German Red Prince

Strictly speaking, Libenfels is more like a religious leader, including the clothes he wore after entering Vienna, which had a strong religious style. His white robe made him look like a savior descended to earth, while Arthur, who was next to him, had a different style.

Artur had also fought on the battlefield, and the SS was a paramilitary force, so Artur always wore a black military uniform. There was also a big age gap between the supporters of Libenfels and the supporters of Artur. Most of the supporters of Libenfels were middle-aged and elderly people, while the supporters of Artur were mostly young people, including within the SS, who were basically all young people in their twenties and thirties.

There is actually a lot of contradiction between these two groups. The older generation has more experience and inevitably tends to be conservative, while the younger generation is mostly eager for change and is more radical.

Libenfels himself wasn't that radical, just rather obsessed. Arthur, on the other hand, was a complete radical. While he was called an Aryan, he was more like a member of the National Party. A large number of cadres within the SS were remnants of the National Party who had fled from Germany.

To be honest, the United Aryan Party has actually been taken over by the National Party. In the last life, you Austrians led the whole of Germany astray, and in this life you've come for revenge. One Austrian drove Germany into madness, and now a German political party is driving the whole of Austria into endless madness.

The National National Party will not wait long; they will crush every stumbling block in their path, including those from within.

As Liben Fils greeted the roaring crowd below, Artur, standing behind him, remained silent. The era of the Aryan National Party had arrived, and his own era was not far off. Soon, a bloody storm would rage within the party.

495. The Song of the Aryans

Artur's outstanding performance earned him the favor of Libenfels, and he has been appointed as the national leader of the SS and the deputy leader of the entire Aryan National Party.

Of course, Artur's high position is not solely due to his own efforts. Artur is merely a representative of interests within the party; behind him stands the National Party, which has seized control of the entire Aryan National Party.

Artur's current position clearly demonstrates how powerful the National National Party has become within the party. It was the National National Party that made the entire Aryan National Party what it is today, and Artur has effectively become the party's designated successor.

After Liben Fils, this young radical will surely follow. Perhaps this radical will rise to power without Liben Fils' death; an accident may suffice.

To demonstrate the strength of the Aryan National Party, the SS troops marching from Linz marched to Vienna and held a grand parade. Libenfels also extended a warm invitation to Emperor Karl to watch the parade and see just how powerful these SS troops of the Aryan Party really were.

Although he was very reluctant, Emperor Karl still attended the military parade. Sester felt as if it were all a dream. From Linz to Vienna, they were almost killed on the way, but they actually managed to break through the blockade and arrive safely.

This pilgrimage further solidified his support for the Aryan Party and for Artur, for they could not have succeeded without this great leader.

As a key figure in the whole affair, Artur certainly has to say a few words, but he needs to be careful not to go too far. After all, Liben Fils is the leader of the Aryan National Party, so he needs to restrain himself a bit.

"Today, we stand here! We stand on Austrian soil! We stand in Vienna, on this land that our ancestors watered with their blood and dignity! Behind me stands the statue of Archduke Karl! He is the hero of Austria, the savior of Germania!"

"Before me stands a nation, a nation groaning in humiliation! We won that great war, but look at us now, our country has lost its former glory, and our national pride is gone! We have a long history, Vienna was once the most prosperous city in Europe, but now, even if we are unwilling to face it, we must admit that we have become a second-rate country, an insignificant country!"

"Our army in Italy was attacked by the locals. In Lombardy and Venice, the people were clamoring to drive us out! They trampled on our dignity, the dignity of the noblest people on the European continent! Archduke Charles led us to victory over the French. We were the saviors of the whole continent, and we almost became the masters of Greater Germany. But we failed!"

"Look at our current situation. This great nation is heading towards depravity and hell. We are a great nation, and the only one who can defeat us is ourselves. And indeed, it is ourselves who have defeated us. While other European countries are stepping on our heads and moving forward, what are we doing?"

“Slovenia, Croatia, Galicia, Hungary, as members of the Empire, we have never been able to unite. We curse each other, we complain about each other. The Empire is now facing more and more problems, and the voices for independence are growing louder. You might say: Mr. Arthur, I need a job, a piece of bread. Yes, you are right, life is indeed very important. But I want to tell you, there is something in this world that is more important than life, and that is dignity!”

"As long as our flag disappears from Italy, our dignity will cease to exist! As long as Austrians and Hungarians continue to blame each other, our dignity will cease to exist!"

"As long as the Austro-Hungarian Empire is still marked on the map of Europe as having Austria, Hungary, and Galicia, and this unified country is actually fragmented and weak, our dignity will not exist!"

"As long as people from other countries let out a contemptuous laugh when they mention Austria-Hungary in conversation, mocking us as a second-rate country, our dignity ceases to exist!"

"People of Austria, I say to you today that although we suffer from various difficulties and setbacks in the present and future, I still have a dream. I dream that one day, in front of the statue of Prince Eugen, the people of Austria can reminisce with the people of Galicia about the Battle of Vienna and share their brotherhood."

"I dream that one day even Hungary, this rebellious child, will give up the idea of ​​leaving the embrace of its motherland. I dream that one day the children of my motherland will live in a country where they are not distinguished by their ethnicity, religion, culture or language."

"This is our belief. With this belief, we will be able to transform the cacophony of this nation's squabbles into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood. With this belief, we will be able to work together, pray together, and fight together, because we know that we come from one body."

"We are a unified nation, a unified people, we are one body, we are an honorable nation, a glorious nation, we are the supreme Aryan nation of Europe! Let us unite in the name of freedom! Let us fight for a new, just world! Let us fight for jobs for all! Let us fight so that we don't have to shout protests all day long! Let us fight for our dignity! Let us fight for our promises!"

"Long live the Aryan race! Long live the Empire!"

"Long live the Aryan race! Long live the Austro-Hungarian Empire!"

"One nation! One empire! One leader!"

"Aryan, Aryan, above all, above all things in the world, brothers will always stand together to protect and defend..."

......

Various slogans rang out at the scene, and some people even sang this somewhat strange song. This adapted and fan-made song was very much in line with the political direction of the Aryan National Party.

The Aryan National Party has always emphasized the national unity of Austria-Hungary, so they changed the song "German Song" to something like "Aryan Song".

Anyway, Germany doesn't use this song now. Since they don't use it, it's okay for us to use it, right? One of the main reasons Germany rejected this song at the time was because it was too nationalistic and didn't fit the tone of the world revolution.

The strong nationalistic characteristics were just right for Austria-Hungary, as they wanted to forcefully create a unified national image in politics.

Looking at the surging crowd below, Emperor Karl knew what kind of monster the Aryan Party was, and that the empire would soon be beyond his control.

It is entirely possible that a fervent populace could spontaneously unite to form a unified and tightly-knit empire.

496. Bukharin's Concerns

"The revolution in Germany has succeeded, and the revolution in Russia will soon break out. Our opportunity has arrived. The time for the demise of those reactionaries in Russia has come. This time, we are striving for a complete and total victory!"

Lenin's Bolsheviks were the vanguard of world revolution. Although they failed, they still had a tremendous impact on the world. This is an important reason why Bukharin was able to stay in Paris. After the failure of the Russian revolution, most of the exiled Bolsheviks eventually made their way to the French Commune through various means.

Bukharin was one of the important leaders of the Bolsheviks. He had already been exposed to more advanced ideas when he was only sixteen years old, and he was wanted by various authorities for resisting the Tsarist government.

During his exile in Germany and Austria-Hungary, Bukharin continued his education and wrote several books. Although he was only in his twenties at the time, he was already one of the important leaders of the Bolsheviks.

Lenin and Bukharin knew each other for a long time, and some of Bukharin's works even influenced Lenin. However, Bukharin and Lenin often had heated debates on theoretical issues.

It is unclear whether Bukharin was influenced by the Austrian faction during his studies in Vienna, but he became interested in the works of Austrian Marxists and non-Marxist economic theorists there, which led to some theoretical conflicts with Lenin. However, this did not shake Bukharin's position within the party.

During the February and October Revolutions, Bukharin indeed behaved like an excellent Bolshevik leader. He drafted and defended the revolutionary decrees of the Moscow Soviet, helping the Soviet government through a difficult period.

He was fervently convinced of the prospects for world revolution, and amidst the turmoil in Russia as the World War drew to a close, when peace negotiations with the Allies were imminent, he was also among those who called for the continuation of the war.

He hoped to ignite this fire, so that the European proletariat could launch a general uprising to overthrow the rule of the bourgeoisie, and the proletariat could rise up and sing. Therefore, he strongly opposed Lenin signing the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk.

While the treaty could bring peace back to the eastern regions, it resulted in the loss of a large amount of Russian territory, including most of Eastern Europe. Discussions surrounding the agreement caused significant divisions within the party, with some even calling for Lenin's immediate arrest.

After a brief period of calm, Lenin's death reignited the entire government. Without its leader, the Soviet government immediately descended into chaos. Bukharin had already amassed considerable power around him. Although Bukharin used his influence to oust Stalin and Trotsky, the interventionist forces, both foreign and domestic, quickly caused the Soviet government to lose its leadership position within the country.

After the collapse of the Soviet regime, Bukharin went into exile in the French Commune. He was very unwilling to accept this situation. He had already taken control of the government. If he had just a little more time, he would have been able to deal with the White Army at home and the interventionist forces abroad. It was the chaotic government and internal strife that had cost Bukharin too much energy.

He learned from his mistakes. If he were to ever return to Russia, the first thing he would do is to consolidate his power and silence all dissenting voices within the party.

"The victory of the German Revolution was unexpected. With Germany and France united as one, the power of the proletariat will inevitably expand eastward. The Ludendorff regime in Germany occupies vast lands and numerous countries in Eastern Europe. They are the biggest threat to Germany. The government of East Germany will certainly go to war with them one day. We must act quickly, faster than them."

To put it simply, all these countries in Eastern Europe belong to one country, Russia. These countries were originally separated from Russian territory. Bukharin's words made it clear that these were the inherent territory and natural borders of Tsarist Russia, and they could not be so easily taken over by the Germans.

In Belarus and Ukraine, where the imperialist claims are gone, the only thing that can reclaim them in the future is a new Soviet Russia. Therefore, they must hurry up and plan domestic uprisings. The Bolsheviks of the French Commune are the largest overseas socialist force in France. In Russia, the Bolsheviks who remain there also frequently contact their organizations in France.

Much of the funding for domestic activities was transferred from the Bolshevik headquarters in France. Bukharin ousted two other party leaders, and even in exile, he still held sway over the party.

However, the party members who remained in Russia began to ignore his words, and the Bolsheviks led by Zinoviev in Russia were also actively fighting.

Trotsky was training a revolutionary army in Mexico in preparation for attacking other countries in Central America, while Joseph had gone to Patagonia to prepare for unifying South America. The two of them now had their own tasks and would not threaten Bukharin's future rule, so he was very polite to them. At the last conference, when Joseph returned from South America, the two of them chatted for a while.

"At the last Comintern conference, the French side also raised the issue of the World Island. Whoever owns the World Island owns the whole world. So I am certain that providing assistance to the Russian revolutionary forces will be an important task for the Comintern in the future, and we must seize this opportunity."

Bukharin's contact with Russia has become increasingly frequent during this period. He needs to keep abreast of the events happening in Russia to assess the possibility and probability of the revolution's success. This time, the Russian revolution certainly cannot fail as hastily as the last one. Bukharin must make sure that all plans are in place this time.

The current government in Russia is the Kerensky government. Compared to the Bolsheviks, they are not very radical, but they are still a revolutionary faction. Some of Kerensky's policies are quite advanced, and many of them were borrowed from the Bolsheviks.

This dictator is strange; he is neither far left nor far right, but a liberal, and even somewhat idealistic.

This social environment provided ample room for the Bolsheviks who remained in Russia to develop, but it was also a source of worry for Bukharin. Bukharin was not in Russia, while the Bolsheviks formed by Zinoviev, who remained in Russia, were Bukharin's opponents. Zinoviev's power in Russia was growing day by day, and if Bukharin did not act quickly, Zinoviev would reap the benefits.

Zinoviev claims to be Lenin's last comrade, and he is now the only one in Russia risking execution to maintain the Bolshevik party.

Where have all of Lenin's former students gone? This formidable rival of Bukharin is plotting the next earth-shattering revolution in Russia.

Germany, Zinoviev—these were things Bukharin worried about. Only his revolution could bring about a revolution in Russia.

497. Reaching the Sky in One Step

"Who sent you here!"

"Are you a German spy?!"

"Who is your contact person?"

A bucket of cold water was poured over him, and Fremont was jolted awake from his dream, jumping straight out of bed.

Looking at everything familiar in the room, he realized he was dreaming. Fremont couldn't help but slap himself. He had actually been dreaming! He hadn't dreamed in a long time.

As an agent, any abnormal behavior is fatal. Even as a person, Fremont dares not sleep too soundly. When he was training at the Stasi building, Fremont heard a story from his instructors.

An experienced agent was suspected because he talked in his sleep, which led to the discovery of more than a dozen agents along the entire line, causing huge losses. Fremont will never forget those words, "Give the coffee can to Mr. Hans."

Even when sleeping, one eye must be kept open. During his years of training at the Stasi, the first thing the chief always said was to remain cautious. Fremont didn't know why he was dreaming; perhaps it was because the cold Russian weather had created some kind of muscle memory for him.

The cold wind rattled against the window. Russian winters are much colder than German winters. Fremont was now unsure whether he was German or Russian. He should be Russian, because the number of people who knew he was German could be counted on one hand. If all those people disappeared, Fremont would be a thoroughly Russian.

Everything about him here is fake: his name, his identity, his friends, his social interactions and daily habits are all fake. Living with a mask on is exhausting, but Fremont has gotten used to it.

He was Germany, a Stasi nail planted in Germany, a bomb to detonate Russia. Fremont didn't know if there was another Stasi among the people he met. Perhaps they didn't know each other, but during training, they might have been separated by a wall or a door.

In order to facilitate the liberation of Eastern Europe in the future, not long after the start of the German Civil War, the Stasi released a large number of Stasi agents. Fremont was one of the earlier ones to leave and had been infiltrating St. Petersburg for some time. His infiltration can be said to be very successful, and he has already infiltrated the high-ranking government in St. Petersburg.

Fremont's political identity is set as a young man persecuted by the Bolsheviks. He is of middle-class birth, his father is a relatively wealthy merchant, and his mother is a noblewoman. After the October Revolution, his parents were killed by the Bolsheviks, and he was forced to flee overseas. He has only just returned.

This person was born in St. Petersburg, the site of the Bolshevik Revolution, where various factions fought each other. Later, when the Bolsheviks were defeated, another battle was fought here. It is estimated that the research materials have long been lost.

As for whether or not anyone knew them, the Red Army killed them all during the suppression of counter-revolutionaries, and the White Army killed them all again during the suppression of the revolution. The old residents here were basically wiped out, and most of the current population of St. Petersburg are migrants from outside.

Even so, Fremont still dared not let his guard down. His main task this time was to gather intelligence for the Russian Revolution, organize personnel, and so on. St. Petersburg was the central nervous system of Russia. Fremont had "earned" a lot of money while in exile, and with these connections, he quickly became very successful here.

Fremont was already working in the State Duma, and at his age, that meant he had a very promising future. Every day, many people came to try and curry favor with him. Through these people, Fremont was able to learn a lot of information and became a well-informed person in St. Petersburg who preferred to remain anonymous.

Without comparison, there is no harm. Compared with Germany, Russia's current situation can be described as very bad. After the failure of the Soviet Union, the newly established Russian Republic had to face challenges from all sides in order to survive. Russia is too big, and the government's control is not strong enough. St. Petersburg receives annoying news from all over the country almost every day.

Beset by internal troubles, and in order to quell external threats, the current Russian government has no choice but to sign humiliating and unequal treaties, just like the previous Bolshevik government, and reach a territorial understanding with the Kingdom of Finland. Through Kerensky's diplomatic efforts, Russia has also established good relations with most of the new countries that emerged after the civil war.

Although Kerensky is often called Russia's patch-up man, things really wouldn't be the same without him. At least he did bring about a brief period of prosperity for Russia. Moreover, as a dictator, he had a good temper and wasn't too autocratic, so people could still get by under his rule.

Kerensky is trying to make the future Russia a free republic and working hard to manage relations with foreign countries in order to quell internal troubles.

Russia is still unable to reclaim the Far Eastern territories occupied by Japan and commanded by former White Army General Semyonov. The various lost territories are intolerable to the Russians, and Kerensky is also trying to reclaim them.

A coup a few years ago nearly overthrew the entire republic's government, but fortunately, the crisis was averted in the end. Although most of the conspirators were either killed or arrested, many others fled towards Siberia. Some established their bases in the Siberian wastelands, while others managed to escape to the Trans-Amur region.

These scattered forces meant that the opposition to the government never disappeared, and the country, which had finally recovered, could collapse if it was not careful. Kerensky was a dictator, and in order to strengthen his control over the government, Kerensky's party had always maintained a firm grip on the government.

By manipulating and employing various means to maintain their power, Kerensky claims that Russia is a liberal and democratic government. However, in order to maintain this liberal and democratic government, Kerensky has to resort to dictatorial methods. If he cannot solve the domestic problems, Kerensky's government may face unexpected chaos.

Russia was walking on a tightrope when another major news broke: Germany collapsed, the German Empire collapsed, an economic crisis erupted, and the collapse of the German Empire severely impacted Russia's economy.

This was both a crisis and an opportunity. Fremont received a document. This St. Petersburg playboy had made many friends and knew many people in the government. A lucrative and challenging task was assigned to him.

The Kerensky government decided to nationalize German and Austrian companies in Russia, and Fremont was nominated as a member of the nationalization committee. This was a direct order from President Kerensky, and if handled well, it could potentially lead to a meteoric rise in his career.

498. Suitable Candidates

As the gendarme of Europe, Russia has long been a formidable behemoth in Europe, wielding considerable influence on the continent.

However, after the war, the vast Tsarist Russian Empire collapsed, and after repeated tug-of-war between the Bolsheviks and the White Army, Tsarist Russia also lost its influence in Europe.

Europe didn't originally have so many countries; almost all the newest countries that have emerged on the European continent were remnants of the former Tsarist Russian Empire.

The independence of most of the most important regions of Eastern Europe caused Russia's international standing to plummet. Kerensky finally climbed to the presidency, but reviving Russia's economy will not be easy.

After its defeat in the war, Germany's influence expanded eastward, and the spheres of influence that originally belonged to Tsarist Russia were completely divided up by the Austro-Hungarian Empire and the German Empire. Although Russia did not join the Imperial Pact like these countries, a series of unequal treaties had already opened Russia's doors wide.

Capitalists from Germany and Austria-Hungary poured into the Russian market, and there are many German and Austria-Hungarian companies in Russia. These companies are like parasites, clinging to the skin of Russia and sucking its blood.

To make Russia great again, these companies must be dealt with, but dealing with them means waging war against the forces behind them.

If Tsarist Russia couldn't defeat Germany back then, it's even less likely that Russia can now. Moreover, given the situation after the Russian Civil War, Russia couldn't function without foreign capital, so they had to swallow their pride and let them develop. But things are different now. Russia's economy has gradually recovered over the past decade or so since the war, and Kerensky is trying to find ways to turn this foreign capital into Russian assets.

The outbreak of the German economic crisis was a great opportunity. Although the Russian market was severely impacted, it also severely impacted foreign capital in Russia, leading to the bankruptcy of many companies. However, this did not affect Kerensky. What truly excited him was that Germany was actually in the midst of a civil war.

What could have pleased Kerensky more than the German Civil War? When he heard them fighting amongst themselves, Kerensky was so excited he almost jumped for joy.

The fighting has finally started, which is fantastic news for Russia. It would be even better if they could fight for ten or eight years, so that Russia could take the opportunity to reclaim all the lost territories.

During the German Civil War, Kerensky kept a close eye on the situation. To be honest, he disliked the Communists, but he disliked Imperial Germany even more. As long as Imperial Germany was destroyed, there would be no major problem for him to declare the previous treaties null and void, and he would have his old claim again.

It must be said that the German Communist Party was truly powerful. With Kaiser Wilhelm driven into the sea, the German Communist Party ultimately achieved a complete victory, and the political landscape of continental Europe was about to undergo earth-shattering changes. Kerensky also had a plan, and the first blow to Germany was to target those German companies in Russia.

Before, Kerensky didn't dare to touch them because Germany was backing them up. Now that Germany is gone, what's there to be afraid of? You'll have to give back whatever you took before. If you're so capable, go complain to Germany. I bet those people from the German Communist Party will just hang you from a street lamp.

If German companies dare to nationalize, then Austro-Hungarian companies are even less afraid. What is the current situation in Austro-Hungary? It used to be a dual monarchy, but now it is getting weaker and weaker, and its federalization is becoming more and more obvious. The desire to separate is also getting stronger and stronger. If Germany has fallen, why should Russia be afraid of them?

Go ahead and attack if you dare. Anyway, they don't border each other, and I'm not afraid of your sanctions at all. Vast Russia has everything, and they can find other people to do business with.

The complete nationalization of German and Austro-Hungarian industries in Russia is bound to offend people, but so what? Could Wilhelm II really send a horde of troops from Africa? Would Ludendorff in Central Europe dare to fight them? If war were to break out with Russia over this, East Germany could come and deal with them the very next day.

Besides alleviating Russia's current economic difficulties, Kerensky did this to save his rule. The opposition within the government had been attacking Kerensky's government on this issue, accusing him of treason. Now that he is gradually taking back these sovereignty issues, those people will have less to say.

The State Duma quickly received a document titled "Notification on the Complete Nationalization of Enterprises Overseas in Russia." The State Duma was more like a democratic figurehead in Russia, having never had much power. Moreover, with Savinkov's rise to power, Kerensky was very wary of the State Duma, especially since the People's Republican Party's seats were almost equal to those of the Socialist Revolutionary Party.