Servant of the People in Kyiv

Ukraine, which has experience in mass rallies and marches, was no exception this time. Under Haniyev's remote control, the Ukrainian people's movement broke out not only in Kiev, but also in Odessa, Yalta, Kharkiv, Lutsk (the capital of Volyn), Lviv, Rivne and other western capitals. On December 12, under the manipulation of an invisible hand, rallies of students, intellectuals and citizens broke out almost simultaneously. These people also petitioned for Haniyev's innocence.

The domestic and international news on the 12th made Gulenko feel breathless.

A day has passed, and the students and masses outside the Mariinsky Palace and the Verkhovna Rada have not dispersed. During this period, Gulenko asked more than a dozen senior Ukrainian leaders, including the Chairman of the Supreme Soviet, the Chairman of the Council of Ministers, and the First Secretary of the Kyiv City Party Committee, to go out and negotiate with student and mass representatives. The demands of these people have remained unchanged, that is, to unconditionally release Haniyev and all members of the Ukrainian People's Movement who were arrested and imprisoned, and to severely punish those involved in human rights violations.

As time went on, Gulenko became more and more impatient. He kept calling Moscow and asking for help from Ryzhkov, Ligachev, Mlynnazh, Yakovlev and other core figures in Soviet politics.

As a Russian who was born in Ukraine and struggled in Ukraine for half his life, Ryzhkov has always been a conservative and a member of the Ukrainian gang. However, after the Chernobyl incident, Sherbitsky was in a completely passive situation. In order to preserve his power, Ryzhkov chose to cooperate with Gorbachev.

After Gulenko became the First Secretary of Ukraine, the leader who was closest to the Central Committee of the CPSU was Ryzhkov.

But Gorbachev's power was already established, and he had great power in the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. As the Prime Minister, Ryzhkov could not easily go against the will of the General Secretary, so Ryzhkov could do nothing to help Gurenko with his request.

As for Ligachev and others, as core figures of the reformists, they were closer to the West than Gorbachev and feared negative Western public opinion. In response to Gulenko's request, they only rebuked him and had no intention of helping him at all.

After learning that Gulenko not only failed to resolve the people's movement in Kiev, but also allowed the people's movement to flourish all over Ukraine, Gorbachev was extremely angry and severely scolded Gulenko over the phone.

At the same time, Gorbachev also knew that Gulenko seemed really unable to solve the problem. Disappointed Gorbachev could only call Gulenko.

Chapter 219: The Spring Breeze of Reform Blows Across the Land (5)

After seventeen or eighteen hours of communication and exchanges through several phone calls, the anxious Gulenko also saw the determination and hope of the Central Committee of the CPSU to help him solve the problems of the people in Kiev.

Gorbachev, who was troubled by Ukraine and Georgia, also realized the severity and horror of the problems that broke out in Ukraine after learning in detail about the vigorous development of the Ukrainian people's movement.

When he thought of Sherbitsky recuperating on the Black Sea coast, he felt a chill in his heart. Gorbachev really didn't expect that Sherbitsky, who had become a toothless tiger and had been dormant for several years, could make such a big move. It was really admirable. No wonder he could dominate Ukraine and the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union for decades.

At 11 p.m. on the 13th, after learning that the people's movement in Ukraine had spread to more than 50 cities and towns, causing more than 7 million students to suspend school and the entire city of Kiev to be semi-paralyzed, Gorbachev realized that the Ukrainian issue could not be delayed any longer. If it was delayed any further, it would not only be a matter of shame for himself and the Soviet Union, but would also damage the Soviet state system.

After a long silence on the phone, Gorbachev slowly said, "If I acquiesce to your request to mobilize troops, can you perfectly solve the people's problems by relying on the Kiev army?"

"Perfect?"

Gulenko asked, "What do you mean?"

“No one can die.”

"This……"

"Journalists from home and abroad are documenting what's happening in Kiev. If we send troops to disperse the crowd and people die, you can imagine the consequences!"

"But if we don't take action now, Kyiv will get out of control!"

Gorbachev was silent for a long time, and finally sighed: "Let's mobilize troops first. We must maintain order in Kiev. As for whether to forcibly disperse the people gathering in Kiev, if we are not sure that no one will die, we should wait and think of other ways..."

After hanging up the phone, Gulenko sighed and glared, saying, "The General Secretary is so indecisive. The longer we delay, the more likely the situation in Kiev will get out of control. If we are forced by the students and the masses to disperse the crowd, it will lead to a major incident!"

It was rare for Gulenko to express his dissatisfaction with the General Secretary in front of the Ukrainian leadership team.

Chairman of the Council of Ministers Masol, Chairperson of the Supreme Soviet of Ukraine Valentina Semyonovna Shevchenko, and Kravchuk looked at each other. In the end, Shevchenko, the only woman in the Ukrainian leadership team, comforted Gurenko in a gentle voice.

"Secretary Gulenko, don't worry. The General Secretary will definitely help us..."

Masol thought for a moment and said, "The General Secretary has been hesitant to make up his mind to use force to disperse the crowd because of interference from foreign media and the United States, Britain, and France. Rashly deploying armed forces against the people at this time would give people a reason to attack our reforms. You know, the General Secretary has just lifted controls on foreign radio and television stations. Soviet citizens can already directly listen to news broadcasts from Western radio stations. Times have changed..."

As a person promoted by Gulenko, Masol was now standing next to the new first secretary, so he helped Gulenko analyze the situation very seriously.

However, Valentina Semyonovna Shevchenko, the Chairman of the Supreme Soviet of Ukraine, was an old friend of Sherbitsky and was promoted by Sherbitsky in 81. Even now, she is still Sherbitsky's person, so for many years, even in this Kiev mass incident, Gulenko was unwilling to use her.

Valentina also knew her awkward position and said nothing in the First Secretary's office.

However, there are already quite a few Ukrainian central cadres who belong to Gulenko's faction. They are also members of Gorbachev's reform faction. Faced with the fierce attacks of the conservatives on the reformists, everyone wants to fight back as soon as possible.

Gulenko and others naturally meant to send troops to disperse the people who were gathering and then shoot a few leaders. There would be no room for compromise.

However, Gorbachev was unwilling to support Gulenko's plan, so the mass incidents in Kiev escalated and spread like a virus to most of Ukraine.

Gulenko sighed softly. "I heard from Comrade Ryzhkov that after news of our Ukrainian affairs spread, Georgia started making trouble again. Yesterday, members of the Abkhaz Provincial Committee organized a mass rally and passed a resolution demanding that Abkhazia be upgraded to a Union Republic. The First Secretary of Abkhazia and all the committee members signed the resolution. The Georgians are very angry about this. A large-scale rally and demonstration took place in Tbilisi at noon today. The Georgians fiercely opposed the demands of the Abkhaz people and the calls for separation from the Soviet Union.

The General Secretary was worried that the same incident as in Kiev would occur in Georgia, and had instructed Shevardnadze to take the lead in handling it.

It seems that we are not the only one in the Soviet Union that is in chaos. No wonder the General Secretary is in such a difficult position."

As high-level members of the Central Committee of the Ukrainian Party, everyone was well aware that a large-scale mass rally took place in Tbilisi, the capital of Georgia, last month. At that time, it was an ethnic conflict between Georgians and Abkhazians, which caused a lot of uproar. There were also some voices demanding that Georgia withdraw from the Soviet Union. However, after Gorbachev sent the current Foreign Minister, Georgia's former First Secretary Shevardnadze, to Tbilisi, the mass rally in Georgia was handled within a few days.

At that time, Gorbachev was praising Shevardnadze at the Party Congress. Unexpectedly, a mass rally even more terrible than the one in Tbilisi broke out in Kiev just a few days later, and Ukraine's First Secretary Gulenko was unable to handle the incident.

Now Gorbachev is very dissatisfied with Gulenko, not only because the events in Ukraine are getting worse, but also because the outbreak of the Kiev incident has caused another vicious incident in Georgia, which had just been appeased.

In such a complex and chaotic situation, Gorbachev was also very troubled. He sent Shevardnadze to Tbilisi again while discussing with his staff the solution to the Ukrainian mass incidents.

After analyzing the situation in Ukraine, Ligachev, Mlynnazh, and Yakovlev said in a deep voice, "General Secretary, the current situation in Ukraine has set a precedent for nationalists and separatists within the Soviet Union. Otherwise, the Georgian incident would not have erupted again. We should strike hard at the Ukrainian nationalists!"

Yakovlev also nodded. "Now domestic and foreign media are all focused on Kiev. I heard that a large number of foreign journalists have already gone to Georgia. General Secretary, you should make the decision!"

Gorbachev gritted his teeth and looked at his most trusted friend and old classmate, Zdeněk Mlynář from Czechoslovakia, who was also the only senior advisor who did not hold any position in the Communist Party of the Soviet Union.

Mlynář was the secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia and a member of the Presidium. He was the main leader of the Prague Spring and was therefore expelled from the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. It was not until Gorbachev became the General Secretary that Mlynář's hard days came to an end. Not only was he taken to Moscow by his old classmates to enjoy life, he also participated in the formulation of the Soviet reform plan and became a senior figure in the Communist Party of the Soviet Union with no power or position but great influence.

As Gorbachev's most trusted man, Mlynnazh knew exactly what his close friend was worried about. He pursed his lips and said, "We've already lost the opportunity to send troops to evacuate the area. It's all Gulenko's fault. There couldn't have been no signs of the mass incidents in Kiev beforehand, but he didn't notice anything at all. He only sent police to evacuate the area after it broke out, and they haven't been successful yet, leaving us in such a passive position."

General Secretary, Ukraine has become an example to nationalists, conservatives, and even separatists throughout the Soviet Union. This must be suppressed as soon as possible. Georgia is the first small country to follow Kiev's example. If Shevardnadze and Patiashvili cannot resolve the Georgian issue, we can send troops to Georgia and deal a heavy blow. However, the consequences of rashly using force against Ukraine, a country with a population of over 50 million, would be extremely detrimental. I think you should exercise caution."

Gorbachev nodded and said solemnly, "I trust Shevardnadze with the Georgian issue. Even if he can't solve the problem right away, he can still keep the situation under control. However, Gulenko's control over Ukraine is too poor. If I let him deal with the Ukrainian people's movement, I'm afraid the situation will only continue to deteriorate!"

Yakovlev was a key figure in Gorbachev's reforms, but he was also a senior official in the Soviet Union who had always strongly opposed nationalism and great-power chauvinism. On this point, he and Shcherbitsky shared a common interest, so Yakovlev suggested, "General Secretary, perhaps you could let Comrade Shcherbitsky take the lead in handling the people's movement in Ukraine. After all, he is a veteran Ukrainian secretary, and his ability and prestige far surpass those of Gurenko."

Gorbachev remained silent. Ligachev frowned and said, "Hasn't Gurenko's investigation results been reported? Shcherbitsky is behind the people's movement in Kiev. This is a conservative counterattack against our reforms. How can the General Secretary reuse Shcherbitsky?"

Yakovlev shook his head slightly. "I know Shcherbitsky. Although he doesn't quite agree with the General Secretary's reform plan, he's not completely opposed to it. He's been cracking down on Ukrainian nationalism for many years. During the more than ten years he's been in power in Ukraine, Ukraine has always been one of the most stable republics in the Soviet Union. But Gulenko has only been in power for a short time and these things have happened..."

My suggestion is to communicate with Shcherbitsky and see what his attitude is. The people's movement in Ukraine may have been fueled by conservatives, but it's definitely not Shcherbitsky's subjective opinion, because he hates nationalism the most...

General Secretary, if he is willing to come out and cooperate with you, the Ukrainian issue should be resolved quickly, and he can be entrusted with important tasks in the future. After all, Comrade Sherbitsky has not committed any unforgivable mistakes. Compared with Yeltsin and Haniyev, his loyalty to the Party is time-tested..."

Gorbachev nodded. "Okay, you'll be in charge of communicating with Shcherbitsky. If he agrees to help us quell the people's movement in Ukraine, I can even make him the First Secretary of Ukraine."

Ligachev frowned and said, "The people's movement in Ukraine is more or less influenced by Sherbitsky. Do you want to reconsider this?"

Gorbachev snorted coldly, "Sherbitsky is stirring up trouble just to come out of retirement and take power. He doesn't want to be overtaken by Gulenko. If Shcherbitsky really were to return, would he still cause chaos in Ukraine? Would he be willing to allow instability to arise in Ukraine?"

"This……"

Ligachev nodded, and Mlynnazh clapped his hands and laughed, "The General Secretary's idea was brilliant. He allowed Shcherbitsky to return and resolve the people's movement in Ukraine. He achieved his goal of returning, and Ukraine's problems will naturally be resolved. When Shcherbitsky is actually reinstated as First Secretary of Ukraine, if he continues to disobey, the General Secretary can find fault with him and punish him. He won't be afraid of losing control."

"Haha, yes, I'm afraid it would be difficult to deal with him because he has no power or position."

Gorbachev smiled somewhat complacently.

"Comrade Lenin said, 'One step back, two steps forward.' Retreat in order to advance; without retreat there can be no advancement. Shcherbitsky took a step back then, and this year he's come up with a good idea to take two steps forward. We can also fulfill his wish. We can take a step back and wait for him to return to the highest position in Ukraine. As General Secretary of the Soviet Union, won't I still have the final say on life and death?"

For Gorbachev, the Ukrainian issue should be dealt with without the use of the army if possible. If some people were killed or injured, the slander and reports of the Western media would cause the Soviet Union's reforms to suffer an injustice, and the pressure of foreign public opinion and the impact at home would also damage the prestige of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and his own.

When Gorbachev thought about the various Western radio and television programs that had recently been allowed into the Soviet Union, such as Voice of America, Radio Free Europe, Radio Liberty, BBC, Deutsche Welle, Japan's NHK, Deutsche Welle, etc., he felt that he had been a little reckless.

The propaganda of these foreign radio media on the Kiev People's Movement is very difficult. The influx of Western media can already influence the Soviet people. The more at this time, the more we cannot commit the mistake of violating human rights and destroying the reputation of reform.

Sending the army to forcibly evacuate and suppress the people of Kiev would be the worst move.

Kiev and Ukraine are different from other small countries and cities in the Soviet Union. It is the second largest republic of the Soviet Union and one of the top three cities in the country. If the army is dispatched to suppress the students and masses in Kiev, the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and itself will inevitably be stained. The loss of life will cause greater harm, and the overwhelming coverage of countless foreign media cannot be covered up.

If it really comes to that, even if Gulenko is removed, he will not be free of responsibility. Moreover, using force will hurt the hearts and dignity of the Ukrainian people. If there is a peaceful way to resolve the issue, he can still endure it.

Gorbachev, who was good at political struggle, was not worried about Sherbitsky's reappearance. Since he could defeat him once, it would not matter if he defeated him a second time.

As long as they were within the Soviet system, Gorbachev, as General Secretary, was not afraid of any member of the Soviet Communist Party. He felt that as long as Sherbitsky could basically cooperate, stabilize the situation in Ukraine, and not affect his overall reform, he could still be more tolerant.

So while Shevardnadze was busy dealing with the unrest in Georgia, Yakovlev also called Yalta.

After Yakovlev's earnest persuasion, Sherbitsky finally agreed to help Gorbachev deal with the people's movement in Ukraine, but on the condition that Gorbachev must restore his position as the First Secretary of Ukraine.

However, political negotiations are like business deals, where one party always asks for a high price and the other party pays a low price.

After two days of negotiations between Sherbitsky and Gorbachev, with Yakovlev passing the message, they finally reached an agreement.

Referring to the case of handling the mass rally in Georgia in November, the Central Committee of the CPSU appointed Sherbitsky, a member of the Political Bureau of the Central Committee of the CPSU and a member of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet, to handle the people's movement in Ukraine with full authority. According to Sherbitsky's administrative level and position in the party, he was fully qualified to be the highest decision-maker on Ukrainian affairs appointed by the CPSU.

Gorbachev promised Shcherbytsky that after the people's movement in Ukraine was successfully resolved, he would dismiss Gurenko and appoint Shcherbytsky as the First Secretary of Ukraine at the Politburo meeting to be held at the end of the month.

Sherbitsky agreed to Gorbachev's request, and on the evening of December 15, the opinions of the Central Committee of the CPSU on the Ukrainian incident were conveyed to Kiev.

When Gulenko heard the news, he was shocked and his face turned ugly. However, the Chairperson of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine, Valentina Semyonovna Shevchenko, and several secretaries of the Central Secretariat were very happy. This was not only because they were all Sherbitsky's people, but also because they believed that Sherbitsky would be able to solve the people's movement problems that were plaguing Kiev.

Gulenko knew that he had lost the favor of the General Secretary and had offended the old secretary, Sherbitsky. After the people's movement in Ukraine was resolved, he would probably be made a scapegoat and liquidated.

Gulenko, who had already seen his future, felt that he had no strength left in his body, but his party spirit and duty forced him to accept the decision of the Central Committee calmly. In order to ask Sherbitsky to show mercy when he liquidated him, Gulenko instantly lowered his posture to the lowest level, and quickly ordered to receive Sherbitsky back to Kiev, and immediately called the Friendship Sanatorium to say hello.

Five minutes later, Shcherbitsky answered the phone. He ignored Gulenko's politeness and said sarcastically, "This is the first time you've called me since 1987, Slav."

Gulenko felt his face getting hot and he apologized quickly.

Shcherbitsky was also a veteran politician. He didn't hold Gulenko back, but instead gave an order: "I have already applied to the central government. The Ministry of Internal Affairs and the Army will probably be dispatched tomorrow morning to maintain public order in Kyiv. I will fly back to Kyiv tonight. We will discuss the specific work in person!"

Chapter 220: The Spring Breeze of Reform Blows into the Door (1)

公元1988年12月16日凌晨2点50分，谢尔比茨基的专机就抵达了基辅鲍里斯波尔国际机场。

Gulenko, Valentina, Masol, Kravchuk and others, who were escorted out of the Mariinsky Palace by the Ministry of Internal Affairs police and the Central Special Police, welcomed the old Ukrainian leader at the airport.

The staff's umbrellas could not block the biting cold wind, and some of the winter snow mixed with hail still blew onto Gulenko and others. Many of them could not help shivering and asked someone to bring them a coat to put on.

The cold snow hit the back of Gulenko's hands and face, but he did not feel cold, because at this moment, his heart was even colder and darker.

After the plane door opened, everyone saw the familiar figure appear, and they stepped forward and waved.

After many years, Shcherbitsky finally made his comeback. He was in a very good mood after getting off the plane. He shook hands with everyone cordially without exchanging pleasantries. He got straight to work and said, "We shouldn't go back to the Mariinsky Palace and the Verkhovna Rada for now. Let's go to the Army General Staff for a meeting and discuss this."

Everyone was already in awe of the old secretary, and since he had returned this time as the supreme leader of Ukraine appointed by the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, naturally, no one dared to neglect his orders in the slightest.

Nicholas, the most arrogant first deputy director of the General Office of the Central Committee today, didn't even look at the director and secretary, and shouted for a car to come over.

A moment later, the convoy took everyone to the Ukrainian Army General Staff.

This Stalinist-style building was the Ukrainian Presidential Palace during the future Zetsche period, and it also became the highest power center in Ukraine.

After listening to the reports of Gulenko and others in the huge round table conference room, Shcherbitsky had a clearer understanding of the people's movement in Kiev, which was more comprehensive than what he had known at the Friendship Sanatorium.

After a moment's thought, Shcherbitsky said in a deep voice, "Comrade Gorbachev's reforms had good intentions, but they were sometimes a bit hasty and not in line with the realities of the Soviet Union. The results of the reforms were not very ideal. What the Ukrainian people's movement and the students at the rally said was not entirely wrong..."

After hearing what Sherbitsky said, everyone's expression changed. Originally, the dozen or so senior cadres of the Ukrainian Central Committee in this conference room were almost all conservatives who were loyal to Sherbitsky. Later, Sherbitsky stepped down for recuperation and Gulenko took over.

As the successor chosen by Sherbitsky himself, Gulenko was also a staunch conservative. In the first year, he firmly implemented the policies left by Sherbitsky and obeyed the old secretary who was recuperating in the sanatorium.

However, as Gulenko attended several meetings in Moscow as the First Secretary of Ukraine and alternate member of the Politburo, and especially after he was warmly received and comforted by General Secretary Gorbachev, Gulenko's mentality gradually changed.

Starting around 1988, Gulenko's political leanings changed.

On February 18, 1988, Yeltsin was expelled from the Politburo at the plenary session of the Central Committee of the CPSU.

Gulenko realized that the power of the reformists headed by the General Secretary was unstoppable. They could ruthlessly suppress even the heretics among the reformists, let alone the conservative opponents?

On March 24-25, 1988, Gulenko, who attended the Politburo meeting of the Central Committee of the CPSU, witnessed the General Secretary's ruthless suppression of Russia's anti-reform forces. At that time, a large number of cadres were dealt with on the grounds of investigating the author of the article "I Can't Give Up My Principles" and those who supported its publication and dissemination.

Gradually, Gulenko began to move closer to Gorbachev, and turned from a conservative successor into a reformist cadre. It can be said that Haniyev's career was affected, and Sherbitsky's political influence shrank during this period.

This was due to Gulenko's growing political ambitions, Gorbachev's deliberate attempts to win him over, and Sherbitsky's influence and authority declining due to years of neglect and suppression.

However, no matter what the reason, Gulenko defected from a conservative to a reformist at the beginning of this year, and with the support of Gorbachev, he continued to reorganize Ukraine's central government and ministries, dismissed a large number of conservative cadres, and promoted a large number of reformist cadres.

It can be said that since the beginning of this year, the conservative forces in the Ukrainian central government have been severely damaged, while the power of the reformists has been continuously strengthened. This reason for the increase and decrease is also the reason why Sherbitsky is extremely anxious to make a comeback.

At this time, Shcherbitsky returned to Kiev and made anti-reform conservative remarks. Many reformist central government officials promoted and appointed by Gulenko were a little uncomfortable.

Looking around, Shcherbitsky noticed the change in everyone's expressions and snorted coldly: "Comrade Lenin once said: After the basic political and economic systems are initially established, to build socialism in a backward country, 'it is only a matter of the cultural strength of the proletariat and its vanguard.'

What does this sentence mean, what is cultural power?"

Everyone was silent, and Shcherbitsky looked at his old friend Valentina.

Valentina, a conservative friend who had worked with her for over a decade, understood what she was saying. She adjusted her reading glasses on her bulbous nose and said, "An understanding of the world and its affairs, that is, a comprehensive and well-rounded knowledge and culture."

"Well said. So what should we do when the Soviet Union hits a bottleneck and needs reform? We want to absorb the advantages of Western capitalism, but do we understand capitalism and the systems of capitalist countries like the United States and Britain? Do we understand their strengths and weaknesses? Do we know how to avoid the mistakes they have made while learning from them?"

Shcherbitsky paused and continued, "This is a real test of the cultural strength of our CPSU cadres. Without this strength, reforms will inevitably run into problems. So when I learned in Yalta that the 'Rukh' in Kiev, as well as intellectuals and university students, were openly criticizing the reforms and even citing many examples of failed reforms to refute them, I was both shocked and angry. I was angry at their audacity, and I was shocked that our reforms were indeed not perfect and had some flaws..."

Sherbitsky spoke eloquently and at length at the meeting. In his evaluation, Gorbachev's reforms were correct in general direction but had many flaws in implementation. Finally, Sherbitsky, who was still not satisfied, began to curse Haniyev, the "Ukrainian People's Movement Committee", the University Youth Association and other people and organizations who openly criticized and accused the reforms. His curses were very harsh, but no one could hear the anger in Sherbitsky's curses.

Half an hour later, Shcherbitsky drank from his teacup and asked, "Now, a popular movement of over 200,000 university students, teachers, intellectuals, and citizens in Kyiv has been blocking the Verkhovna Rada, the Mariinsky Palace, and numerous Kyiv government offices for five days. Popular movements are also taking place in other provinces and cities to varying degrees. The General Secretary is very angry about this and extremely disappointed in you. Gulenko, do you have any good ideas?"

Gulenko knew Shcherbitsky was trying to embarrass him, but he couldn't fight back. He could only shake his head and say, "I'm truly incapable of solving this kind of problem. Secretary Shcherbitsky, please give me some advice."

Shcherbitsky smiled slightly and said, "I've already learned before I came here that the so-called people's movement in Kiev broke out because you arrested all the members of the Rukh Committee headed by Haniyev, including its core members, approximately 1133 people. These people have special identities. They are either high-ranking officials or great intellectuals, university professors, academicians, poets, and writers. Each of them has considerable influence, and the combined impact of hundreds or thousands of people is naturally earth-shaking. These people have not committed any substantial counter-revolutionary behavior, and some of their propaganda and statements are merely extreme or sharp. Isn't the General Secretary's reform open to public opinion? We shouldn't contradict the General Secretary and do things that undermine reform in the name of upholding it."

When he spoke the last few words, Sherbitsky deliberately slowed down and looked at Gulenko and others.