Servant of the People in Kyiv

Potanin took a deep breath, his eyes wide open, and said, "You told Sankara you were going to help him. Burkina Faso's political stability is good for our gold mines, but you can't be so bold as to interfere in another country's coup. If the KGB finds out, we'll all be investigated, don't you understand?"

"I know, but if I help Sankara purge his opponents, I'm also indirectly attacking the French. Wouldn't that benefit our socialist camp?"

Haniyev spread his hands and said, "Besides, if I succeed, I can gain the friendship of a head of state, which will be very useful both for the gold mine we invested in and for my personal political interests."

"you're right."

Potanin nodded and said through gritted teeth, "I really admire your courage now. You are risking your life on this matter. If Compaore's coup succeeds, your life may be in danger. However, if Sankara succeeds, the benefits will be greater..."

After mumbling a few words, Potanin looked at Ivan and Peter, who were obviously also in the know, and smiled. "Anyway, you've roped me into this, Viktor. Tell me the whole plan. Perhaps I can help. I also want to gain the friendship of a head of state."

Haniyev laughed and said, "I knew you were a big gambler. Come, let me tell you..."

After hearing that Haniyev and Sankara were preparing to launch a revolution and use the power of eight million people to carry out a major purge in Burkina Faso, Potanin couldn't help swallowing several times.

"You are really generous, Secretary Haniyev. If you become the leader of our Soviet Union, wouldn't you be Stalin No. 2?"

Haniyev waved his hand gently: "I don't have Stalin's iron fist. You think too highly of me."

Potanin pondered for a moment and said, "Your plan and Sankara's is a good one. I don't understand campaigns, so I really don't have any opinions or suggestions. But I know that after the gold mine project was concluded, it caused a sensation in Burkina Faso. The people here not only feel that there is hope for their lives, but also that the Soviet Union has come to help Sankara. Burkina Faso's status has also improved. I think we now have a very high status in Burkina Faso. You said that Sankara wants to launch a campaign. The extent and scale of this campaign are uncontrollable, but they all rely on Sankara's prestige. I think in order to ensure that this campaign succeeds in one fell swoop and doesn't give Compaoré and others a chance to react, we should add fuel to the fire!"

Haniyev's eyes lit up, and he said, "You mean we should support President Sankara as representatives of the Soviet Union and boost his prestige again?"

Potanin nodded, and Haniyev hummed and looked at him as if he was meeting Potanin for the first time.

"You're even bolder than me, kid. If we speak publicly on behalf of the Soviet Union, we can't hide it from the embassy. The country will know about it soon. If the General Secretary or some important figures hear about it, we might be punished when we return home!"

"It doesn't matter. We've already risked our lives. We can talk about the future later. As long as Sankara succeeds and we become benefactors and friends of the President of Burkina Faso, we will definitely not be punished even if we are not heroes when we return home."

Haniyev slapped his thigh and said, "Okay, let's do as you say. I'll go find Sankara later and ask him to arrange a good opportunity in the next two days so that we can have a public speech."

After talking to Potanin, Haniyev felt his eyelids were sore and he couldn't help but lie down on the bed and take a nap.

While sleeping, Haniyev felt someone shaking him and opened his eyes.

"Director Haniyev, President Sankara invited us to dinner with him."

"what time is it?"

"six thirty."

"How long have I slept?"

"More than two hours."

"it is good."

Haniyev agreed, sat up, washed his face and went to the restaurant.

When we approached the restaurant, there were already four people sitting in front of Haniyev's large round table. In the middle was naturally Sankara, with Ouedraogo and Kaboré on either side of him, his translator standing behind him, and opposite them was Potanin.

Sankara seemed to be in a good mood and chatted with Potanin casually.

Seeing Haniyev come in, Sankara stood up and said, "Mr. Haniyev, you are here. Please take a seat. What would you like to drink, wine or coffee?"

As soon as Sankara stood up, Ouedraogo and Kaboré also hurriedly stood up. Haniyev quickly walked over to Potanin and sat down. He said, "Don't bother you, Mr. President. I just took a nap and I'd like some coffee to refresh myself."

Cabore clapped his hands and gave an order, and soon the army chef brought a cup of steaming coffee, a jug of milk, a sugar bowl, and then a cart of food and soup.

Haniyev selected some, took a bite, and nodded with satisfaction. He was about to offer a polite compliment when he saw Sankara put down his knife and fork and said with a smile, "My telegram requesting that all parts of the country commemorate Comrade Che Guevara together reached all districts and counties this afternoon. Ouagadougou had made preparations in advance, and many people took to the streets and held a rally in the square in commemoration this afternoon. Compaore and Galini were very surprised to learn that I had gone to the Central and Western Region, and they sent a telegram to ask me to come back. Haha, now all their plans have been disrupted, they must be very anxious..."

Haniyev cut a piece of grilled lamb with his knife and fork and ate it. He asked, "Is the editorial ready?"

"Commemorating Che Guevara has been a tradition in Burkina Faso for four years, and the people are mentally prepared. However, this year I called on the entire nation to hold a large-scale rally to commemorate the event, and arranged for the Committee for the Defense of the Revolution to organize it. The notice was a bit late, so the rally will probably reach its peak in the evening and end at night.

Therefore, I plan to have all national television and radio stations broadcast a piece written by Comrade Ouedraogo himself at around 7 o'clock, entitled "On the Incompleteness of the Burkina Faso Revolution on the 20th Anniversary of the Martyrdom of Comrade Che Guevara."

"Right now, Compaore and the others haven't caught on yet. I completely control the television stations. Once this article is published, there will be widespread publicity, and the masses gathered will easily become excited. I've asked the Committee for the Defense of the Revolution to organize this rally. This grassroots organization, which I personally established and handed over to Ouedraogo for management, is completely reliable and deeply rooted in the grassroots. After the article spreads through television and radio, they will lead the people in anti-corruption demonstrations. These demonstrations will break out simultaneously in every region of the country. I wonder how Compaore will respond."

Sankara was very satisfied when talking about his masterpiece. Although he did not smile, the relaxed tone revealed his emotions.

Sankara is a local admirer of the Cuban revolution and a little fan of Che Guevara. Therefore, after the success of the revolution in Burkina Faso, Sankara has been learning from the Soviet Union and Cuba to establish a regime.

After realizing that it was difficult to implement education, health care and land reform, Sankara decided to rely on the masses and set up a "Committee for the Defense of the Revolution" following the example of Cuba.

The Committee for the Defense of the Revolution, as the name suggests, is dedicated to defending the political system and current policies that emerged from the revolution in Burkina Faso. It is a grassroots organization, somewhat similar to the Khitan Red Guards.

Sankara's land reform policy was implemented with the help of the Revolutionary Defense Committee. The land belonging to the big landlords, chiefs, French and capitalists was finally distributed to the poor people of Burkina Faso for the first time. In the second year after the land distribution, Burkina Faso's grain production increased greatly, and this impoverished country was free from famine for the first time.

The Revolutionary Defense Committee is another powerful weapon in Sankara's hands. This grassroots organization, which has little power in normal times, can burst out with tremendous combat power when Sankara needs it.

Haniyev nodded secretly in his heart: I was thinking before that the great revolution in Burkina Faso was too hasty, and Sankara did not have enough manpower and time to prepare. I am afraid that the effect would not be very good once it was launched, and it might even get out of control. I didn’t expect that he had already established the grassroots movement organization, the Committee for the Defense of the Revolution, a few years ago. Although the Committee for the Defense of the Revolution had never played a role except for land reform, the time was still short and the old people were all there. As long as he got the Committee for the Defense of the Revolution moving, this would be the Red Guard of Burkina Faso, and he would not be afraid of not being able to overthrow Compaoré!

Chapter 128 The Movement Begins

For a communist regime, strict control of ideology is fundamental.

Only by remembering the suffering of class can we know the true meaning of revolution.

Starting from the Soviet Union, Khitan, Cuba, Vietnam, North Korea, and Burkina Faso have all followed a similar path, unifying the party's strength to ensure that there is one organization from the central government to the local level. When comprehensive work is needed, they mobilize the masses to establish a Revolutionary Defense Committee or Red Guards. In order to ensure that the red regime will not change color, they will also establish the organizational successor of the Young Pioneers from elementary school.

Compared with the Soviet Union, Khitan, North Korea, Cuba, and Vietnam, Burkina Faso's communist regime succeeded without bloodshed.

Burkina Faso's success stems from this one person, Sankara. When the regime was established, Sankara absorbed a large number of former government officials. When implementing reforms, he also relied on former government officials and entrenched chiefs and landlords. After discovering that it was difficult to implement new socialist policies such as land reform, education reform, and medical reform by relying on them, Sankara cultivated a grassroots organization, the Committee for the Defense of the Revolution, and absorbed a large number of proletarian elements from poor backgrounds into the organization. He then relied on them to implement reforms, and achieved excellent results in just a few years.

Therefore, thanks to the successful experience of predecessors such as the Soviet Union, Burkina Faso's socialist regime did not need to be explored too much and could be copied. Even though it was only established four years ago, it already has a basic proletarian organization throughout all districts and counties in the country - the Revolutionary Defense Committee.

To be honest, given Sankara's understanding of Marxism-Leninism, it would have taken him ten years to figure out the current framework organization on his own. He can be said to have benefited from his master's guidance.

Haniyev did not originally have a deep understanding of the situation in Burkina Faso and was worried that it was too late to start training the Red Guards. He was relieved when he learned that Sankara had already established the Revolutionary Defense Committee.

The article "On the Incompleteness of the Burkina Faso Revolution on the 20th Anniversary of the Martyrdom of Comrade Che Guevara" was the real beginning of Sankara's launching of the Great Revolution. Both Sankara and Haniyev were very concerned about this, so after dinner, Sankara, Haniyev and others sat in the restaurant waiting silently.

It was soon 7 o'clock. Normally, domestic news would be broadcast at this time, but because of Sankara's arrangement, Ouedraogo's editorial "On the 20th anniversary of the death of Comrade Che Guevara, on the occasion of the incompleteness of the Burkina Faso revolution" would be broadcast before the news today. So when the music sounded on the military radio, everyone stopped their injured movements and held their breath to listen.

"Beep... Burkina Faso National Radio and Television: Comrades, today is October 8, 1987, at 7:10 p.m., and here is today's news—

Comrade Che Guevara was a great Marxist and one of the main founders of Cuba. Today marks the 20th anniversary of his sacrifice for the revolution. President Thomas Sankara has asked the people of the country to hold a rally tonight to commemorate Comrade Che Guevara. We must...

At this moment of commemoration of the great proletarian revolutionary, our Nongma Ernest Ouedraogo published an editorial entitled "On the 20th Anniversary of Comrade Che Guevara's Martyrdom: On the Incompleteness of the Burkina Faso Revolution." Here's the report:

President Sankara said: Only revolutionaries are willing to question themselves, and only revolutionaries are willing to make a critical summary of their struggle.

I think this sentence points out the essence of revolution...

After Comrade Che Guevara led the Cuban Revolution to success, he resolutely came to Africa to help the African people fight against the colonizers, compradors, and feudal exploiters in order to save more working people.

Although Comrade Sankara led the tenacious people of Burkina Faso to victory in the revolution, with the stabilization of the national situation in recent years, signs of a lack of thoroughness in the revolution have emerged in Burkina Faso.

Earlier this year, two veteran revolutionaries who had followed President Sankara in the revolution were found guilty of serious corruption, but Compaoré did his utmost to protect them. Since marrying the daughter of the Malian governor, Compaoré has been living an increasingly extravagant life.

We can conclude that in Burkina Faso, because the revolution was not thorough, a large number of poisonous weeds, capitalist restorationists, and capitulationists have emerged. They have relied on deception to gain high positions in the country and have great influence. If this fact is not made clear, the people will be deceived and even dragged back to the old era of exploitation, oppression, and humiliation by this group. If that happens, Burkina Faso will return to the hell of yearly famine and widespread disaster victims...

We must follow President Sankara's teachings and always proceed from the perspective and standpoint of the broad masses of the people. We must never let the blood of great martyrs like Che Guevara be shed in vain..."

The article "On the Incompleteness of the Burkina Faso Revolution on the 20th Anniversary of the Martyrdom of Comrade Che Guevara" is only 6,000 words long, but every word is precious. Not only is the idea profound, it also uses the substantial time when old revolutionaries such as Compaore betrayed the revolution and forgot their original intentions as evidence. It then compares the miserable life of the people under the leadership of the colonizer and comprador government several years ago during the "Upper Volta" period with the happy life now after the success of the revolution to confirm the truth of the argument that the revolution was not thorough enough.

The announcer from the National Communications Broadcasting Station read the editorial passionately, but the restaurant remained silent until the subsequent news began to be broadcast.

Haniyev glanced at the solemn expressions of Sankara and the others and was the first to applaud: "Well said! 'On the 20th Anniversary of the Martyrdom of Comrade Che Guevara': On the Incompleteness of the Burkina Faso Revolution' is truly an excellent article!"

Potanin also applauded and echoed: "Yes, Comrade Minister's article is like a sharp knife piercing the weakest part of the reactionaries. They must be terrified. This is more powerful than an army!"

Ouedraogo looked at Sankara and said, "There are many parts of this editorial that were corrected by His Excellency the President. Otherwise, it would not be so good."

Sankara pinched his chin and smiled: "You're welcome, Nongma, you're a great intellectual. You wrote very well, I'm very satisfied. Now people all over the country should be mobilized, right?"

"This is a great opportunity to commemorate Comrade Che Guevara. The editorial has already aroused the anger of the masses against the reactionaries' fake revolution. Just a slight push could unleash a massive movement. The Revolutionary Defense Committee should go deep into the masses and let them take the lead. This movement will begin tonight!"

As Wedraogo spoke, he glanced at Haniyev, his eyes full of admiration and praise.

Sankara nodded. "Use telegrams to contact the various regions and keep abreast of the movement's progress. I want to ensure its success!"

Ouedraogo agreed and went down to take command. Sankara stood up and personally handed Haniyev a Cuban cigar, saying, "Thank you, Comrade Haniyev. As long as the spark of the movement is ignited tonight, we can rest assured."

Haniyev lit a cigar and blew out a puff of smoke. "Yes, I think tomorrow we can safely inspect the cotton planting bases in the Central and Western Region. Perhaps in the future, Comrade Potanin and I can provide you with some advanced textile equipment, allowing you to combine cotton planting with deep processing to form a complete industrial chain..."

Sankara smiled and thanked them, and then they sat down and drank coffee quietly.

After waiting for about an hour, a secretary walked in quickly.

"Your Excellency, President, demonstrations must begin in all the regional capitals and counties. Crowds of people in the capital and provincial capitals have gathered outside the provincial governments and parliament, demanding the punishment of Ao Qingshan and Ao Zishan, who were previously shielded by Compaore and spared trial and punishment. Compaore has already dispatched the army to disperse the crowd, but more students and young cadres have joined the demonstrations. He urgently requests that you return to the capital to personally handle the matter..."

Before the previous secretary could finish his words, another secretary walked in and said, "Mr. President, please connect Compaore's hotline."

Sankara smiled faintly. "Compaoré must be pissing off Ouedraogo by now, but I can't pay any attention to him yet. If you want to leave him alone, tell Compaoré that I'm having dinner with two distinguished Soviet guests and that we can talk tomorrow if we have anything to say."

The secretary behind responded and walked out quickly.

"Go on."

"The Northern Region urgently calls upon you to urge the Committee for the Defence of the Revolution to calm down and not violate the law. Just now, in the city of Yaco in the Northern Region, the masses led by the Committee for the Defence of the Revolution stormed the city government, demanding a public trial for corrupt officials in the city..."

Yaco is Sankara's hometown. The people there worship Sankara the most, and their revolutionary passion is the highest in the country. Sankara looked at Haniyev.

"I don't know how many provincial capitals will have sleepless nights tonight. Tell me, when is the best time for me to speak?"

Haniyev shook his head slightly. "Let the masses stir. With the Committee for the Defense of the Revolution here, there won't be too much trouble. Compaore and the others have a bad reputation. They definitely wouldn't dare order the army to suppress the people. This movement needs to ferment for a few more days."

Sankara, a little nervous, asked, "What if there's bloodshed?"

Haniyev thought for a moment and said, "That's perfect. By that time, the people of the whole country will be united. You just need to stand up and speak for the people, and this movement will reach its climax!"

Sankara frowned slightly and sighed, "Am I going to play politics too? Revolution is really not easy."

If you don't deal with Compaore, they won't let you go.

Haniyev found it ridiculous that Sankara was still naive at this moment. This was definitely not the quality a competent politician should have. He sneered in his heart and lowered his head to take a sip of coffee.

Chapter 129 Step 3 - Bombarding the Headquarters

Many times, when people gather together, their emotions will expand, and their courage will also become much greater than when they are alone.

Therefore, most regimes are afraid of people gathering and forming groups, and will restrict and manage people's private organizations in various forms.

Burkina Faso is a country in the African region with its own unique African mechanism. Therefore, Burkina Faso does not care about or manage mass gatherings and private organizations. If they occur, they will definitely be suppressed with an iron fist.

Compaore was able to kill even his old comrade, old friend and leader Sankara, so how could he not dare to strike hard at the people?

But now the public rally was called by President Sankara, the editorial was written by a central minister, it was broadcast by the national television station, and the march was organized by the Committee for the Defense of the Revolution. Compaore cannot suppress this movement for both public and private reasons. What's more, the army has also heard the broadcast, and the soldiers of the army are all from poor backgrounds and may not be without grievances. If he goes against the will of the people of the country and suppresses it with iron and blood at this time, Compaore will definitely not be able to continue his position as the central leader, and he may even be punished in the future.

Faced with such a sudden and thorny problem, Compaore, Gallini and others were helpless and could only ask President Sankara, who was conducting research in Koudougou, the capital of the Central and Western Region, to come forward to clean up the situation.

The movement that swept across the country intensified after it began. After more than half an hour, urgent telegrams from various regions came like snowflakes. The governments of each region and the provinces under its jurisdiction were trying every means to appease the people's emotions, but with the Revolutionary Defense Committee taking the lead, this movement could not be easily suppressed.

The demands of these people and students were simple: to publicly try all counter-revolutionaries, especially the two corrupt officials Odessan and Odessan.

The starting point of the people and students came from the editorial of the National Radio and Television, the author of which was also a central minister. Today is also Che Guevara's memorial day. Most people responded to the president's call to come out for the rally. Due to many coincidences, the politics of this movement are extremely correct and represent the will of the country.

Faced with the vast population and the proletarian revolution that is the foundation of Burkina Faso, no official dared to use force to suppress the people. They had no way to appease the people, let alone stop their demonstrations and gatherings. They could only appeal to the central government, hoping that His Excellency the President would step in.

However, the president was not in the central government at that time, and even the capital Ouagadougou was deeply mired in the mass student demonstrations and was almost paralyzed. Compaore, Lingani and others, who were already overwhelmed, had no way to solve the problem. They could only keep sending telegrams and making phone calls to Sankara, who was far away in the Central and Western Region, and informed the various regions and provinces that the president was in Koudougou in the Central and Western Region, and asked them to find ways to contact the president.

The whole of Burkina Faso was in an uproar on the night commemorating the anniversary of Che Guevara's death.

Sankara sat in the restaurant until midnight. At this time, the movement reached a climax. Several county governments, municipal governments and some other departments across the country were stormed by the people, and corrupt officials who were already hated by the people were arrested and put on public trial and beaten.

More than 200,000 students, masses and young cadres gathered in the capital Ouagadougou. Under their pressure, Compaore finally handed over his two old friends, Oudeshen and Oudesan.

Under the leadership of the Revolutionary Defense Committee, the angry people rushed forward and beat the two corrupt officials to death with a slap or a kick.

Until the two corrupt officials were in a terrible state, the Revolutionary Defense Committee led the people to disperse.

After receiving this news, Sankara laughed and went to sleep. Haniyev and others also returned to their rooms to rest with peace of mind. Only Comrade Nongma Ernest Ouedraogo was still in contact with the Revolutionary Defense Committees in various regions and even provinces overnight to summarize today's results and assign tomorrow's tasks.

At the point where things have developed now, as long as Sankara does not speak out, the great movement involving the masses, headed by the Revolutionary Defense Committee, will have completely erupted and will be difficult to contain.

However, Sankara did not answer any calls or telegrams from Ouagadougou or other regions. He only asked Ouedraogo to reply that the president had gone to bed and everything would be discussed tomorrow.

Ouagadougou Capital Command

After receiving another reply from Koudougou, saying, "The president is resting, we'll talk tomorrow," Compaore smashed the phone in anger and cursed, "Damn Ouedraogo! It must be Thomas Sankara who was deceived by this bastard. Ouedraogo is behind all this. He wrote the article and arranged the rallies and marches. He just doesn't like us and wants to replace us!"

Lingani snorted coldly and reached for the pistol at his waist. "Old buddy, Uedraogo is just a civilian. Even if Sankara has been bewitched by him, it doesn't matter. If we kill him, won't everything be solved?"

Compaore looked at Lingani as if he were a fool.

"Are you crazy? Ouedraogo is with Thomas. They are at Kaboré's headquarters. How many troops should we send there? Are we going to kill Sankara and Kaboré as well?"

Compaore said angrily, "The whole country is watching us now. If we kill Ouedraogo and Sankara at this time, wouldn't that be blatant rebellion? Even if we succeed, will the people of the country be willing to accept it? Will the military districts of the major regions and the provincial governments recognize us?"

Lingani realized he had made a mistake. He shook his head and said, "Then what do you say? We can't let Ouedraogo continue to manipulate the country's power and stir up trouble by Sankara's side. If we continue to do this, I'm afraid we will all have to step down!"

Compaore's face was gloomy. Knowing Sankara well, he knew that it was not Sankara's intention to use the opportunity of commemorating Che Guevara to mobilize the masses to attack him. It must be the work of the civil official leader Uedraogo, who had always been at odds with him and others.