German Red Prince

The Black Army was formed entirely because of Makhno's prestige. If any other prominent figure were to emerge later, the Black Army could very well become a band of thugs.

Makhno invited the Bolsheviks because he valued their organizational skills, hoping to learn from their experience and completely transform the Black Army.

That way, even if Makhno were gone one day, the Black Army could continue to move forward under the leadership of anarchism.

Everyone can be like Makhno, that's his ideal, but it's uncertain whether this ideal can be realized, because the Kingdom of Ukraine is about to take action.

Regardless of whether it's a black flag or a red flag, the reactionary government has already assembled its army, and retaliation has begun.

Chapter 123 Trade Agreements

"The Guangdong Revolutionary Government, a great victory for the Chinese people, a shining star of communism, and the flame of revolution in East Asia."

These are all words of praise for East Asia, the pioneers who resisted colonial rule and fought for national independence. But what price must be paid for this seemingly glorious title?

The Guangdong revolutionary government's economic development was severely restricted, and the number of countries that traded with them was very limited. Apart from a few socialist countries in Europe that could provide some assistance, the attitudes of other countries were pretty much the same.

Germany imposed many trade restrictions on the Guangdong Revolutionary Government. If even Germany, the world's strongest power, did this, then other countries would not dare to do business with them.

In short, countries around the world keep their distance from revolutionary governments. Japan also imposed restrictions on revolutionary governments because of the Shanghai issue, and the current economy is not as good as it was when the eight provinces were united.

When the eight provinces united, at least Sun Chuanfang had the Germans behind him. They gave the Germans the green light, and the Germans set up quite a few factories in the eight provinces.

The industrial technology of these factories could also drive domestic industrial development. Germany supported the Qing Empire and the Eight Provinces Alliance in order to check and balance each other.

Because the Qing Dynasty in the north had to be wary of the Fengtian government, its industrial base was relatively strong, comparable to that of the other eight provinces, which shows the level of industrial development of the eight provinces at that time.

At its peak, the eight provinces could independently produce the highest-level warships in East Asia, second only to Japan, and had numerous related orders.

A comparison reveals the difference: the current revolutionary government can only build small cargo ships; warships are out of the question.

These industries were almost destroyed overnight. Wherever the Northern Expedition went, local factories were severely damaged. Sun Chuanfang ordered that no factories be left for the revolutionary army.

Apart from the factories in Guangdong, the base of the revolutionary government, and Fujian, which were peacefully liberated, which were largely undamaged, factories in other areas were burned and destroyed whenever the Eight-Province Allied Army was defeated.

When the revolutionary army victoriously went to take over, all they received was a pile of scrap metal; often, when they arrived, they could only see factories already burning.

In the end, even after Sun Chuanfang died, the revolutionary government didn't recover much of the savings. The factories run by foreigners initially refused to negotiate with the revolutionary army because of their status, but after the forced confiscation, they couldn't sit still and all moved away.

The revolutionary army could only grope its way out from the ruins, but its starting point was much lower than before, and the revolutionary government had virtually no allies in the international arena.

The deteriorating industry meant that the revolutionary government relied heavily on rural areas for its economy, but the cost of relying on rural areas to drive the government's economy was enormous.

Although the current revolutionary government has carried out large-scale reforms in the countryside and the land revolution has mobilized the enthusiasm of the peasants, every gun produced is equivalent to taking a mouthful of food from the peasants' mouths.

If this situation continues, the revolutionary government's economy will collapse sooner or later. China is not yet unified, and there is pressure both domestically and internationally. It is necessary to maintain a high level of armed force.

Without a strong military, the stability of the regime cannot be guaranteed, but this military burden puts enormous pressure on the finances. Farmers alone cannot support the population, so industry must be developed.

The revolutionary government did try to find investors, but no one was willing to do business with them. Due to pressure from Germany, almost no one was willing to come. Other countries also realized that they wouldn't make much money here, so they turned to invest elsewhere. Anyway, there was plenty of space in East Asia, so they didn't need to do business with just one more company.

Therefore, when Thorne arrived at the revolutionary government as a member of the royal family of the Kingdom of the Rhine, he was immediately taken seriously. He was a guest from Germany, and a guest from the German royal family.

They all knew that the three kingdoms of Germany handled their own internal affairs, so if the Kingdom of the Rhine wanted to invest, the German government could not impose any restrictions.

If this is a breakthrough, the gains from it could be unimaginable, and the revolutionary government could very well use this opportunity to turn the tide.

This meeting was extremely important, which is why Chairman Mao came to receive Thorne, hoping to find a breakthrough here.

"Hello, Your Highness Thorne, I didn't expect you to be so young."

When Chairman Mao saw Thorne enter, he stood up and went to greet him.

"Hello, Chairman Mao,"

Thorne answered in fluent Mandarin, which surprised the translator who was waiting on the side.

"I didn't expect Your Highness to speak such good Chinese. On behalf of the Guangdong National Government, I welcome you."

"Thank you, Chairman Mao." Thorne sat down to the side. "Let's discuss the cooperation next."

Thorne didn't beat around the bush and went straight to the point.

"Then what do you mean, Your Highness?"

"South China has abundant resources. Apart from coal and iron, our Kingdom of the Rhine relies on imports for many other resources."

"So I was thinking about whether we could cooperate with you. I hope to reach a mineral transaction agreement with the Guangdong government, and we will also set up some factories here. I know that you have always wanted to improve your industrial level, and this is my sincerity."

"So how exactly do you want to conduct the transaction?" Chairman Mao asked the young man.

"How exactly do you want to accept the deal?" Thorne stroked his chin.

"I hope that some of the ore trade can be replaced by industrial products and technology. I will invest in setting up factories in South China. Aren't you also trying to improve your industrial strength?"

“We can provide you with some industrial products and technology in lieu of the money we would otherwise have to pay you. This way, our products will have a market, and you will also receive technological upgrades. It’s a win-win situation. What do you think, Chairman Mao?”

"Do you have any other requests?"

The current conditions are excellent, and I can respond immediately, but I don't know if there are any additional conditions.

The terms offered by the other party are too good to be true. I wonder if there are any hidden traps. Generally, when doing business with foreigners, they will definitely try to cheat us. It's unlikely to be this smooth. If the other party has any other additional conditions, then we need to think about it carefully.

"There are no other requirements. Just follow the local rules. The Kingdom of Rhine treats every friend fairly. This is just a general overview. Later, someone will have a detailed discussion with your government officials."

Thorne took out the rough plan he had written before coming and handed it to his attendant. "They will explain the details of what to do next. What do you think?"

"Of course, if everything goes well, I think our cooperation will be very pleasant."

The two sides shook hands, concluding the negotiations. Now it's up to the professionals to handle this.

"Your Highness Thorne, why did you choose to make a deal with us?"

Chairman Mao asked the question that had been on his mind: there were many trading partners, and they were Germany, so there were even more options. Why did Thorne choose them?

"The resources and minerals of South China are our primary condition for choosing to cooperate, and of course, there are also some personal reasons involved."

"The regime in southern China is striving for the liberation of a nation, much like the Kingdom of the Rhine in the past. It was through the efforts of Charlemagne and the people of the Rhine that the kingdom was established. China is also striving for its own liberation. You are very similar to the Rhine in the past."

"Moreover, I always feel a sense of familiarity when I come here, which is why I chose to cooperate with you."

"Oh? Is that so?" Chairman Mao smiled. "You are very welcome. If you can continue to be friendly to China, the door here will always be open for you."

"Haha, of course, I can't wait to become an old friend of the Chinese people."

"An old friend of the Chinese people?" Chairman Mao was taken aback for a moment, then laughed. "Of course, it's not too late now. You will become an old friend of the Chinese people sooner or later."

"I wish you a speedy liberation, and don't forget to invite me to come and visit when that time comes!"

"Of course," Chairman Mao readily agreed. "China will definitely welcome international friends from all over the world at that time."

Since a trade agreement cannot be concluded in a day, and Thorne also needs to coordinate with the kingdom, he decided to stay for a few days.

Thorne hopes that this agreement can help impoverished China move towards unification and prosperity as soon as possible, or at least take a step forward.

Chapter 124 Discussion on Several Historical Issues

The transformation of the Guangdong Revolutionary Government into the Guangdong National Government was not merely a change in name, but a fundamental shift in its very essence.

From revolution to citizenry, the Guangzhou government is no longer the temporary military government it once was, but a normal government organization that can operate and develop sustainably.

However, change cannot be accomplished by changing a word or two, or by issuing a document or two; it requires a long development process and several cycles of adaptation.

The current Nationalist government is not dominated by the Kuomintang alone, but is governed jointly by the Kuomintang and the Communist Party. Because the two sides are fundamentally different, there will inevitably be a rejection reaction at the beginning. The most important task at present is to quickly resolve this rejection reaction and achieve the most efficient integration.

The cause of China's liberation is arduous and long-term. Before confronting the enemy, we must not lose our composure. We must ensure internal stability so that the Nationalist government can shoulder this mission. Therefore, self-criticism and self-reflection are of utmost importance.

It was the 1920s. According to normal historical records, the cooperation between the Kuomintang and the Communist Party had broken down, and China should have then launched the Nanchang Uprising and established its own base areas. However, the situation here was clearly different.

In an effort to win over talent and popular support, the eight provinces feigned cooperation with Sun Yat-sen. Although it was obvious to everyone that Sun Chuanfang was just pretending, Sun Yat-sen still seized the opportunity to establish the Guangzhou Revolutionary Government.

Because Sun Chuanfang had said it was a collaboration, the Kuomintang was not restricted when it developed in the eight provinces, and it took root and sprouted everywhere, giving people the illusion that "change" was coming.

Sun Chuanfang used Sun Yat-sen's name to gain reputation and prestige in order to secure the legitimacy of the legitimate government of China, while Sun Yat-sen used his "legitimacy" within the eight provinces to expand the influence of the Kuomintang. This situation continued until Sun Yat-sen's death.

Before Sun Yat-sen passed away, the Kuomintang (KMT) began to make contact with the Communist Party within the revolutionary government, and later they cooperated. Although the KMT was established earlier than the Communist Party and appeared to be larger in scale, it was just an empty shell and there were still many areas that were not perfected.

Although the Communist Party was well-organized, it was too weak at the time. Surrounded by powerful enemies, it needed to find a partner to cooperate with. At that time, the Kuomintang was struggling to find external assistance. In order to win the support of the Comintern, they decided to cooperate with the Communist Party to gain the favor of France.

The power of cooperation between the Kuomintang and the Communist Party became apparent after Sun Yat-sen's death. Initially, the revolutionary government had little confidence in Sun Chuanfang's betrayal. Sun Chuanfang had troops from seven provinces under his command and was backed by the Germans, making the revolutionary government's chances of success slim.

In a very short period of time, Sun Chuanfang destroyed the party branches and revolutionary organizations established by the revolutionary government in several provinces. These actions dealt a heavy blow to the revolutionary government in the early stages, and also caused them to make a series of misjudgments about the enemy's strength, which is why they hesitated at the beginning of the event.

Guangzhou remained silent from the beginning of Sun Chuanfang's betrayal until the Eight-Province Allied Army began to indiscriminately massacre progressives. They still held hope for them, believing that it might just be a "misunderstanding" and that there was still a possibility of reconciliation.

If it weren't for France's intervention, they would probably have either gone to the mountains to wage guerrilla warfare or fled overseas after the compromise. The revolutionary army was emboldened, and the shortcomings of the revolutionary government quickly became apparent after Sun Yat-sen's death.

The revolutionary government exhibited extreme weakness and was very immature. It dared not fight on its own because, starting with Sun Yat-sen, it relied most on foreign investment. Although the revolutionary government gained support by shouting the slogan of liberating the Chinese people, its strongest backing was not actually the people.

Before France, Sun Yat-sen mainly relied on the power of Japan and the United States for development. This dependence also led to the revolutionary government not truly growing. They always placed their hopes for revolution on foreigners, hoping to achieve national liberation by relying on the power of others.

The fact that the Kuomintang did not try to win over its own people shows that it did not actually trust that the Chinese people at that time were capable of liberating themselves. They did not believe that China could achieve independence on its own.

These people believe that if the Chinese people truly had this awareness, then the Kuomintang wouldn't have needed to fight, and China would have been liberated long ago.

The elite mindset within the Kuomintang led them astray; almost all of the Kuomintang's top leaders were men who had studied abroad.

According to some Communist Party rhetoric, they were like people who carried out revolutions while wearing leather shoes, educating people while remaining unapproachable, and still maintaining a distance from the people.

Most of them, after witnessing the gap between foreign countries and China, fell into deep reflection. They believed that the reason China was so poor and weak was because its system and ideology were inferior to others. In other words, China could not achieve redemption through its own efforts. They also believed that most people in China today are opportunistic and not trustworthy.

In fact, France's involvement was not significant in the entire Northern Expedition of the Revolutionary Army. The International Brigades and overseas aid could not influence the entire Northern Expedition. The war to overthrow Sun Chuanfang's reactionary rule was won with the support of the people.

Ultimately, it's a matter of mindset. They overestimated the strength of their enemy and relied on foreign aid as a source of reassurance, excessively underestimating and denying their own capabilities.

As long as this viewpoint persists, the Nationalist government will not be able to achieve complete stability, because the war was almost one-sided, and the revolutionary army had almost never suffered a defeat before, which is why this sentiment has not spread.

The current North-South standoff suggests that if it continues for a long time with only minor conflicts, many people will become impatient, and defeatism is likely to make a comeback.

At that time, the most likely scenario is that there will be a chorus of voices within the government advocating for peace between the North and the South, attempting to maintain a precarious position and trying every means to preserve their "half of the country".

Such thinking is extremely dangerous and must be nipped in the bud; otherwise, the consequences will be unimaginable. The mess from before also needs to be cleaned up. Don't think that you can relax just because you've preserved a small regime and start engaging in speculation and profiteering while considering yourself a revolutionary hero.

If you're too comfortable for too long, your bones will soften, your ears will become weak, you won't be able to stand up, and you won't listen to good advice. No matter how much you guard against a thief within your own ranks, it's hard to guard against one from within. The strongest fortress is often breached from the inside.

Indeed, we should blush and sweat. Revolutionaries need to constantly revolutionize themselves and have a gun pointed at their heads so that they don't end up becoming dragons themselves.

In order to change mindsets as quickly as possible and consolidate internal power, the Nationalist government convened a meeting of senior officials to analyze and summarize several current issues.

Xu Chongzhi also attended the meeting, but he seemed to only make a brief appearance. After the Guangzhou Incident, he had always appeared disheartened. After becoming the first chairman of the National Government, he did not show much enthusiasm. Perhaps because he was a centrist, he rarely put forward specific policies and proposals, and as chairman, he rarely interfered with the resolutions of his subordinates.

After taking office, he remained largely invisible, only playing a role in maintaining the overall situation and direction. There were also many rumors circulating among the public that the Kuomintang (KMT) was no longer acceptable to the people after that incident, and internal divisions made the KMT increasingly weak.

It was only after realizing this that he acted so calmly after taking office, because his efforts were no longer enough to save the Kuomintang.

Although he was a veteran of the Kuomintang, he had never been valued and had no power of his own. He was not respected within the Kuomintang and even if he wanted to take charge, no one would listen to him. His prestige was not as high as that of a few members of the Central Executive Committee.

"The National Government must engage in constant self-criticism and self-reflection in order to ensure that the revolution can continue for a long time." Chairman Mao began his report at the meeting. The purpose of this meeting of senior cadres of the National Government was to eradicate capitulationism and "foreign worship" within the government.

“We have serious internal problems, and our thinking has serious problems.” Chairman Mao continued in his report, “Some comrades believe that without foreign help, we cannot complete the Chinese revolution by relying solely on ourselves. This is a very wrong idea, a kind of laziness and irresponsibility, and an excuse for ourselves.”

"With this kind of thinking, we will have a thousand and one reasons to push the final problem to this and that. With this, we can shift all the consequences to others and then say that China's weapons are not advanced enough and that the Chinese people have not awakened yet, using this sentence to shirk all responsibility."

"This is surrenderism, this is spinelessness! Don't attribute the problem to the fact that China's weapons are not advanced or strong enough. If they are not advanced enough, we can build them slowly, we can figure it out ourselves. Our cannons are made of iron and steel. Others have advanced weapons, but are their cannons made of gold or silver?"

"The fact that the Chinese people have not yet awakened is not an excuse! If the Chinese people were all awakened, what would be the point of us? If they were all awakened, what right would we have to educate them? The Chinese people have not yet fully awakened, so we will call them to awaken. Letting them awaken is our duty, not an excuse to shirk responsibility."

"They talk big, spout theories all the time, and just mention a few foreign names as if they're some kind of revolutionary or an advanced intellectual. After drinking a few pounds of foreign ink, they start looking down on the Chinese people and solemnly criticizing their inherent weaknesses, as if we're always inferior."

"Is this condescending attitude like carrying out a revolution? Just because foreign theories are not suitable for China, it means that Chinese people are no good. If you give a foreigner a pair of chopsticks, do you think he will immediately know how to use them?"

"Blindly applying foreign theories is a form of dogmatism. Our comrades must learn to be flexible and observant, localize these theories, put them into practice, and transform them into a path suitable for us."

"Why did we start the revolution? Wasn't it to awaken the Chinese people? If the Chinese people haven't awakened, shouldn't we reflect on why? The same material can be refined into fine steel by some and into scrap iron by others. Can the same material be of good or bad quality? Shouldn't we think about what went wrong in our work?"

"We are making a revolution in our own country. Can we just fight whenever we have guns and leave whenever we don't, saying that our advanced ideas are not suitable for China? Don't think of yourselves as outsiders. We must participate actively."

"My impression of some government officials is that the Chinese revolution has nothing to do with them. These people are like someone who keeps giving advice while playing chess. If they win, they say it's all their credit, and if they lose, they blame others for not doing it right. This is a very opportunistic behavior."

"Revolution is not speculation!"

Chairman Mao's words were very sharp, making some people present very uneasy. Although these people held positions in the government, they did not take the revolution seriously at all. Most of them thought that if they succeeded, they would become heroes of the revolution; if they failed, it didn't matter, since China's affairs were none of their business. These "elites" had no shortage of places to "show their talents."

"We must correct our attitude in order to succeed. We must not always think about relying on others. We must liberate the people. How can we liberate the people if we do not believe in them? We must reform our thinking and our learning. We must not put ourselves on a pedestal like an untouchable saint."

"We need to communicate more with the people, listen to their opinions, and listen to their criticisms. Let them feel ashamed and sweat. Does it mean there are no problems if we don't let the masses voice their opinions? We are not Sun Chuanfang's reactionary government. We are the people's government, the government of the nation. We shouldn't sit in the office every day. We should go out and walk around more."

These questions arose from Chairman Mao's personal investigations. From Hunan to Guangdong, he never forgot the principle that practice makes perfect. Without the right to investigate, there is no right to speak. The reason he achieved such great results in Hunan was because he went to conduct on-site investigations of the local peasant movement.

Upon arriving in Guangzhou, he discovered that the current government was essentially in a state of "doing nothing" for a long time, or rather, this situation had begun during the period of confrontation on the Yangtze River.

Many people adopt a "live for today" attitude, while others have lost their revolutionary spirit, ignoring the masses and only thinking about how to make themselves comfortable.

The purpose of his report at the meeting was to make these people sweat, otherwise, if things continued like this, the revolutionary government would destroy itself.