The War Court and Lap Pillow, Austria's Mandate of Heaven
Chapter 1609 Have to be on guard
Chapter 1609 Have to be on guard
Invading the Ottoman Empire?
Franz would certainly not choose that path. At this time, what the Austrian Empire needed most was development. In agriculture, industry, colonies, military industry, culture, transportation, finance, and other aspects, the Austrian Empire still had a lot of potential to tap, and it was not yet time to resort to military expansion.
Furthermore, even if it involved military expansion, why didn't Franz attack the weaker countries in Africa and Latin America? Why did he insist on fighting to the death against great powers like Britain and France?
The Eastern Aegean Sea and Cyprus do not have many resources that can be directly utilized, and their so-called strategic value is also very limited, since the Austrian Empire had little interest in the Eastern Aegean Sea.
The only valuable island was Cyprus, but even that was of little use to the Austrian Empire, which already controlled Crete.
Taking Cyprus would not only offend Britain, but also require sending troops to defend it.
Franz had a limited understanding of naval warfare, but he was well aware that the worst thing a naval battle has ever been to split up forces.
The reason why the Austrian Empire was able to achieve successive naval victories was largely because the narrow coastline of the Austrian Empire limited the upper limit of the Austrian navy, while also making the Austrian navy difficult to truly defeat.
The Austrian Imperial Navy was able to concentrate its forces to engage in decisive battles with British squadrons on every occasion, and often even gained a numerical advantage in local wars.
Conversely, although the British Navy was powerful, it could only send a portion of its forces to the Mediterranean battlefield each time, resulting in either being ambushed or overwhelmed by multiple enemies, leaving it constantly on the defensive.
After the Austrian Empire acquired the Eastern Aegean Sea and Cyprus, it was obligated to station troops there regardless of whether they were developed or not, which led to another problem.
The Austrian Empire truly occupied almost all the islands surrounding the Ottoman Empire, so after the war, it was uncertain whether Russia or Austria would be the number one enemy of Britain and the Ottomans.
Strictly speaking, the Eastern Aegean Sea and Cyprus were an exclave of the Austrian Empire, and unlike its colonies in Africa, Franz found it difficult to establish an Austrian majority through unconventional means other than direct immigration.
Even if Franz had solved the above problems, he still wouldn't have been able to stop Russia from continuing to erode the Ottoman legacy.
When Russia acquired the Ottoman legacy, the Austrian Empire, which controlled the eastern Aegean Sea, became the next Ottoman Empire for Russia, and vice versa.
This exclave in the Eastern Aegean Sea would also bring another problem: Greece would completely lose its direction and possibility for expansion.
Such a passive diplomatic situation was certainly not what Franz wanted, but before he could bargain with Russia, Franz would prefer to refuse the war altogether.
Of course, Franz wouldn't directly reject the Tsar's proposal, after all, the Tsar also had his pride. Especially with someone like Nicholas I, rejecting him was more troublesome than rejecting the proposal itself.
"Your Majesty's grand ambitions are truly admirable, but we must be wary of the treacherous forces in the Balkans, Caucasus, Cossacks, and Poland."
Franz wouldn't criticize Russia's economic or political system; those things would be discussed with Nicholas I. He would only address the most pressing problems facing Russia.
The Treaty of Constanta, signed in 1850, granted Russia control of Eastern Bosnia, Southern Serbia, Bulgaria, Dobroga, and the region east of the Vardar River.
This was indeed a huge victory for Russia, but behind this huge victory lay enormous hidden dangers.
This is the Balkans, a place brimming with gunpowder. Russia's relentless hardline policies should have suppressed the local rebellion within a few years, or at least sent it underground.
Unfortunately, even though Russia's troop presence in the Balkans had exceeded 250,000 at this time, rebellions continued to erupt, as the Russians could not possibly search every mountain and every corner.
Often, guerrilla warfare and counter-guerrilla warfare come down to a battle of wills in the end. Generally speaking, the side that can withstand greater casualties and losses will be the one to achieve final victory.
The Russian hardline policies did indeed greatly weaken the power of the various ethnic groups in the Balkans, but they strengthened their confidence, especially among the persecuted ordinary people. Their support was the key to the Balkan resistance's continued resurgence.
Of course, willpower alone is far from enough; the support from Britain and the Ottoman Empire was also key to the Russians' predicament.
St. Petersburg.
Nicholas I put down the letter, feeling helpless. He understood the problem Franz was pointing out, but Russia had already deployed more than a third of its troops in the Balkans.
Nicholas I couldn't think of a solution to the Balkan problem. "Am I supposed to send another 100,000 men to the Balkans?"
The Russian ministers around him shook their heads. Leaving aside whether sending another 100,000 men would be of any help, the supply issue alone would give Russia a major headache.
The terrain in the Balkans is too complex, and the mission was to eliminate rebels in the mountains, so the local transportation simply couldn't support such a large-scale army.
The 300,000-plus troops will likely die of starvation and disease more than they will die in battle. If the Balkan rebels were to attack the army's supply lines, it would be a disaster.
"Your Majesty, we have already sent enough people. We still have many territories to govern, and our military strength is already stretched thin."
The elderly War Minister Alexander Chernyshov said that as a veteran of three reigns, his words carried absolute weight.
In fact, Alexander Chernyshov was always a fanatical Pan-Slavist. During the anti-French war, he was imprisoned by Alexander I for spreading Pan-Slavism, which shows the extent of his fanaticism.
After Nicholas I came to power, Alexander Chernyshov supported him in his efforts to strengthen the army and expand the territory, but the ongoing rebellions in the Balkans left him bewildered.
The entire Balkans is like a bottomless pit; no matter how many people are poured in, it's all in vain.
However, Nicholas I became more enthusiastic.
"You say we don't have enough troops? Then expand the army to 800,000!"
"His Majesty."
Before Alexander Chernyshov could finish speaking, Nicholas I continued.
"If 800,000 isn't enough, then 900,000! If 900,000 isn't enough, then 1 million! We Russians have plenty of people!"
"Your Majesty, it's not just a people problem."
"What's the problem?"
Nicholas I asked with some doubt.
"Your Majesty, the national treasury cannot support such a large-scale, protracted war."
"Prime Minister Chernyshev said, and War Minister Alexander Chernyshev nodded in agreement."
“That’s right, Your Majesty. The costs of this war have already exceeded those of any war since you ascended the throne.”
"Money, money, money! Money again! Didn't the fiscal revenue increase?"
Nicholas I was very annoyed.
"Your Majesty, while fiscal revenue has increased in recent years, fiscal expenditure has grown even faster, and our fiscal deficit and debt are gradually increasing."
Prime Minister Chernyshev said that he had no way to deal with it. Trade with Europe, especially with the Austrian Empire, and the development of the Pan-Mediterranean economic zone had indeed improved Russia's economic situation, but it could not withstand the repeated turmoil caused by the Tsar.
Where did all the money go?
"Your Majesty, we have a standing army of 700,000, and with the ongoing wars, our military expenditures already account for 80% of our fiscal expenditures."
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