Servant of the People in Kyiv

Because of Sherbitsky, Haniyev was very popular in Volyn Oblast, especially the Oblast First Secretary Kharchenko, who even publicly stated at the conference that Haniyev was an advanced worker sent by the Central Committee to guide the work. Whether this high praise came from the heart or not, it was absolutely the truth, because for the sake of Sherbitsky's face, Kharchenko also knew that Haniyev's stay in Volyn was just a transition, and he might become his own leader in two years.

Because of the high support of the Volyn State Party Committee and the Soviet, Haniyev enjoyed treatment and respect comparable to that of the First Secretary. At the expanded meeting of the state leadership team held the next morning, First Secretary Kharchenko read out Haniyev's position and division of labor to the entire leadership team and leaders of various state committees, and then asked leaders of departments such as culture, sports, press and publishing, supervision and inspection, and courts to give oral work reports to Haniyev, because these more than a dozen departments involved were all under the charge of Second Secretary Haniyev.

Obviously, Haniyev is in charge of far more departments than his position requires, and they are all departments with great power. This is naturally what Kharchenko did intentionally. Perhaps it was to please Haniyev and curry favor with Sherbitsky behind him, or perhaps knowing Haniyev's work ability and style, he was ready to delegate power to Haniyev and let him gain some experience in Warren.

In any case, Haniyev was grateful for Kharchenko's kindness and found Kharchenko alone after the meeting to express his gratitude to him.

Kharchenko smiled and said, "I'm 69 years old and won't be able to work for many more years. You're a rising star that Secretary Shcherbitsky values. The future of Ukraine belongs to you. I can't affect the Soviet cause. You should work hard in Volyn. I'll back you up. I've heard about your deeds in Chernobyl and Yalta. I know you're a very capable cadre. Perhaps you can make Volyn even more prosperous..."

Haniyev nodded and said, "With your trust in me, I will work hard and strive to achieve results as soon as possible!"

After the meeting, the director of the Party Committee Secretary's Office took Haniyev and Seryosha to the Secretary's Office and the adjacent driver's office.

Haniyev's office is very large and spacious, with all the necessary office supplies. The suite also has a toilet, bedroom and daily necessities. Except for the computer, which is a bit backward and luxurious in this era, everything else is available.

Haniyev checked it and nodded with satisfaction: "Thank you, Secretary Kharchenko and Director Michal."

Director Michal is the director of the Party Committee Secretariat and the chief steward of the Volyn State Party Committee. He is of Polish descent, but he does not speak Polish very well. He speaks Russian and Ukrainian fluently.

Michal spread his hands gently: "You are too polite, you can take a rest first, and call me if you have any work arrangements."

He pointed to the red phone on Haniyev's desk.

Haniyev nodded, and then Michal walked out, and Seryosha also quietly walked out.

Haniyev's office conditions are very good, and there is a high-end apartment allocated to him by the organization nearby. As the second secretary of the provincial party committee, he also has many privileges. Although he has only been in Volyn for one day, Haniyev already feels as if he has returned to the days when he was the first secretary in Yalta and could call the shots.

"Only by being the highest official in a local Party committee or government can one possess the ultimate form of power and allow others to experience the ultimate charm of leadership..."

Haniyev muttered as he sat down on his leather sofa, found a brand new notebook and pen, opened the cover, and wrote: "At noon on January 27, I finally stopped in Warren...

Volyn's industrial structure is very simple. Although the output of agricultural products is not low, it is not outstanding in Ukraine, which is covered with black soil. Industrial output value depends entirely on coal, which has led to a very high proportion of farmers and coal miners in Volyn.

I also discovered that few people in Volyn can speak Russian, and even those who can speak it speak it poorly. Aside from the cadres who are fluent in Russian, the common language among the masses is Ukrainian. Luckily, I can speak Ukrainian, though not very well. It's a good opportunity to practice in Volyn, as the status of Ukrainian will continue to rise in the future..."

Haniyev wrote for half an hour, more than a dozen pages, before he put down his pen and rubbed his sore wrist.

"To sum up my experience, I feel I have a clearer understanding of Warren..."

Haniyev put away his notebook and had some clearer ideas about how to proceed with his work.

Originally, Haniyev planned to follow Sherbitsky's requirements and his own job in charge of ideology, focusing on integrating Ukrainian nationalist forces and bringing the strongest national power in western Ukraine into the hands of the Ukrainian people's movement.

But now First Secretary Kharchenko has delegated power to him, allowing him to exercise power infinitely close to that of the First Secretary in the name of Second Secretary. Haniyev feels that he cannot waste this opportunity to accumulate power and govern a province. Anyway, with Kharchenko and Sherbitsky to back him up, Haniyev feels that he can completely do both things well.

While integrating nationalist forces, we should also develop local characteristic industries in light of Warren's actual situation, improve Warren's economic strength and people's livelihood, let Western Ukraine enjoy the "sunshine and rain" of "rational reform", stabilize people's hearts through economic growth, and prevent the occurrence of ethnic separation in history.

Haniyev feels that if he can truly resolve Ukraine's ethnic separatism and nip future neo-Nazis in the bud, Ukraine will surely burst forth with vigorous vitality, and perhaps under his leadership it will be able to strive for the status of a first-class European power.

Chapter 236 Two Creations

Haniyev adjusted to his work status the day after settling in Lutsk, the capital of Volyn Oblast.

Every day, Haniyev devoted himself to his job as the second secretary. However, because Gorbachev's reforms made party work less important, the second secretary's power in charge of ideology has been reduced a lot.

However, Haniyev is in charge of far more departments than the average second secretary. He plans to first familiarize himself with the work of each department and the conditions in various parts of Volyn Oblast.

So starting from the end of January, Haniyev's schedule was arranged very tightly. Every day he was either attending meetings or going on research visits and field investigations. It was not until a week later that he finally had complete control over the more than ten key departments under his charge.

Through research, Haniyev accidentally learned some information that he thought was very important.

Near the city of Kovel, the ancient political center of the Volyn Oblast, some ruins of the Vladimir-Volyn Principality, a vassal state of Kievan Rus nine hundred years ago, are still preserved.

Haniyev thinks that this site can be properly excavated, and then some ancient buildings can be restored and rebuilt on the original site to revive the ancient monuments and establish the ancient culture of Volhynia and its history that is in line with Kievan Rus. This will not only help develop tourism in Volhynia to boost the economy, but also resolve the long-standing disputes in Volhynia that belonged to Poland by raising the banner of Kievan Rus, so that this westernmost state of Ukraine will have the most appropriate reason to belong to Ukraine.

This information cheered up Haniyev, who felt that he had found an opportunity to work in the ideological field.

After discovering the cultural relics of the ancient principality that inherited the Kievan Rus civilization, Haniyev, accompanied by the leaders of the Science and Culture Committee, continued his research along the banks of the Turya River and found more civilization sites.

At the same time, Haniyev also discovered many memorial tombstones built by local Ukrainians and Poles in many places such as roadsides, rivers, churches, squares, etc., and fresh flowers and vases were placed in front of each tombstone. After carefully reading the Polish and Ukrainian words on the tombstones, Haniyev asked the accompanying cultural committee staff and learned that there are many memorial tombstones in various places in Volyn, some of which are from the First World War, and more are from the Second World War. They are memorial tombstones built by them to commemorate their relatives who were killed in World War I and World War II.

Haniyev suddenly thought of the commentary of a Polish movie he had watched before. The movie was called "Volyn", which was about the ethnic hatred that took place in Volyn during World War II, the bloody killings and national destruction between Poles and Ukrainians.

Because the Western Ukrainian region was labeled as a gang during the Soviet era, and they were indeed a puppet state supported by Nazi Germany in history, they have been unwelcome for decades. Therefore, the attitude of the people of all ethnic groups in Volyn is still unified, that is, Nazi Germany and the pseudo-regime it supported are all unforgivable criminal gangs, and the ethnic hatreds that occurred in Volyn are all human tragedies instigated and led by Nazi Germany and its followers.

Because Nazi Germany and the gangs took all the blame, there seemed to be no ethnic conflicts between the Poles and Ukrainians in Volyn.

Haniyev thinks this is a good idea, but unfortunately the Soviet Union will soon disintegrate. When the Western Ukrainian region looks towards the richer Western world, if the Ukrainian national historical view is not established and the 80-year history of the Soviet Union is not organically combined with the Ukrainian national history, the buried historical ethnic contradictions will resurface. Moreover, the Ukrainian Governor-General's District and the Petliura Group, which were once classified as bandit groups, will also be brought out by the Ukrainians and artificially beautified in order to completely deny the 80 years of the Soviet Union.

Haniyev realized the potential ethnic conflicts and future political crises in Volyn Oblast. After thinking for a while, Haniyev decided to use his rights to do something.

First, the cultural departments should vigorously excavate the remains of the Vladimir-Volyn Principality, and then carry out appropriate restoration of the ancient principality to create some historical sites of the Volyn State and the cultural imprint of Kievan Rus.

Secondly, it is to vigorously publicize the massacre and persecution of the people in the Volyn region by Nazi Germany and its bandit regime, build a memorial hall, and make Volyn the Khitan's "731 Memorial Hall" or "Nanjing Massacre Memorial Hall". By establishing this, the national outlook of the people in Western Ukraine can be cultivated to prevent future distortion.

After summarizing, Haniyev wrote down two points:

"First, create a tourist attraction for the civilization of Kievan Rus' vassal states and establish Volyn's identity as a part of Kievan Rus."

"Second, to build a base of remembrance for the tragedy of World War II and establish Warren as a banner of political correctness in the new political landscape after World War II."

After writing the two "building blocks," Haniyev first went to see First Secretary Kharchenko. After expressing his thoughts, Kharchenko laughed and clapped his hands, saying, "Victor, you're quite good. You've visited so many places in just one week and found a foothold in your work. Because of the General Secretary's reforms, our Party's organizational construction and propaganda and education have stagnated in the past two years. Ideological work is also very backward. Foreign media and radio stations and various ideologies have flooded into the Soviet Union, and the ideological awareness of our Party members, cadres, and the people has been declining. I am very pleased that you have considered fulfilling your responsibilities and taking the initiative to strengthen ideological work..."

After praising Haniyev, Kharkhenko told him that he could go ahead and do it, and that he could come to him for instructions at any time if he needed funds and support.

Haniyev was full of energy after receiving the support of the first secretary. Industrial agriculture in Warren has existed for decades or even hundreds of years, and its foundation is solid. Families that rely on this industry for their survival are all over Warren. Haniyev felt that if he wanted to make a difference in the industry, he must plan slowly and absolutely not rush.

But the Soviet Union was about to disintegrate. Now, foreign media broadcast information with their own political purposes to the Soviet people every day. The thinking of the Ukrainian people was slowly loosening and changing, and ideological problems were bound to erupt sooner or later.

For the sake of Ukraine's stability, Haniyev knew that ideological work in Volyn Oblast and even in Ukraine must not be slow.

Haniyev plans to rely on official positive guidance and establishment, and cooperate with the grassroots power of the Ukrainian people's movement to completely resolve the ethnic issues and political separatist tendencies in Volyn and even Ukraine through this two-way combination.

Volyn is Haniyev's first stop to test his skills. Only by grasping the ideological issues in Volyn and stabilizing the people's hearts in Ukraine's westernmost and only multi-ethnic state can western Ukraine have a guiding star.

Chapter 237: History of the Development of the Ukrainian Nation Part 2

On February 15, the last Soviet soldier in Afghanistan was evacuated, and the Soviet disarmament operation began under the supervision of international forces. However, for the Soviet Union’s internal affairs, the biggest thing was still the political system reform. The election of people’s representatives to the first National People’s Congress was about to begin.

According to the arrangements and deployments of the Central Committee of the CPSU on political system reform, the first election of Soviet people's representatives was to be held in March 1989. After the election, the first Soviet people's representatives would go to Moscow to enter the Supreme Soviet and participate in politics and even govern with the power of elected people.

This was an important step in Gorbachev's reform, and it was also a reform initiative that he and his team were very proud of.

In the eyes of the reformists, the People's Congress was the panacea for reform that would change the rigid status quo of the Soviet Union, lead it towards democracy and vitality, and strengthen the country and enrich its people.

But Haniyev knew that the Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR was a key step in severing the leadership of the CPSU.

As long as non-party members with different motives enter the Supreme Soviet through so-called popular elections, the political ecology in which the CPSU has the final say will be broken, a multi-party system will come into being, and the disintegration of the Soviet Union will follow.

In the second half of February, the Soviet people, full of confidence in reform, were discussing with great interest the upcoming "election of people's representatives."

Because Soviet people's representatives directly entered the Supreme Soviet to participate in the management of the country, the number of seats was very small, only 2250. It should be noted that the Soviet Union was very large, with each republic receiving 750 seats, and the central departments and various industries receiving the remaining seats. This resulted in the number of representative votes that the CPSU and the central leadership could fully control not exceeding one-fifth.

However, no one cares about these drawbacks now. Everyone is looking forward to the advancement of reforms so that their quality of life will be greatly improved.

It seems that for the entire Soviet Union, reform is a panacea that can cure all diseases. Unfortunately, everything must respect the laws of reality. Gorbachev's reforms did not help save the Soviet Union, but instead pushed the Soviet Union into the abyss of disintegration.

But at this moment, it seems that only Haniyev knows the result.

Although Haniyev knew history, he was powerless to change it. He could only call meetings of the departments under his charge with a greater sense of urgency to arrange and deploy his "two constructions".

Shcherbitsky, who is very interested in Haniyev's work, smiled and said after learning about it: "Victor did a great job in Yalta with the 'Three Cleanups' and laid the foundation for subsequent economic reforms. This time in Volyn Oblast, he immediately launched the 'Two Builds'. I am really interested in his two builds."

Kharchenko, who was reporting to Shcherbitsky in person, smiled apologetically and said, "How could someone you personally trained fail?"

For conservative local cadres, they all agreed that Haniyev only managed to curry favor with Sherbitsky when he was in Yalta, where he was recuperating. Therefore, many of Haniyev's work achievements were mostly due to Sherbitsky's guidance and support behind the scenes.

Shcherbitsky chuckled, glanced at Kharchenko's graying hair, and said, "You're almost 70 this year, aren't you?"

"Yes, I'm thinking of returning to Kiev this summer to take up a sinecure. It's too much of a pain to be working in another place now that I'm old."

"You've been with me for over ten years. Come back in May or June and join any committee you choose. You can serve one more term and then retire."

"Thank you, Comrade Vladimir Vasilyevich. I am willing to die at my post for you!"

Sherbitsky was deeply moved by Kharchenko's loyalty. After giving him some encouragement, he invited him to have lunch at the Marin Palace.

While Kharchenko was in Kiev reporting on his work, Haniyev had already accomplished a lot of work with the cooperation of the provincial party committee and the Soviet.

For example, the excavation, reporting and promotion of the remains of the Vladimir-Volyn Principality.

For most Ukrainians, the history of Vladimir-Volyn Principality is little known, and even less understood is the relationship between Kievan Rus and Vladimir-Volyn Principality.

Therefore, if Haniyev wants his first project to be successful, publicity is crucial. He must let the Volyn people know that they have a long history and are citizens of the Principality of Kievan Rus, and also give Ukraine the legal basis to rule Volyn.

You should know that Russia has always promoted that the Rurik Dynasty of Kievan Rus was the predecessor of Tsarist Russia. If this statement is true, Russia inherited the legal system of the Rurik Dynasty, and Ukraine also belongs to Russia.

Therefore, Ukraine has always claimed that they are the orthodox Kievan Rus, but historians believe that the territory of Kievan Rus only includes the Dnieper River basin around Kiev, and does not include the eastern and western Ukrainian regions at all.

This statement has allowed Poland and Russia to assert their rights over Ukraine's eastern and western states for decades, and is also a major support for Ukraine's east-west separatism.

Naturally, Haniyev would not leave any hidden dangers for Ukraine. He was prepared to use all resources to publicize the history of Vladimir-Volyn Principality inherited from Kievan Rus, to excavate the remains of Vladimir-Volyn Principality, and preferably to find some decent cultural relics, to build museums and memorials and to restore ancient castles.

In this way, Volhynia is no longer just a small, economically backward state in Ukraine, but an indispensable foundation of the Ukrainian nation and the Ukrainian state. Even if there are more Poles in Volhynia, it cannot change the fact that Volhynia has been a part of Ukraine since ancient times.

Many ideas in Haniyev's mind gradually became more complete. He felt that he could continue writing "History of the Development of the Ukrainian Nation" and write a second part. The perspective would be the perspective of the Ukrainian territory. From the original regimes of each state to the Ukrainians, a comprehensive analysis and introduction of the Ukrainian nation and the existing Ukrainian territory originated from the Kievan Rus period, establishing the legitimate legal basis for Ukraine to rule all its current territories.

Haniyev's idea became very strong as soon as it came to him. He felt that he could first write the first chapter of the second volume "History of the Development of the Ukrainian Nation" -

"The Origin of Warren State..."

Haniyev feels that with his current status and influence in the Ukrainian academic and historian circles, as long as he writes the second part of "History of the Development of the Ukrainian Nation", it will definitely influence many people. Combined with the propaganda of the official media, it will to some extent be an unshakable truth in the history of the Ukrainian nation.

With his own established national historical perspective, Warren's separatism will have no room to grow.

Once the Volyn issue is resolved, Haniyev will straighten out relations with other states in western Ukraine. Then the nationalism and separatism in the west will naturally be crushed and integrated by Haniyev's unstoppable national historical perspective.

The task assigned to him by Shcherbitsky was thus accomplished.

Chapter 238: Ukrainian People's Movement Westward Group

Under the mobilization and command of the Second Secretary Haniyev, the Volyn Oblast Party Committee and the Soviet promoted the excavation of the ruins of the Vladimir-Volyn Principality as the biggest news, and the education system of the Volyn Oblast was also mobilized.

Under Haniyev's command, primary schools, middle schools and even universities throughout the Volyn Oblast are promoting the Principality of Kievan Rus and the Principality of Vladimir-Volyn to students, introducing the culture of the ancient countries while conveying Ukraine's long history and vast territory since ancient times.

The starting point of this kind of propaganda is the same as the Antarctic scientific research and moon landing of various countries in the world. If you don't occupy any resources, someone else will occupy them.

If Haniyev does not occupy the ideological high ground, it will surely be occupied by others.

By now, the Soviet people had been influenced to varying degrees by Western ideology, and the Ukrainians were no exception. With Gorbachev opening up the entry of all foreign radio broadcasts and media at the end of last year, the ideological battle between the Soviet Union and the United States had become a foregone conclusion.

In a short period of time, a large number of brainless fans of Western ideas will quickly appear among the Soviet people, and they will eventually overthrow the Soviet regime with their own hands in high spirits.

Haniyev was well aware of the direction of historical development, so the most crucial battle in the years before the collapse of the Soviet Union was actually the war of public opinion.

Denying the West and insisting on confidence in one's own path no longer worked in 1989. Even the General Secretary was not prepared to stick to the socialist path. How could the Soviet Union survive?

Haniyev just got a provincial-level position this year. No matter how capable he is, he cannot stop the trend of the times.

The most powerful thing about a national government is that it can mobilize huge resources when needed. This feature is particularly evident in socialist countries and can be considered an institutional advantage.

The Soviet Union still has this institutional advantage. In the Chernobyl incident and the Yalta Reform, the Soviet Union and Haniyev both used the institutional advantage to mobilize the greatest resources in the shortest time to accomplish things that many Western countries might not be able to do at all.

Under Haniyev's command, the resources of Volyn Oblast were mobilized. In less than half a month, people across the province knew that Volyn was part of Kievan Rus, and they couldn't help but feel a sense of pride and belonging.

Haniyev, who felt that the first step was very successful, knew that the excavation of ruins and the restoration of the castle were long-term tasks, and might not be completed even by the time the Soviet Union collapsed, so being able to achieve this was enough.

It is enough to mobilize the atmosphere and public sentiment with the Vladimir-Volyn Principality and Kievan Rus. The next step is the key.

On February 22, Haniyev sent a telegram to the Ukrainian People's Movement Committee in Kiev, asking Drak and others to lead a team to Lutsk.

Drak and others who received the telegram were very excited because they knew that the second peak of the development of the Ukrainian people's movement was about to come.

According to Haniyev's arrangements and deployments, after Sherbitsky's comeback, the Ukrainian People's Movement turned to low-key development, so that the expansion speed of this organization was far slower than before. Moreover, this organization has now become a veritable political organization, and the election of people's representatives of the Soviet Union is about to begin. Drak and others advocate that the Ukrainian People's Movement region strive for one or two representatives.

Given the current influence and number of members of the Ukrainian People's Movement, it would not be difficult to win one or two seats as people's representatives. However, Haniyev knew that the so-called Soviet people's representatives were of no use at all. In addition, Sherbitsky also made it clear that the Ukrainian People's Movement needed to keep a low profile and not disrupt his plan for governing Ukraine.

Therefore, Haniyev did not support the ideas of Drak and others. Drak and others could only accept this, but they still hoped that the Ukrainian people's movement would have better development. After all, they were also people who wanted to change the country and nation, and hoped to participate in Ukrainian politics as non-members of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. Only when the Ukrainian people's movement developed enough to compete with the Ukrainian Communist Party of the Soviet Union could these people's political ambitions be realized.

Haniyev did not take this seriously, but instead made a clear plan before coming to Volyn that the next step in the development of the Ukrainian people's movement would be Western Ukraine.

Now the good situation of the Ukrainian people's movement is only concentrated in Kiev, with a small amount distributed in Yalta, Odessa, Kharkiv and other places. The economy and culture of the western Ukrainian states lag behind that of the east, and the Ukrainian people's movement has basically no position in the west.

So Haniyev took out the data and maps and told the entire committee: If the Ukrainian People's Movement wins over tens of millions of western Ukrainians, the committee will become the largest political force among the Ukrainian people. At that time, the CPSU will have to respect and rely on the Ukrainian People's Movement to govern Ukraine. When the reforms reach the deep water zone in the future and the multi-party system is implemented, the Ukrainian People's Movement will be able to directly enter the Ukrainian government and compete with the CPSU.

The pie that Haniyev painted was very tempting. The 600 members passed Haniyev's decision unanimously at that time and had been eagerly waiting to come to Warren to establish a new base.

Now that they had received Haniyev's instructions, committee leaders including Drak, Ivanov, Gonchar, and Makar immediately convened a seminar for more than ten standing committee members. At the meeting, they selected standing committee members and some committee members to lead the team, and discussed and decided on the establishment of the People's Daily branch and the construction of a base in Volyn Oblast.

Now the Ukrainian people's movement has become very powerful. It has a considerable amount of funds just from the weekly sales of the People's Daily, which is enough to support the expenses of building a western base and a newspaper branch.

After making the decision, they immediately convened a congress of the Ukrainian People's Movement Committee, informed the Standing Committee of its decision, and called on all members to do their best to support the construction of the western base.