can outlast Sherbitsky, he will have a chance to come to the fore.

But the Soviet Union's life was short-lived.

Haniyev sighed when he thought of this.

At this time, Gulenko had already left, and the teacher of the first class had not arrived yet, so it was a temporary break.

Sitting next to him was an elegant man wearing gold-rimmed glasses. He was very handsome, with yellow hair and dressed in a well-fitting suit. After hearing Haniyev's sigh, he lowered his head and asked, "Are you feeling unwell?"

Haniyev smiled slightly: "Nothing, who are you?"

"I'm the director of the Economic Planning Department of the Ukrainian branch of the National Bank. I was sent here by the banking system to study. My full name is Viktor Andreevich Yushchenko."

Yushchenko smiled and stretched out his right hand.

Haniyev thought the name was familiar and shook hands with him, saying, "We have the same name. My name is Viktor Vladimirvich Haniyev."

"I've heard of you. The Chernobyl incident was caused thanks to you. Otherwise, the damage caused would be unimaginable."

"I just did what I was supposed to do. It's nothing. A Communist Party member should always think about the safety of the people."

“If other people said that, I’d feel disgusted, but when you say it, I have nothing but admiration.

Comrade Haniyev, where are you working now? I heard that the Chernobyl zone has been abolished. Where have you been assigned to?"

"I am now the First Secretary in Yalta."

Yushchenko pointed southward and asked, "Is that the Yalta?"

"Yes, it seems there is only one Yalta in the world."

Yushchenko treated Haniyev very warmly, and Haniyev also remembered that Yushchenko was a president of Ukraine after its independence, and seemed to have also served as prime minister.

Knowing that he was facing a capable person, Haniyev became more enthusiastic.

The two men got more and more interested in the conversation, until the professor from the Party School sat down at the desk and cleared his throat, and then Haniyev and Yushchenko reluctantly shut up.

Haniyev was very glad that Nikolay arranged for him to study at the Kyiv Higher Party School. If he had not come to study, he would not have had the opportunity to meet Yushchenko.

Haniyev's political goal was to at least squeeze into the Ukrainian Central Committee before the disintegration, and at best to compete for a position as a member of the Soviet Central Committee. Therefore, Yushchenko, who became president around 2,000 years ago in history, could not be Haniyev's competitor.

Haniyev didn't know much about Yushchenko, but since Yushchenko was from the banking system and later ran for president, he was obviously a wealthy man and definitely possessed certain political skills and abilities.

Haniyev likes capable people. In his mind, he has already classified Yushchenko as a talent that he may use in the future, so after meeting Yushchenko, the two became good friends.

Yushchenko is not from Kiev, but after coming to Kiev to work last year, he gradually became familiar with life in Kiev. In addition, he has a very high level of education, so he has a lot to talk about with Haniyev on many topics.

The two soon became close friends who could talk about anything.

Since the study at the Kyiv Higher Party School was closed and two people shared a dormitory, Haniyev and Yushchenko found the vice-dean and applied to be transferred to the same room so that they could take care of each other.

When the holiday came on Saturday, Haniyev took Yushchenko to his home, and on Sunday he introduced Yushchenko to several of his good brothers.

With the company of good friends, the days of studying at the Party School were no longer difficult for Haniyev.

He gradually became familiar with many municipal party secretaries in Kyiv Oblast and several northern Oblasts, and became friends with many young people.

However, what made Haniyev a little unhappy was that he also saw his former leader, Nicholas, who had snatched away his beloved woman, among his classmates.

Now Nicholas has returned to the city of Beshev and is the first secretary. With his father's connections, he may be able to get promoted soon.

Nicholas seemed very uncomfortable when he saw Haniyev. He greeted him and then hid away.

The so-called study in the Party School was nothing more than brainwashing ordered by Gorbachev on the department-level and bureau-level leaders. His purpose was to make all the department-level and bureau-level leaders in the Soviet Union understand the spirit of his reforms and then carry out their work in accordance with Gorbachev's requirements.