African Entrepreneurship Records 2

Chapter 1378 Bullying the weak and fearing the strong
The Russian Labor Party was indeed not very friendly to certain groups of people, not just the rich, capitalists, and feudal cancers, such as monarchs, nobles, slave owners, serf owners, or even the petty bourgeoisie, small vendors and farmers.

The only difference is that the peasants, who made up the majority of Russia under former Russian rule, did not quite understand the attitude of the Russian Labor Party towards them due to their limited knowledge and experience.

In fact, the Russian Labor Party still has a good attitude towards the lower-class peasants. Although objectively they are still treated like slaves, at least they are not like the Russian nobles and landlords who do not even provide them with channels for upward mobility.

The so-called upward channels are actually changes in identity and occupation, such as a farmer becoming a soldier or a worker. Although it is also not easy, it is much better than the imperial era. After all, the Russian Labor Party has raised the urbanization level to more than 60% in the previous life, and most farmers have become real workers.

Russia is a country that, regardless of its system, is very concerned about war, so it has a large number of troops.

While the Russian Labor Party greatly improved the status of workers, it also made every effort to promote the industrialization process, which in turn improved the status of the majority of the people in the country.

So theoretically, as long as the Russian Labor Party raised the level of industrialization to the same level as the United States and other countries in the 21st century, it would be equivalent to completing Russia's transformation with the majority of the country's people. Unfortunately, the Soviet Union collapsed before the 21st century. All the previous merits and demerits, all the efforts of several generations were invalidated, and the only legacy left might be the elimination of the Tsar.

Of course, all this did not affect Opishnia's attitude towards the Russian Labor Party. He still had some culture and insight, but the group he belonged to was not the main force that could change the course of Russian history.

The main forces that changed the course of Russian history in this era were either workers or capitalists, and small vendors like Opishnya and the petty bourgeoisie were the type who could not please either side.

This characteristic of Russia is different from the national conditions of the Far Eastern Empire. After all, Russia had accumulated a strong industrial heritage during the Tsarist era, and workers had become a force that could lead national development. Compared with Russia, the Far Eastern Empire was a completely agricultural society, so the Labor Party of the Far Eastern Empire could only unite the peasants to complete the development of the historical process.

……

The anti-labor group in Sicheslav made a fortune in the new round of campaigns. By extorting small traders, everyone's pockets were filled again.

As for actually arresting the Labor Party, this may be very important to the superiors, but for the grassroots personnel of the anti-Labor group, most of the Labor Party members are extremely poor. Catching them is time-consuming and laborious, and not only will there be no profit, but there may also be danger to their lives. Only honest people will really do as Leonid ordered.

Outside the Opishnya Tavern, Dejka talked to his subordinate Sirodine: "See, cousin, I told you a long time ago that if you follow me, you can eat delicious food and drink spicy drinks every day. As long as you put on this leather, someone will obediently give us money."

"Although each amount is not much, but when accumulated, it adds up to a lot. At the end of the day, it is several times more than what you can earn working in a factory. I can't say I'll become extremely rich, but at least I can make a living."

Sirodine looked at his cousin in admiration and said, "Cousin, you are really awesome. You are the most impressive person on this street. If I had known the situation earlier, I would have joined you a long time ago."

As he spoke, he was counting today's harvest. Under the leadership of Deyka, his dividend today was as high as five rubles and thirteen kopecks. What a concept! Some poor workers might only earn this much after working hard for a month.

If you can reach this level every day, then at the end of the month your income will be almost the same as that of some senior technicians, low-level managers, and middle school teachers.

Today's harvest is enough for Sirodine to rent a nice house in Sicheslav, or buy a decent suit.

To Sirodine, a young man from the countryside, this was no different from robbing money.

His cousin Jayka earns more. If his salary is added in, even the small supervisors of some important companies and units do not earn as much as Jayka. Although Jayka's income is not clean, don't the small supervisors of those companies and units withhold the salaries of their subordinates and workers?
Jayka said to his cousin, "The good days are still to come! Take advantage of the present and make as much money as you can. The quicker you act, the better. Everyone does this anyway."

After hearing what his cousin said, Sirojine couldn't help but said, "Then cousin, why don't we continue to work overtime today?"

Sirodine's so-called overtime work was naturally to continue to make extra money, and Jieka said: "Of course, now is a period of martial law, it is the best time to make money, and with the delegation of power from above, we don't have to be as restrained as usual. Today we will collect one more street."

So the two brothers hurriedly started the second half of their work, and they worked until eight o'clock in the evening, when there were basically no businesses left on the street.

In the early 20th century, although Sicheslav was considered a big city in Ukraine, it was obviously much more backward than other countries, so the nightlife was not rich.

After seven o'clock, most shops are closed, and this is in the summer. If it is winter, the closing time will be even earlier.

After all, Ukraine's electricity penetration rate is far lower than that of powerful countries such as Britain and France, and is far less than that of power powers such as Germany, the United States and East Africa.

So imagine that on a snowy and dark winter night, except for a few high-end consumer places, most shops can only choose to close.

In addition to these objective restrictions, public security in Ukraine is also a big problem, especially in Ukraine, which has just ended its war.

So even if lighting were to become universal like in cities in the United States and East Africa, no ordinary person would dare to wander around in the cold streets at night.

As for the places that are open at night, it is obvious that they are not something that small people like Jieka and Sirodine can covet. They are either high-end consumption places or casinos run by real criminal forces.

The former is related to the powerful people in Sicheslav, and the latter is not someone Dejka and Sirodine dare to provoke, otherwise they might be found dead on the streets the next day.

In short, Jejka's motto for survival in Sicheslav is to bully the weak and fear the strong.

According to the principle of bullying the weak and fearing the strong, the Labour Party organizations that dare to fight and confront the government are obviously among them. So if Jacka really encounters the Labour Party, he will most likely pretend not to see it and choose to run away.

There are many people with the same mentality as Dejka in the Ukrainian government, so it is almost impossible for the city of Sicheslav to catch the Labor Party in one fell swoop.

So, while the anti-labor group in Sicheslav was "actively" working, the Ukrainian Labor Party and the Russian Labor Party were also actively planning a new round of movement in Sicheslav.

In a residential building in the city of Sicheslav, Russian special envoy Malenkov was giving a detailed introduction to the current situation to everyone.

"In recent days, the army in Yekaterinoslav has been undergoing a major mobilization. According to reliable information, the 47th Division will cross the Dnieper River to the Donbass region." "Through observations over the past few days, Ukraine's pseudo-47th Division is indeed packing up its luggage and supplies. Just yesterday, its division headquarters also followed the army to the Donbass direction."

The current border between Ukraine and Russia is near Donbas. According to the treaty signed between the Russian Labor Party and the Allies, this border was divided according to the actual control areas of both sides at that time.

"Luckily, our 37th Division, which had the most infiltration, continued to stay in the area. In recent days, we have recruited several important military personnel, including a battalion commander and several company commanders from the 37th Division. This has increased the number of troops we can mobilize to nearly 4,000."

"Although the total number of the 37th Division is announced to be more than 14,000, in fact there are only more than 12,000. This means that the number of troops still loyal to the Ukrainian puppet military government is about 8,000."

"The ratio of our strength to the enemy has reached two to one, which further reduces the difficulty of our uprising. As long as we can make good use of the troops we can influence and cooperate with the workers of Yekaterinoslav, we can seize control of Yekaterinoslav in one fell swoop."

"As long as we control Yekaterinoslav, we can cut off the important transportation routes and logistical supply lines of the Ukrainian puppet army, and cooperate with the Russian Red Army to deal a fatal blow to the Ukrainian puppet army on the east bank of the Dnieper River."

"After all, Yekaterinoslav is an important city along the Dnieper River. Controlling this place can not only cut off the puppet army's roads and railways, but also cut the Dnieper River in half, making it temporarily impossible to take care of the transportation lines north and south of the river."

"As a result, the transportation of food, supplies and weapons for the Ukrainian puppet troops in the upper reaches of the Dnieper River will also be affected."

"It can be said that the city of Yekaterinoslav has now become a key node in the overall war, so we must think about and deploy the next tasks in detail and seriously to open a channel for the motherland to move eastward and liberate the Ukrainian people."

Under the dim light, Malenkov excitedly expressed his ideas to the members of the Labor Party in Yekaterinoslav.

The representative of the Ukrainian Labor Party, Tomadevka, said with a bright look in his eyes: "Comrade Malenkov, what should we do next? We will listen to you."

After a period of contact and cooperation, the Ukrainian Labor Party has become full of admiration for the elite troops sent by Russia, such as Malenkov.

In just less than a dozen days, Malenkov and others brought about a drastic change in the enemy and friendly situation in Yekaterinoslav, which the Ukrainian puppet government called the city of Sicheslav.

In a very short period of time, they won the support of many officers and soldiers in the army. In the factories and railway systems, Malenkov and others relied on their rich experience, skillful organization and training of the workers' struggle experience and ability.

This so-called struggle experience can be said to be semi-militarized, because Malenkov needs workers to have certain military capabilities to prevent accidents from happening in the military.

The resourceful Malenkov and others had obtained hundreds of real guns through unknown means. With these weapons, they could organize workers to occupy police stations and arsenals as soon as the uprising started.

After all, the police station is also equipped with weapons, not to mention the arsenal. As long as it succeeds, they can further arm a group of workers and form a temporary army formed by workers to cooperate with the rebellious army to achieve the occupation of the entire Yekaterinoslav.

The city of Sicheslav has a large arsenal built by Ukraine. After all, it is an important transit hub for the Ukrainian army. It can not only transport weapons and ammunition to the Ukrainian puppet army in the east via railways and highways, but also take care of the Ukrainian army in the north and south through the Dnieper River.

Moreover, there is not just one arsenal in the city of Sicheslav, but two large arsenals. As long as they can capture one of them, the chances of winning for Malenkov and others will be further increased.

Malenkov said: "The real enemy we have to deal with is actually the more than 8,000 puppet troops who have not been turned over. As long as we can get rid of them, the puppet military government of Yekaterinoslav will be completely powerless to save the situation."

"So my plan is to first organize the workers to seize the arsenal in the city, suppress the police station and other agencies, and then attract the top leaders of the 37th Division to send troops to suppress it. At this time, we will let our people in the 37th Division take advantage of the situation from behind, completely disrupt the deployment of the 37th Division, and then fish in troubled waters."

"It would be best if we could control the 37th Division Headquarters, so we will also select a group of death squads and have them take advantage of the chaos to directly raid the 37th Division Headquarters outside the city."

Following this step, Malenkov's strategy achieved a three-pronged approach, greatly improving the feasibility of the plan.

Malenkov said: "In fact, according to our rich experience in Russia, once we can differentiate a force belonging to us within the army, we can quickly achieve the goal of seizing military power by using this force to coerce other members of the army."

"Now, we not only have influence in the military, but also have made more cautious deployments, so the possibility of success is very high."

"However, before that, we still need to wait for one last chance, which is the movement of the border. Once the motherland and the Ukrainian puppet army go to war on the border, our plan can be implemented immediately."

"That is to say, the time from now until the outbreak of war is uncertain, so we need to be more cautious."

"On the one hand, we must continue to win over the army, and on the other hand, we must ensure that our plan will not be leaked. Once the Ukrainian pseudo-military government finds out in advance, even if we seize Yekaterinoslav, the effect will be greatly reduced."

If the news of Yekaterinoslav was exposed in advance, and the Russian Red Army and the Ukrainian puppet army had not yet started fighting, the Ukrainian puppet government might have mobilized troops from the surrounding areas to eliminate this unstable factor in advance.

According to Malenkov's idea, the timing of Yekaterinoslav's uprising should be synchronized with the time of the border fighting. In this way, not only would the Sicheslav government be caught off guard, but the morale of the Ukrainian puppet army on the eastern front would also be greatly disrupted.

After all, if an enemy suddenly appears behind them, how can the front-line troops fight against the Russian Red Army with peace of mind? This is exactly what Malenkov wants to see, which also means that it can help the Russian Red Army increase the success rate of breaking through the Donbass defense line built by the puppet army.

In this way, the Workers' Organization can maximize the effectiveness of the Yekaterinoslav movement. Otherwise, if an unexpected event occurs, Malenkov and others will have no choice but to launch the rebellion. Although it can also play a positive role on the front battlefield, Malenkov will not be willing to do so.

So Malenkov then emphasized the importance of confidentiality to the Labor Party organization in Sicheslav.

In this way, the subsequent activities of the Labor Party organization in Sicheslav became more rigorous and cautious, quietly waiting for the arrival of the final opportunity.

(End of this chapter)