Servant of the People in Kyiv

Therefore, around January 5, mass incidents in the three Baltic countries gradually subsided. However, the "Sajudis" in Lithuania were obviously not easy to deal with, because political system reform had begun. The "Sajudis" began to demand the implementation of democratic elections in Lithuania and the promotion of multi-party rule as soon as possible.

Estonia was also not at peace, and "voices calling for the abolition of the voting rights of Russian citizens" began to spread.

The three small Baltic countries are a microcosm of the Soviet Union's political demise. The chaos here is not the end, but the beginning.

Because they had a common goal, Gorbachev's attitude towards the three Baltic countries was very gentle, but towards the three Caucasus countries that did not support reform and only caused trouble, Gorbachev's attitude was very tough.

After the mass rallies and protests in Georgia evolved into an anti-Soviet and pro-communist political event, the Central Committee of the Georgian Party was no longer able to resolve this opposing mass event, and even Shevardnadze was helpless.

Under Gorbachev's harsh rebuke, the Georgian Central Committee submitted a proposal to the Central Committee of the CPSU requesting the intervention of armed forces to resolve the issue.

“我们认为有必要：1、立即追究那些打着反苏维埃、反社会主义、反党旗号的极端派分子的刑事和行政责任（对此有法律依据）；2、借助于内务部和荣膺红旗勋章的外高加索军区的补充力量，在第比利斯实行特殊制度（宵禁）；3、依靠党、苏维埃、业务部门积极分子的力量，采取一系列政治、组织和行政措施以稳定局势；4、制止以联盟和共和国的大众传播手段发表使形势复杂化的报道。第1、2、4条请求批准。”

On January 8, Gorbachev convened a meeting of the Central Committee of the CPSU to discuss the Georgian issue and the Nagorno-Karabakh issue between Azerbaijan and Armenia.

That night, the Ministry of Internal Affairs' mobile forces and the field forces of the Caucasus Military District were transferred to Tbilisi. The Georgian government declared a state of emergency in the country and Tbilisi began to impose a curfew.

However, the people protesting in Tbilisi were not afraid at all. It was not so much that they were not afraid of the Soviet Red Army, but rather that they did not believe that the Red Army would attack them at all, because the Kiev People's Movement in Ukraine defeated the authorities and even overthrew the first secretary. This example gave the Georgians great confidence, allowing them to start the anti-Soviet and pro-communist movement several months earlier than in the original history, and on a larger scale.

But the already crazy Georgians had no idea that their status was not equal to that of Ukraine. What's more, the demands of the Ukrainian people's movement and the petitions that broke out were basically within the tolerance range of the CPSU. There was not a trace of returning to the Communist Party, being anti-Soviet or demanding independence. This was also a wonderful tacit understanding between conservatives and reformers.

After all, fighting without breaking is the highest state. Sherbitsky, Haniyev and Gorbachev are all masters who are proficient in political struggle and game.

But the Georgian radicals did not understand this at all. They openly demanded independence from the Soviet Union, promoted anti-Soviet and pro-communist rhetoric, and criticized Great Russianism. This was tantamount to turning the table and cursing. The Central Committee of the CPSU could never tolerate this, nor could Gorbachev, and even less could the Central Committee of the Georgian Party tolerate this.

You have to know that it is early 1989, not 1991 yet. The Soviet Union's foundation is still relatively solid, so it is naturally impossible to tolerate betrayal by any member republic, nor can it tolerate the people spreading anti-Soviet remarks.

Even the three Baltic countries dared not make some incremental moves at this moment. The Georgians' brainless behavior would not lead to compromise and concessions from the Soviet Communist Party, but would only be met with a head-on blow from the Soviet Red Army.

At 2 a.m. on January 9, 1989, the Soviet Red Army began to use force to clear the crowds participating in the rally in the square next to the government building.

According to the plan prepared in advance by the authorities, the operation mobilized the forces of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Republic and the Transcaucasian Military District. The troops did not use guns or cold weapons. They strictly abided by the instructions to treat women and teenagers with caution and only used rubber sticks to violently expel the crowd.

But the Georgian extremists did not back down. They launched a frenzied counterattack with sticks and stones, and many provocateurs resorted to hand-to-hand combat. However, facing professional soldiers, the power of the people was far from enough in the violent struggle.

The people of Tbilisi stayed awake that night, with shouts, noise, banging and sirens wailing all night long.

The next morning, the Soviet State Radio and Television reported that a huge stampede had occurred in Tbilisi the previous night, killing 16 people (13 young women and 3 men) and injuring more than 100 people to varying degrees, including 22 soldiers (13 of whom were sent to the hospital). For the safety of people's lives, the army temporarily took over the streets to maintain public order.

This was obviously a statement to fool foreign media and the Soviet people. Even if there was a stampede among the people, no soldiers should have been injured.

The actual situation was that a huge conflict between the military and civilians broke out in Tbilisi at night. The conflict caused ordinary people, police and soldiers to be injured in different situations and to varying degrees. The tragic outcome was that 16 rally participants died on the spot, and another 3 people died soon in the hospital. There were no casualties among the soldiers and police staff.

The specific details of that night were not reported by any media and were only known to the Georgian authorities and the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union.

However, rumors began to spread all over the Soviet Union in various exaggerated forms on January 10. The Soviet people loved it, and foreign media continued to try to uncover the truth and report various rumors.

Chapter 229: George H.W. Bush Becomes President

Time will never stop because of one person or one event. No matter how many joys and sorrows there are, they cannot stop the world line from jumping from 1988 to 1989.

In the first half of January, the Soviet people were eagerly paying attention to and discussing the Georgian issue. Even the Orthodox Christmas on January 7th was not as popular as in previous years. For the Soviet people, the severity of the Georgian incident far exceeded any incident in the past 30 years.

The Georgians' demand for independence was a huge offense against the world, and the authorities dispatched armed forces to forcibly disperse the crowd, resulting in casualties, which was even more appalling.

Even though there is no video footage or Georgian parties speaking out to prove the atrocities committed by the Soviet army, rumors have made the matter confusing.

The Soviet Union had lost its credibility due to corruption over the years, and with the foreign radio stations adding fuel to the fire, almost everyone regarded the Soviet Union's official investigation announcement on the Tbilisi incident as bullshit.

The people believed that the information that the Soviet army beat and dispersed the masses in Tbilisi was true, and they also regarded the 16 dead Tbilisi residents as civilians beaten and tortured to death by the Soviet army.

However, this statement can only be discussed privately for now.

After the end of the people's movement in Ukraine, the country really returned to its previous calm, but the people's movement still spread the "rational reform" thinking and "Ukrainian national historical view" established by Haniyev through the People's Daily every week.

At the Third People's Movement Committee held on January 15, Haniyev clearly pointed out: "The human mind is the base for ensuring the unity and stability of the nation-state. If you don't occupy it, others will invade. As Ukraine's most conscientious intellectuals and students, we have a responsibility and obligation to tirelessly publicize the history of our Ukrainian national development and rational reforms. Only by remembering our national history can we stand tall among the nations of the world. Only by clarifying rational reforms can we avoid detours and wrong paths..."

Haniyev's prestige has long been established through one event after another. After this people's movement, the ideology of the "Ukrainian People's Movement" organization has also been unified, and it can basically implement Haniyev's will unswervingly.

So after Haniyev finished his speech, thunderous applause broke out in the conference hall, and all the participating members wrote down Haniyev's speech in their notebooks, preparing to study it carefully and even memorize it.

Sometimes the truth is a true and real truth confirmed through practice, and sometimes the truth is just a belief in people's hearts. For his admirers, Haniyev's words are infinitely close to the truth.

Haniyev could naturally feel the slightly fanatical enthusiasm of the new and old members for himself, especially the new members who had been recruited since the end of December. Their eyes looked at him with such burning passion.

Ukrainian nationalism has a long history. Like the youth of the three Baltic and Caucasian countries, Ukrainian youth have long been yearning for and admiring the Western world due to Western propaganda and Gorbachev's foolish reforms, and are very tired of the Soviet Communist Party.

Therefore, Ukrainian intellectuals and young people were originally potential believers of Haniyev's ideas. They already had an unformed national concept. After studying Haniyev's "History of the Ukrainian Nation", they were suddenly amazed. In this era of black and white, these young people have unswervingly become the inheritors and promoters of Haniyev's ideas.

After the People's Movement Committee ended on the 15th, the Ukrainian People's Movement began to work closely in accordance with the newly established program content and arrangements of Haniyev.

Since the Central Committee of the Party of Ukraine has been indifferent to the "Ukrainian People's Movement" and allowed it to develop on its own, since mid-December, both the Ukrainian People's Movement Committee and the Ukrainian People's Movement have ushered in a golden period of vigorous development. The scale of personnel and influence are making huge strides forward every day. This is entirely due to the fall of Gulenko. In the most simple understanding of the Ukrainian people, the Ukrainian People's Movement led by Haniyev is so powerful that it can even overthrow the First Secretary of Ukraine.

The number of participants in this conference has exceeded 600. After three expansions, the Ukrainian People's Movement Committee has grown from the original 30-odd people to 601 people. As long as the organizational construction and ideological education can keep up, these 601 people will be the foundation for Haniyev to control Ukraine in the future.

For the sake of his own future and the future of Ukraine, Haniyev puts all his energy into the Ukrainian People's Movement Committee every day. He has not even visited the Education Committee once since the 20th of last month.

Because of Haniyev's special status, the leaders of the Education Commission naturally would not urge Haniyev to go to work, and they dared not label him as absent from work and drawing a salary without working. Instead, on the 18th, Director Sergei Kovit led the union chairman and the secretariat to Haniyev's home to express their condolences. Before leaving, they left a condolence money of 6000 rubles and some cheese and fruit.

Soon it was January 20th. While eating breakfast, Haniyev heard the morning news on a TV not far away reporting on the new US president's arrival in the White House.

"The 41st President of the United States, George Herbert Walker Bush, and his wife entered the White House. Former President Reagan shook hands with them and handed over power..."

Vladimir, who was watching TV and drinking tea, sneered: "Reagan is the worst. I heard that many of our Soviet jokes were made up by him."

Haniyev glanced at the TV and saw the two familiar American presidents on the screen. He curled his lips and said, "With George H.W. Bush in office, the US will soon adopt a more friendly attitude towards the Soviet Union. Gorbachev, who is inclined towards the West, is naturally overjoyed. But he doesn't know that this is just Bush's 'Beyond Containment Strategy'. The US is supporting and helping the Soviet Union enter the trap of peaceful evolution. When the Soviet Union collapses, shock therapy will follow. The Soviet Union will be sold out by the US and will have to help them count the profits..."

Haniyev has always believed that there are three culprits for the collapse of the Soviet Union. The first is Soviet Communist Party General Secretary Gorbachev, and the second and third are Reagan and Bush Sr.

These two US governments had many tricks and extremely sophisticated methods. Under the combined attack of the two of them, the Red Empire collapsed before it could last long.

Haniyev was very wary of Bush Sr. and snorted, "Reagan was full of evil. It's true that he made countless jokes about the Soviet Union, but the new President Bush will definitely not be a good person either!"

Chapter 230 Warren

After breakfast, Haniyev changed into a neat and straight suit ironed by his wife and fixed his hair.

Seeing that her son had dressed up and shaved clean, Natalia asked, "Where are you going?"

"Nicholas specifically informed me last night that I should go to the Mariinsky Palace this morning. Secretary Shcherbitsky wants to see me."

"He finally remembered you. He should be talking to you about the personnel appointment."

Vladimir came out of the toilet with a newspaper.

Haniyev could tell that his father seemed to be somewhat resentful that Sherbitsky had only come to him now, and he knew that he was standing up for him. After all, he had made great sacrifices and contributions to help Sherbitsky make a comeback. However, Sherbitsky had recently made personnel adjustments in various central departments, but had not promoted Haniyev, which naturally made people think too much.

Haniyev smiled slightly and said, "That should be the case. I'll know when I meet him."

After saying goodbye to his family, Haniyev drove the bus allocated to him by the Education Commission straight to the Mariinsky Palace.

Shcherbitsky never dared to neglect summoning Haniyev. His political wisdom and humanity prevented him from taking credit for himself. Therefore, in the month since Shcherbitsky's comeback, Haniyev has been keeping a low profile and rarely going out. Today was the first time he came to the Mariinsky Palace in a month.

The Ministry of Internal Affairs police guarding the Mariinsky Palace had apparently received instructions, and they let Haniyev go as soon as they saw him.

After Haniyev put the car keys in his pocket, he strode towards the palace and went to Nikolai's office first.

Nikolay was originally talking about work with two colleagues. When he saw Haniyev, he quickly said a few words to them and asked them to get back to work. Then he stood up, took Haniyev's hand, and said with a smile: "I was just wondering when you would arrive, Victor Rule."

"How dare I neglect the old man who summoned me?"

Haniyev smiled slightly and asked, "Is the old man done with all his important matters?"

Nicholas nodded with admiration: "My grandfather said yesterday that you would not be angry because he neglected you recently, and it turned out to be true!

Victor, you are indeed a pure person. No wonder my grandfather trusts you so much and has high hopes for you.

Gulenko has been making too many small moves in the past two years. My grandfather has been trying to find out the details recently. He has a clear understanding of the situations of all the central ministries and states, and he also has some ideas about your arrangements.

However, there are some discrepancies with your previous request, so I asked you to come and ask for your opinion."

Haniyev frowned: "What do you mean, where does the old man want to assign me?"

“You are an intelligent person and you understand politics, so I will analyze it for you so that you can understand.

Gulenko was brought down by us, but it was you who stood up for him.

In Gorbachev's eyes, you organized and led the Ukrainian people's movement. You are a complete thorn in his side and have completely offended him. I guess in his eyes you are almost the same as Yeltsin.

When my grandfather returned to power, he promised Gorbachev that he would cooperate with him in reforming Ukraine's political system and would not drag his feet. So promoting you now and placing you in an important position will make Gorbachev and others very dissatisfied..."

Nikolay saw Haniyev's face darken a little as he spoke, and immediately said, "But you're the one my grandfather is training as his successor. It's impossible for him not to consider you. My grandfather wants to place you in an obscure province first. After the political system reform progresses and Yeltsin, Lithuania, and others start to cause trouble for Gorbachev, he will transfer you to the position of First Secretary of the Kharkiv Oblast, and then to the Central Secretariat. In five years at most, you'll be a Ukrainian official."

Ukraine's national-level cadres are nothing more than the three positions of First Secretary of the Party Central Committee, Chairman of the Soviets, and Chairman of the Council of Ministers. Haniyev knew that Nikolay could not be referring to these three positions, but should be a general term that includes positions such as Second Secretary of the Party Central Committee and Vice Chairman of the Presidium of the Soviets.

Speaking of which, I was only 34 years old five years later, which was definitely a young cadre in the Soviet Union. At this age, even being a governor or the first secretary of the provincial party committee was rare, let alone joining the central government?

However, Haniyev could not wait. There were only less than three years left before the collapse of the Soviet Union. Haniyev had to become one of the main leaders of Ukraine before the collapse of the Soviet Union and Ukraine's independence. So he knew that he might not be able to develop according to the path planned for him by Sherbitsky in the future.

However, Haniyev still needs Sherbitsky to promote him. He feels that Sherbitsky has his considerations, and he cannot have any unpleasantness with him for the sake of an ideal position. As long as he can be promoted, it is a good thing.

Haniyev's thoughts raced. He smiled slightly, nodded, and said, "The old man is very thoughtful. I'm really touched. Do you know which state he plans to put me in?"

"My grandfather's idea is to quietly resolve your situation and get you a state-level position. How about Second Secretary of Warren State?"

Haniyev asked in surprise, "Volyn Oblast, isn't that the northwesternmost oblast in Ukraine? I've never been there, but I heard people say there are a lot of Poles there, the economy isn't very developed, and the population is small..."

"Volyn isn't very large, just over 2 square kilometers, with a population of one million. There are some Poles and Jews, but the majority are Ukrainians. Even Russians outnumber Poles, so there's no ethnic issue there. You're the leader of the Ukrainian people's movement, and Western Ukraine has the largest Ukrainian population. Placing you in a western state will be a help to you. You'll have a strong mass base, gaining the people's support and making it easier for you to achieve results..."

To be honest, although you have strong work ability, you have never been in charge of a state. You should go to a smaller state to learn first. In a few months, my grandfather will definitely adjust you to a full-time position. You can do your best. There are fewer Russians in the western states, so even if something goes wrong, you don't have to worry about Moscow finding out. My grandfather will always cover for you..."

Nikolay thought Haniyev was very dissatisfied, so he began to persuade him using facts and reason.

Haniyev listened for a long time, and finally nodded reluctantly: "Okay, the old man must be more comprehensive and consider the long-term than I thought. I will obey you."

Upon hearing this, Nikolay was very happy and praised Haniyev a few words, then picked up the phone and dialed the first secretary's office.

Haniyev's heart moved, and he knew that if Nikolay had not persuaded him to accept Sherbitsky's decision to arrange for him to go to Volyn as the second secretary, he might not be able to meet Sherbitsky today.

Now that Haniyev accepted Sherbitsky's seemingly meager reward, the old secretary naturally had to meet with him to comfort and encourage him.

Chapter 231: Integrating Ukrainian National Strength

After meeting Sherbitsky, Haniyev took the lead in expressing his concern and regards for the health of the old secretary.

Shcherbitsky smiled and said, "I've been recuperating at the Friendship Sanatorium for two years, and my body has long been restored to that of a young man. Although I've been very busy every day recently and sometimes even sleep less than five hours, I'm still in good spirits."

Haniyev saw that Sherbitsky was in a good mood and knew that for a politician, regaining power was extremely precious and might even distort the politician's personality.

Now that Sherbitsky can control Ukraine again, he is naturally happy, tireless, and cherishes it very much.

It was precisely because of this loss and recovery that Sherbitsky became more cautious.

After briefly asking about Haniyev's recent situation, Sherbitsky coughed lightly and said, "Nikola has already told you, are you willing to go to Volyn?"

Haniyev glanced at Nikolay and smiled, "Yes, since you asked me to go to Volyn Oblast to be the Second Secretary of the Party Committee, you must have your considerations. I unconditionally agree to your arrangement."

Sherbitsky felt a little embarrassed by Haniyev's meek cooperation. He always knew that Haniyev had a big vision and his abilities and awareness were something he admired. In fact, he was indeed planning to train him to be Ukraine's successor.

However, he had promised Haniyev that he would first become the leader of the Kharkiv Oblast and then be transferred to the central government, but now he has broken his promise.

"Originally, I had decided to remove the governor of Kharkov and appoint you instead. However, at the Politburo meeting on the 8th, Gorbachev decided to send troops to Georgia, and no one in the Politburo dissented. I know that the conservative faction in the Central Committee of the Soviet Communist Party is now very weak. If I had opposed Gorbachev right after taking office, he might have had a chance to remove me through a Politburo meeting. So, in order not to anger him and give him a reason, I need to protect you for the time being. Even if I promote you, I will put you in a remote and inconspicuous position..."

After listening to Shcherbitsky's explanation, Haniyev nodded and said, "I know you're worried that if you promote me now, the reformists will know that you're the one behind our Ukrainian people's movement."

"Yes, although anyone with a discerning eye can guess it, it's still just a guess, isn't it?"

Shcherbitsky sighed softly, "Our foundation is unstable, and the current situation is unclear. The reformists have already gained the upper hand. If we want to do something practical for the country and the people, we must be cautious and patient."

Haniyev's heart tightened, and he nodded. "You're right. The current situation is still dominated by the reformists, and we should keep a low profile. However, Gorbachev is already promoting political system reform. The People's Congress will become the highest authority. The uniqueness and supremacy of the CPSU will also be weakened by the emergence of the People's Congress. Once a multi-party system emerges, the CPSU's leadership will likely disappear. Therefore, the situation in the Soviet Union will get worse day by day, but your political environment will get better and better..."

Sherbitsky naturally considered this as well. He sighed softly, "Gorbachev is a born bad guy. His so-called reforms are essentially cutting off the roots of the Soviet Union. But he's the General Secretary, and the Soviet people are dissatisfied with the current CPSU and government and support reforms..."

During my two-plus years recuperating in Yalta, I also calmly studied and reflected. Gorbachev's reforms were in line with public opinion but also extremely deceptive. His current political reforms are extremely harmful to the CPSU, but I can't stop them. I exchanged views with Ryzhkov on the 9th, and we share some common views. Ryzhkov originally supported Gorbachev's reforms, but facts have proven that economic reforms have not been effective. Now Ryzhkov is no longer optimistic about or supports political reforms. However, the influence of the reformists has spread to all departments, and just one or two of us can't stop them even if we want to oppose them..."

"I have made up my mind. As long as I can come back, regain control of Ukraine, and have some status in the party, I will do my best to protect Ukraine and the Soviet cause. Since the path of confrontation is not feasible, I will choose another path..."

Haniyev saw Sherbitsky's bleak outlook on the future and consoled him, saying, "Don't be pessimistic. When Gorbachev's reforms become unsustainable, there will surely be a turning point."

"hope so."

Sherbitsky shook his head slightly and looked at Haniyev. His complicated eyes made Haniyev speechless for a moment.

"Old man, do you have any instructions?"

Shcherbitsky nodded. "I sent you to Volyn Oblast, the westernmost region of Ukraine, not just to protect you, but also because I hope you can take control of the situation in the west as soon as possible. I know that people in the western regions don't speak Russian very much, and they are quite strongly opposed to the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. They actually have the most complaints against me. To be honest, if there is a crisis in the Soviet cause in the future, I am most worried about the western regions.

I hope you can integrate the ethnic forces in the west through the Ukrainian people's movement, transform the Ukrainian national independence forces into your own use, and turn the ethnic forces in western Ukraine from opposing us to cooperating and supporting us. This is an important task I have entrusted to you. If you can complete it, even if the CPSU really loses its sole leadership position one day, Ukraine will not experience ideological and cultural divisions and fault lines..."

Haniyev smiled slightly upon hearing this and nodded, saying, "Please rest assured, I will definitely integrate the Ukrainian national forces in the west into the Ukrainian people's movement as quickly as possible, and then guide them with a positive, healthy, and forward-looking history of national development, so that the isolationism that has always existed in western Ukraine will gradually disappear..."

Sherbitsky smiled and nodded, and for the first time mentioned to Haniyev his Ukrainian national history view.