Go back in time and be a chaebol

Chapter 2515 Shameless Scoundrel

Chapter 2515 Shameless Scoundrel (Third Update, Please Subscribe)
Chang'an

In December, Chang'an is already immersed in the rainy season. The gray clouds hang low. The rainy season here brings a lot of rainfall, but it is mostly sudden rain, so activities are basically not affected.

Inside the European-style building hidden behind the trees in Yongningfang, Su Jinkui's eyes were fixed on the television. The news on the screen was still reporting on the large-scale crossing of the western border by Hanoi troops into Chenla.

"Haha, our chance has come!"

Su Jinkui shouted excitedly:
"In the past, Chang'an was unwilling to get involved with Zhili, but now, Hanoi's invasion will change everything. They will support us! They will definitely support us!"

Su Jin Kui's Mandarin had a strong Fujian accent, and his voice trembled slightly with excitement at the end. Like Lon Nol, he was of Chinese descent. In fact, anyone who paid a little attention would find that those who were powerful and influential in the political arena of Cambodia, regardless of their faction, were almost all Chinese, while the Khmer were mostly spectators.

Whether it was Shan Yucheng, a respected figure in the early days who was respected by both the left and right wings, or Lang Nuo, who launched the coup, or Anka of Chizhen and their high-ranking officials, they were basically... well, all of them of Chinese descent—their grandfathers or fathers were from Guangdong or Fujian provinces.

Su Jinkui was no exception.

Therefore, it is perfectly normal for him to speak Mandarin.

He paced around the table, his back ramrod straight beneath his suit jacket, as if he could already see himself standing once more on the steps of the Presidential Palace in Phnom Penh, ready to address the people once more—he was back!
The Republican government has returned to Kinlian once again, and the people of Zhenla will usher in a new life!

“Those guys were bound to fall sooner or later. Now that Hanoi’s offensive has changed everything, Chang’an has no reason to remain neutral. Whether it’s to stop Hanoi’s expansion or for the regional security of ASEAN, they will inevitably get involved, and we are their only option—to stand with the legitimate government—and with me, the legitimate president!”

Four high-ranking officials of the exiled government were crammed into the living room. Cigarette butts piled up in the crystal ashtray, and the smoke filled the entire room. Some nodded in agreement, but their voices lacked confidence; others clutched the handle of their coffee cups, avoiding the president's overly intense gaze.

They came to Chang'an because they held a glimmer of hope that they could use Chang'an to restore their country. However, the personnel of this government-in-exile were limited, numbering only a few dozen. When Marshal Lon Nol resigned as president and flew to Siam, most of the senior civil servants and military officers of the government decided to stay.

Including Marshal's brother, General Lang Nong, who, unbeknownst to them, had organized a committee to eliminate the enemy before entering Phnom Penh while they were attempting to legally complete the government's surrender transition, ordered the immediate execution of Lang Nong and other key government figures. Lang Nong and others were executed within hours of the surrender in a stadium in Phnom Penh.

“Mr. President.” Interior Minister Jim Lun cleared his throat, breaking the deliberate enthusiasm. He was the only one among them who didn’t smoke, his tie was impeccably tied, but the white hair at his temples was particularly noticeable under the light.

Su Jinkui stopped in his tracks, his brows furrowing slightly.
"explain."

"And what about General Chen?"

Zhan Lun's voice wasn't loud, but it was like ice thrown into boiling oil. He looked up to meet Su Jin Kui's gaze, his speech steady yet clear, "In the past few years, they've provided us with 200 yuan a month, but they've been providing General Chen's 7th Tactical District with over 2 million yuan a month. They've provided General Chen with substantial weapons aid and have even stationed military advisors on the Thai-Cambodian border. Yesterday's news was that General Chen's troops have recaptured three districts in Battambang province and are advancing in Battambang."

The air in the living room froze instantly. Su Jinkui's excitement faded like it had been doused with cold water, leaving only a taut jawline. He walked to the window, his back to everyone, and gazed at the car lights flashing through the rain outside. The moving spots of light shattered into a chaotic mess in his eyes.

“Compared to us,” Zhan Lun didn’t stop; he knew the words were harsh, but he had to say them:
"General Chen commands over 100,000 fully equipped troops, while we only possess the name of a republican government. More importantly—"

He paused, his voice softening slightly, yet carrying even more weight:
"All the people recognized him. When we left Phnom Penh, he didn't leave; he stayed and fought near Preah Vihear Temple in the Padang Hills on the border. He led the remaining members of the 9th Brigade of the National Army to hold out in the area. Although their government had surrendered, after the fall of Phnom Penh, as the last force of the national army, he fiercely defended the position and put up a tenacious resistance. He ultimately held the area and defeated the Chijin. It was his men who protected the civilians. He never left that land, unlike us here discussing 'returning to Phnom Penh'."

"You mean Chang'an will choose him?"

Su Jinkui turned around abruptly, his voice trembling almost imperceptibly, not with anger, but more with panic. He recalled his meeting with the special agent from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, during which the other party had not mentioned "supporting the legitimate government" at all, but instead repeatedly asked, "What is the possibility of General Chen cooperating with the government-in-exile?" At the time, he had deliberately avoided this question, but now, thinking back, it was not an oversight at all.

Zhan Lun nodded silently, and the other high-ranking officials also lowered their heads, none daring to speak. The cigarette butt in the ashtray burned to the bottom, making a soft "sizzle" that was particularly clear in the silence. Su Jin Kui slumped back into his chair, his mind in turmoil.

After a moment of deathly silence, he suddenly raised his head, a light rekindling in his eyes—a light tinged with resentment and obsession. He slammed his hand on the table, causing the liquid in his coffee cup to spill over.

"I am the president!"

"Three years ago, the Marshal himself appointed me as the acting president of the Republican government! The United Nations recognizes my government, and I am the legitimate president of the Zhenla government!"

He stood up and said in a somewhat excited tone:

"The whole world knows that I am the legitimate leader of Zhenla and General Chen's superior! No matter how good he is at fighting, he is just a general! He is also the president of the national army!"

He turned to the crowd, his speech quickening, as if trying to persuade them, but more like trying to persuade himself:

"What Chang'an needs is a government that can connect with the international community, not a warlord who only knows how to fight! What they want are diplomatic channels, cooperation agreements for post-war reconstruction, and political frameworks that conform to Western standards—these are things that only I can provide!"
General Chen was just a general! A general in the national army.

He became increasingly agitated as he spoke, and walked up to Zhan Lun, grabbing his arm:
"I'll go see the chief executive tomorrow and make him understand that I'm their best choice! General Chen... he can be the Minister of National Defense, provided he obeys my orders!"

Zhan Lun looked at the fanatical light in his eyes, opened his mouth, but ultimately swallowed his words.

The rain was still falling outside the window, and the chill seeped in through the glass, landing on the back of Su Jinkui's hand, which was gripping the edge of the table tightly.

What he didn't see was that the exchanged glances among the crowd all conveyed the same message—what Chang'an needed was never the title of "president," but rather the power to control the situation.

Meanwhile, General Sa Sosakang, the Chief of Staff of the National Army, silently smoked a cigarette, watching the somewhat agitated president without saying a word. He remembered how he and his family, along with the relatives of other officials, were evacuated to Kampong Thom province by helicopter years ago, and it was he who ended the existence of the National Army. He still remembered his conversation with Chen Wencai back then.

"This country is hopeless; we are destined to lose it."

How did Chen Wencai, then a major, respond when General Sasosak, looking dejected, said this to him?
"General, perhaps this country has no hope left, but as a soldier, I must defend this land and protect the people here."

That was his answer at the time!
"Okay, I hope you can protect them!"

He did indeed do it, and in many ways, he did it much better than his generals. He not only held the last stronghold, but now he has also rebuilt the national army and launched a counter-offensive.

But what are they discussing now in this office, in this exiled government of the republic?
It's not about how to defeat the enemy, but about how to seize power and profit.

For these officials, nothing seems more important than vying for power and profit.

In the past, they saw no hope and merely lived here under the guise of a government-in-exile, relying on charity from Chang'an to make a living. Now that they see hope of returning to Phnom Penh, what are these people doing?
What they were thinking about was not how to save their country, or how to save their people, but how to ensure that their rights were consolidated.

This is what they did.

All of them, including himself, chose to flee when the country was about to fall.

Only one person chose to stay there. When all the high-ranking officials and generals left, he chose to stay and protect his country and his people.

But now?
Looking at the president and ministers in front of him, General Sasosakorn, the chief of staff, couldn't help but sigh.

Then he stood up, said nothing, and walked straight out of the living room.

Upon seeing this, the president immediately asked.

"General, what are you trying to do?"

General Sasosakorn, without turning his head, said:

"Even now, I keep thinking, if I hadn't left my country back then, and had chosen to continue fighting, would things have been different?"

His voice was low as he spoke, then he shook his head and said softly:
"I know this may not bring about any change, but at least, at least we tried. Instead of living in shame and regret like we do now. What kind of people have we entrusted our country to?"

He then looked at the people in the room, smiled bitterly, and shook his head, as if to say—they had entrusted themselves to the wrong person.

The same applies to the people in this room; they too have entrusted themselves to the wrong people.

Perhaps this is a case of all crows being black.

With that thought in mind, General Sasosak resolutely walked out of the room, making his choice at that moment.

(End of this chapter)

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