Chapter 1610 Acting Willfully

Prime Minister Chernyshev's words gave Nicholas I a major headache; in a relatively peaceful period, military spending reaching such a level was indeed excessive.

But the problem is that Russia can't stop itself. It has enemies everywhere, both at home and abroad. Isn't cutting military spending now just courting death?
"So what do you suggest we do now?"

The pro-British faction within Russia immediately saw an opportunity and spoke up.

"Your Majesty, we can establish protectorates in the Balkans and appoint members of the royal family as Grand Protectors to appease the local people. This way, we can save a significant amount of military expenditure."

"You want me to give up Constantinople? You damned coward, get out of here right now!"

Nicholas I's greatest dream at this time was to reclaim Constantinople, so how could he possibly accept such a suggestion?
Nicholas I had always wanted to subdue the enemy through a continuous offensive. In his view, establishing protectorates in the Balkans was giving those rebels a chance to breathe, which was tantamount to protecting the Ottomans.

The pro-British minister was driven out of the palace by the Tsar's guards, and his career was likely over.

The other officials could only look at each other in bewilderment; they did not want to follow in his footsteps, especially at this juncture.

The Tsar clearly did not want to use a policy of appeasement, but the problem was that the war had been going on for several years without any progress. If choosing to support the Tsar to continue fighting still failed, then he himself would probably not escape disaster.

"Your Majesty, we have held out for so long, we cannot give up now! Since supplies cannot support too many troops, we will reinforce them when supplies are sufficient."

What if these tens of thousands of people become the final straw that breaks the camel's back?

As a favorite of Nicholas I, Alexander Menshikov naturally knew what the Tsar wanted, and he did not think Russia would fail, after all, Russia had never failed before.

Nicholas I was very pleased with Prince Alexander Menshikov's words. He had already made up his mind, but he just didn't have a reason for it and wanted someone else to say it to prove that he was right.

"Well said! These are the true Russian warriors. Do you all lose the fighting spirit of us Russians as you get older?"
You should all be ashamed! A man without courage is not fit to be a soldier!

Minister of War Alexander Chernyshov knew it was time for him to retire, but he knew a thing or two about Prince Alexander Menshikov—a pathetic wretch who couldn't even put his mind to anything and only spouted nonsense.

"The Russian army must never be handed over to such people."

Alexander Chernyshov secretly made up his mind. His final choice was Vasily Dolgorukov. Although he also lacked combat experience, he had many years of experience working in the Ministry of War, was very good at administrative coordination, and understood the problems that Russia was facing at this time.

Vasily Dolgorukov's first act upon taking office was to suggest to Nicholas I that a railway be built in the Balkans.

"Vasily Dolgorukov, do you know the cost of building a railway in the Balkans?"

Nicholas I looked at the new Minister of War with some displeasure. He didn't really like the candidate chosen by Alexander Chernyshov, but according to tradition, he still had to respect the advice of the previous Minister of War.

"I know."

Vasily Dolgorukov replied firmly, "So you still intend to waste our precious funds?"

"Your Majesty, please forgive my bluntness, but the Black Sea's transportation and reach are limited. If you only want to attack Constantinople, that's enough, but to pacify the Balkans, you must go deep inland."

Railways are indispensable in today's world. Britain and Austria both rose to prominence because of railways, and Russia, if it wants to dominate the world, must also have its own railways!

Vasily Dolgorukov once traveled to several European countries for research, during which time he became acutely aware of the gap between Russia and European powers in terms of infrastructure.

While a train may not be dozens of times faster than a horse-drawn carriage, it does not need to rest and can maintain a constant speed for extended periods, even traveling at high speeds at night—something a horse-drawn carriage simply cannot match.

Moreover, as an official in charge of military logistics in the Russian War Department, he was well aware of just how bad Russia's logistics were. On his own soil, it was not a joke that a batch of supplies would take half a year to arrive; rather, it was the norm for Russian transport teams.

When a batch of supplies arrives, it is often only one-third of what it was when it set out. Of course, this is partly due to corrupt officials seizing and plundering, but the amount of natural losses is also too significant to ignore.

The root of all this lies in inefficiency, and the Balkans are one of Russia's supply black holes. Vasily Dolgorukov believed that as long as there were railways, Russia's logistical supply problems would be solved.

Nicholas I was deeply moved and immediately commended Vasily Dolgorukov, acknowledging him as Minister of War.

However, Vasily Dolgorukov's railway plan was rejected by Nicholas I, naturally because the last bit of money squeezed from the national treasury was used to send troops to the Balkans.

However, Nicholas I promised Vasily Dolgorukov that once Russia conquered Constantinople, he would build a railway that would run through the entire Russian Empire.
It was entirely within everyone's expectations that the Austrian Empire would not be dragged into the conflict by Russia; even most people within Russia believed that this was not the best time to start a war.

Eighty percent of Russian businessmen were pro-Austrian. Although Franz did not ask them to do anything, they did not want to fight and were trying their best to prevent the war.

The reason is simple: Russian bureaucrats are too corrupt. In the event of war, they will use their power to devour businessmen with no background, leaving them nothing but scraps.

Even businessmen with connections have to bear the immense pressure of malicious competition, which disrupts the original rules and balance of power in the business world.

Those officials in charge of foreign trade will be no better off. They will be controlled by the military and local officials. On the surface, they may have received many benefits, but they will have to give back what they have taken.

Moreover, businessmen and ordinary people rarely hate the military and the government; they only hate the officials directly responsible for trade and taxation.

This is why the pro-Austrian faction within Russia has never been very powerful politically, but that doesn't mean they lack economic power.

After hearing rumors, these people started a frenzy of activity, driving up the prices of many military supplies to the point where they were unavailable.

Ultimately, Russia's logistics and war departments had to postpone Nicholas I's plan to first quell internal troubles.
In fact, between fighting and making peace, there was a third faction within Russia: the younger generation led by Prince Uvalov and Vasily Dolgorukov.

In the eyes of these people, the Balkans were a wasteland not worth paying any more price for, and that Russia's rule there was enough as long as the roads remained open.


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