Servant of the People in Kyiv

However, no matter which factor can make Potanin more conscientious, Haniyev also feels a sense of accomplishment.

Chapter 161: Promoting a Group of Cadres Capable of Reform

Haniyev poured Potanin a glass of wine with his own hands and hugged Potanin tightly.

"I have a feeling the Soviet Union has reached a critical moment. Although our positions are unimportant and our rank is low, unable to influence national policy, we must not give up. We must devote ourselves to our work, seize every opportunity to advance, strive to gain greater power as soon as possible, and contribute to changing our motherland!"

If someone else had said this to Haniyev, Potanin would have spit in his face and laughed out loud. However, facing Haniyev, who was willing to do anything to help Sankara and save hundreds of thousands of people in Chernobyl, Potanin felt as if he had been baptized and purified.

Potanin did not think that what Haniyev said was high-sounding official jargon. He firmly believed that Haniyev must have meant it when he said it.

"I am willing to follow you, Victor, and do something meaningful."

Potanin said, shaking Haniyev's hand.

Haniyev nodded, took another sip of his wine, and asked, "Is the first batch of equipment that the First Mining Company will use ready?"

"It's ready. The first batch of workers is almost finished training. I've also managed to second dozens of them. A hundred or so workers may not be enough, but Sankara can find some in Burkina Faso to work with them. That should be enough. We should be able to leave Leningrad in mid-January next year."

"Why not go through Odessa or the port of Novorossiysk?"

Potanin shook his head slightly. "I've inquired, and the Leningrad port is the cheapest. Furthermore, shipping equipment and personnel to Leningrad is half the cost of shipping them to Novorossiysk and Odessa. While shipping via the Baltic Sea is a bit longer than via the Black Sea, the overall difference is only a week, so the overall shipping cost is 40% different."

"We're just starting out now, so we don't have much money, so we have to spend it carefully. Once the first mining plant is built and mining begins, and we see gold, we can boldly attract private investment domestically. Only then will we be able to spend money without fear..."

Haniyev raised his glass with a smile, and Potanin also took a sip. "Didn't you say last time that Sankara sent a special telegram to greet us? What was the Ministry of Foreign Affairs' response after reviewing it?"

"What else can we say? It's simple official language, but we can send a letter to Sankara through the Burkina Faso ambassador. You have a lot of connections in Moscow, so make sure you don't alert the Ministry of Internal Affairs or the KGB."

"Row."

"By the way, I was watching the news a few days ago and saw that the national television station broadcast an interview with you. You're really flexible, praising economic reforms and Gorbachev to the point of exorbitant praise. I thought you were crazy at the time. How could you become a Gorbachev admirer? But I know you're worried that Gorbachev will bring up old scores and settle accounts with you. My father said that your interview had a great response in Ukraine, and it was because of the strong response in Ukraine that Moscow adopted it. Gorbachev will definitely see it and he'll be very happy."

"He's happy that my hard work wasn't in vain."

Haniyev said lightly.

After the Ukrainian National Television broadcast an exclusive interview with Haniyev a few days ago, it did cause a stir.

Because of Haniyev's previous actions in the Chernobyl incident, he has a good image among the Ukrainian people and the people have a high opinion of him. Later, after the Yalta Reform became famous, most Ukrainians were proud of Haniyev and felt that Haniyev was the most outstanding young cadre in the Soviet Union and Ukraine.

However, Haniyev's admiration for Gorbachev in this interview caused some people to criticize Haniyev, believing that Haniyev was not loyal enough to Ukraine and was too blindly convinced of reform. In this way, Haniyev had offended two groups of people: one group was intellectuals who were keen on Ukrainian independence, and the other group was conservative cadres who opposed Gorbachev's reforms.

Although these two groups are not mainstream at present and their criticism of Haniyev is not harsh, because Haniyev is a reform leader introduced by Gorbachev, and another reform leader Yeltsin has been dismissed, a lot of public opinion has arisen because of the interview.

The public opinion gradually subsided only after Russia's national television also broadcast the video.

At this time, many people believed that Haniyev was the only reform cadre who firmly supported and believed in Gorbachev's reforms.

Potanin chuckled and whispered in Haniyev's ear, "I'm telling you, I heard a few days ago that Gorbachev, inspired by Yeltsin, is planning to promote and reuse a group of cadres who are enthusiastic about reform. People in many ministries have been active recently. Do you want to talk to Minister Shevardnadze and try to get him involved?"

Haniyev was slightly taken aback and asked, "Can the Ministry make the decision?"

"Gorbachev has only been in power for a few years, so he's considered quite capable for being able to straighten out his leadership. Research cadres must rely on those below them. They claim to be promoting a group of capable people who are loyal to reform and skilled in reform, but in reality, aren't the positions being divvied up by the second and third generations?"

"Oh... so those who are truly capable may not be promoted..."

"Hasn't it always been like this?"

Potanin smiled faintly. "I won't hide it from you. My father has been helping me with this matter recently. If our Ministry of Foreign Trade wants to promote two cadres, I will definitely be one of them."

Haniyev remained silent, but inwardly he sighed: No wonder, after several years of reform, despite having defeated many veteran officials like Sherbitsky and Ryzhkov, and promoting and appointing many reform officials, Gorbachev still had few people who were truly loyal to him, even until he was placed under house arrest and even when the Soviet Union collapsed. It was probably because among those he promoted, there weren't many who were truly loyal to the reforms and to the General Secretary...

It was already half past nine when he finished drinking with Potanin. The milk bar was closed. The heavy snow had stopped when they both went out. After this exchange, Haniyev had full confidence in whether the First Mining Company could carry out the construction as planned, and he also had a different perspective on the political situation in Moscow.

The bus had already finished running by then, but Potanin had driven it when he arrived.

Although the two drank a lot, it did not affect their driving. About half an hour later, Potanin sent Haniyev to the Cultural People's Apartment and then turned back home.

The next day, when Haniyev arrived at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, he remembered what Potanin said about promoting cadres.

It was inconvenient for him to contact Shcherbitsky in Moscow. Moreover, Gorbachev had always prevented Shcherbitsky from coming to Moscow. Although this old leader was still a member of the Politburo, he might not be better informed than Potanin.

After much deliberation, Haniyev felt that he had to fight for his own political future, so he made a special call to the minister's secretariat and made an appointment to meet with the minister.

Chapter 162: I am not eligible for promotion?

About three hours after Haniyev requested an appointment with the minister, the call from the minister's secretariat came back.

"Director Haniyev, the minister has to go to the Kremlin for a meeting. You only have half an hour. The minister wants to see you."

Haniyev hung up the phone and ran quickly to the minister's office. After pushing the door open, he saw Shevardnadze talking to two deputy ministers.

After nodding and greeting the three leaders, Haniyev stood aside and waited silently.

Five minutes later, the two deputy ministers left. The minister pointed to the chair in front of the desk and said, "Sit down and talk. You've been keeping a low profile lately and have been doing well. Tell me, what do you want from me?"

Haniyev got straight to the point and asked, "I heard the General Secretary is planning to promote a group of cadres from the Central Committee and various ministries. Is that true?"

"You are really well-informed."

Shevardnadze laughed and said, "That's true, but the focus is on promoting department-level cadres. You're still a little short of that."

"Can't I fight for it?"

"It's mainly because the competition is fierce. Many of the directors, deputy directors, and division heads in our department are relatives or children of central government officials. They're all eyeing this opportunity for promotion..."

Shevardnadze took out a pipe, lit it, and took a puff. He said, "They are all native Russians born and raised in Moscow. They have colluded with all the departments involved in the cadre promotion. If it's one of their own, everything will be easy. If it's a foreigner like you or me, we will naturally be blocked at every step and everything will be difficult. Even if I submit your name, the Central Organization Department will only choose someone else during the selection and assessment, and leave you as a runner-up, unless I only submit you, but that's impossible..."

"What if I choose to go to a lower state or return to Ukraine to work as a cadre? Does that mean I won't have to compete with them? Is there any hope?"

"If you make further progress, you will be able to join the provincial party committee. You will either be the deputy secretary of the provincial party committee or the deputy director of the provincial Soviet, which is also the so-called deputy governor. It is also very competitive. I don't think you can compete with these Beijing gentlemen.

As for the chance, it would either be that Secretary Sherbitsky is in Moscow and personally speaks for you, or that Gorbachev personally speaks to promote you, but the possibility of this is not great.

After all, you are Ukrainian. Gorbachev and his confidants have always been wary of the Ukrainian gang and Ukrainian cadres. Why should he observe you further?

So I don't think you have much hope this time. You'll probably have to wait another year. You're still young, so don't rush it."

Haniyev could tell that what Shevardnadze said was very pertinent. He felt that he was indeed young. There were not many department-level and bureau-level cadres under the age of 30 in the central government departments, and he was only 27 years old.

If the Soviet Union could have another ten years of life, Haniyev would definitely not be in a hurry. He was confident that he could climb to the ministerial level within ten years. By then, he would be able to replace Yeltsin as the controller of the highest power before the collapse of the Soviet Union, and then find ways to slow down the process of the Soviet Union's disintegration and reduce the degree of disintegration. If possible, Haniyev would definitely strive to preserve the three core areas of Ukraine, Belarus and Russia of the Soviet Union. At worst, he could turn the big Soviet Union into a small Soviet Union. By then, as long as he did not make the same mistakes as Yeltsin and sorted out his assets, he would still have the strength to compete with the Americans.

But this year is the end of 1987, and I am still just a department-level cadre. The Soviet Union will disappear from the earth in less than four years, and the people who really want to destroy the Soviet Union are mainly Russians. I am just a Ukrainian and a small cadre. It is a pipe dream to want to change the outcome of the disintegration or improve the disintegration process.

All Haniyev could think of was to reach a higher position as much as possible before 1991. Even if he could not save the Soviet Union, he would strive to become the speaker in Ukraine and save Ukraine from its tragic fate after its disintegration.

Given Haniyev's current status and position, it is definitely not an easy task for him to dominate Ukraine during the disintegration of the Soviet Union, and to control Ukraine during and after the disintegration. At least before the end of 1991, Haniyev has to become one of the main leaders of the Ukrainian central government. This requires three or four steps, and each step is not easy.

With less than four years left, Haniyev couldn't wait.

"Minister, you've watched me rise through the ranks of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. I've devoted myself entirely to the Soviet cause, never harboring any selfish motives. This is an opportunity I don't want to pass up. And the General Secretary also has a good impression of me. I wonder if you could mention me to him? Perhaps he'll directly promote me."

Shevardnadze sighed softly. "Too many people have asked me for help. If I agree, I'll offend others. Haniyev, you're so young and already a section chief in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. When I was your age, I was only the second secretary of the municipal party committee. Now I'm a member of the Politburo and a minister. Don't be impatient."

Haniyev knew that Shevardnadze was unwilling to help him, so he had to leave.

After returning to the dormitory, Haniyev still felt unwilling to give up, so he used the public phone in the dormitory to call Yalta.

After receiving instructions from Haniyev, Vyshevsky came to the Friendship Sanatorium to visit Sherbitsky the next morning.

In Yalta, even the First Secretary of the Municipal Party Committee, Klosky, did not have the honor of being summoned just by visiting Sherbitsky, but Vyshetsky did. It can be said that Vyshetsky was more important than any other official in Yalta in a sense.

After entering the room, he saw Sherbitsky undergoing electrotherapy, and Vyshevsky was sitting next to him waiting silently.

After having the physical therapist adjust the angle of the magnetic therapy device, Shcherbitsky half-lay down and said, "You guys go out first."

The two physical therapists nodded and walked out.

"Yuri, what's going on?"

Vyshevsky pursed his lips and said, "Victor called me last night. He said Gorbachev plans to promote a group of cadres who are capable of reform from the Central Committee and various ministries and committees. He said that because of Yeltsin's betrayal, Gorbachev feels it is necessary to train some cadres who are loyal to him and committed to reform. Victor wants to seize this opportunity, but the quotas for various departments have been taken by people with connections in Moscow. He can't compete, so he wanted to ask you to think of a solution."

After hearing this, Shcherbitsky sneered, "Gorbachev really wants to promote cadres in Moscow. I thought he was just talking. What an idiot! If he really wants to promote loyal and capable people, he has to find them from the local areas. These people have no connections. If they are promoted, they can only be loyal or even lonely officials. But what can these young masters in Moscow do if they are promoted? Will they be grateful to you, General Secretary?"

After cursing Gottu for a few times, Sherbitsky scratched his chin and said, "Tell Victor not to be anxious. He shouldn't fight for this promotion in Moscow. After the central government's promotion is over, he will be left behind. This also gives us, the Ukrainian Organization Department, an opportunity to intervene.

I'll have someone arrange for him to be transferred back. Even if Gorbachev finds out, he won't stop me. After all, we in Ukraine can't afford to bury a talent that the Russians don't value!"

Chapter 163 Marriage (1)

On the morning of the second day of Christmas in the West, Haniyev waited for a call from Vyshevsky at home.

In order to wait for this call, Haniyev asked the director for a day off.

After hearing what Sherbitsky said as relayed by Vyshevsky, Haniyev finally felt relieved.

Now he regrets that he went to Moscow to work as an official in order to gild his resume. If he had stayed in Ukraine, he would probably have been promoted to the position of deputy governor by taking advantage of the advanced reform model.

However, when he thought about how he had not only helped Sankara by planning and strategizing after coming to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, but also became a close friend of Russia's future oligarch Potanin, Haniyev felt that coming to Moscow was the right decision.

Today is December 26th. It turns out that his wedding date with Tatiana is December 31st. There are only a few days left, and Haniyev feels that it is time to go home and prepare for the wedding.

So he simply packed up his dormitory and packed his spare clothes into a small box to take home.

Thinking that he needed to take a wedding leave, Haniyev went to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs first and asked for leave in person from the Director of the African Department, Kuzhugaitsky.

Soviet etiquette and rules were different from those of the Khitan. They were not very grand and did not require much preparation. When Kuzhugaitsky learned that Haniyev was going to get married at the end of the month, he congratulated him with a smile and then happily approved a month's wedding leave.

"Congratulations, Victor. Take a nice vacation after your wedding and we can wait until next year to discuss everything."

After expressing his gratitude, Haniyev went back to the office and spoke to Ivan and Peter.

Given their relationship, Haniyev could have invited them to attend the wedding, but the distance was too far and the department couldn't leave people to work, so Haniyev could only accept their blessings, told them to do their work well, and then left.

After Haniyev left the room, he went upstairs to the Minister's Secretariat to leave a message for Shevardnadze. After coming out, he went straight to the Ministry of Foreign Trade and found Potanin.

Potanin was surprised to learn that Haniyev was returning to Kiev to get married. He asked, "Why didn't you tell me yesterday? Today is December 25th or 26th. Your wedding is only five days away. You've really been patient."

"I was planning on telling you this yesterday, but I got too drunk and forgot."

Haniyev scratched his head slightly and asked, "Can you come to my wedding?"

Potanin thought for a moment and said, "It's New Year's Day anyway. Britain, France, West Germany, and the United States are all celebrating Christmas, followed by New Year's Day. With consecutive holidays, there's not much business, and I'm pretty free. Okay, I'll bring my family to your wedding in a couple of days."

Haniyev nodded, and then asked Potanin to buy him a ticket back to Kiev this afternoon.

After the two had lunch in the canteen of the Ministry of Foreign Trade, Potanin personally drove him to the airport.

After having afternoon tea at the airport, Haniyev boarded the plane with his small suitcase.

At 5:20 pm on the 26th, Haniyev arrived at Kiev Airport.

Because he had called home in advance, Haniyev saw his younger brother Sidlov and his fiancée Tatyana coming to pick him up as soon as he got off the plane.

After a warm hug with the two, Sidlov took the suitcase from his brother and said, "Our mother is cooking at home, and our father went to the restaurant to buy some bear meat. Yesterday, he asked my sister to come home and stay. He said that you and your sister-in-law will go on your honeymoon after the New Year, so he asked our family to have a New Year's Eve dinner in advance."

January 7th after the New Year is Christmas for the Soviet people. On this day, the whole family will get together to enjoy delicious food and celebrate the New Year.

Haniyev smiled slightly and asked, "It's getting dark, and my stomach is growling with hunger. Let's go home quickly. I can't wait to eat the kwuubasa my mother made."

……

After returning home, the family had a sumptuous dinner together. Vladimir, Haniyev and Sidlov all drank a lot of wine, and Natalia, Tatyana and Victoria also had two drinks.

Finally, Haniyev and Tatyana went back to their room to rest.

Needless to say, a fierce battle took place.

When he woke up the next day, Haniyev found that Tatyana was no longer in the room.

Today is Sunday, so the family doesn't have to go to work or school. When Haniyev went downstairs, he saw his father reading a newspaper, his mother drinking coffee, and his younger brothers and sisters watching TV.

Tatiana, who was spreading chocolate hazelnut spread on bread, smiled and said, "Dear, have breakfast. I saw you were sleeping soundly this morning so I didn't call you. Mom, Dad, Sidlov, and Victoria have already eaten."

Haniyev sat down, took the piece of bread from his fiancée, took a bite, and drank a sip of milk.

"Dad, Mom, Tatiana and I's wedding is on the 31st, right? Have you invited all the relatives and friends who need to attend the wedding?"

Vladimir raised his head, adjusted his reading glasses, and said, "I already invited everyone last week. By the way, I also told your old colleagues at the time that only Vyshevsky hasn't been notified. It's inconvenient for him to come back from Yalta, so we need to notify him sooner. Please ask him if he knows. Don't leave him out."

Haniyev agreed vaguely while chewing bread. After a while, he finished eating, wiped his mouth and hands, and then called the health care company in Yalta.

It happened that Vyshetsky had just returned from a meeting, and the call was picked up after only ten minutes.

"You're back in Kiev. Are you planning to get married?"

"I forgot to inform you a few days ago. How about coming back to attend my wedding?"

"You don't need to tell me. If any of us knew, I would know too. Don't worry, the plane tickets are already bought. They're for tomorrow afternoon. If it weren't for your wedding, Yalta is in peak tourist season, and the health care company is so busy, how could I possibly get away to go back?"

"Good brother, come back and talk to me."