Technology invades the modern world

Chapter 135 Professor, what should I do?
On November 20, at the Truman Building in Washington, D.C., a few minutes' drive from the White House, Kennedy held a press conference to announce the successful resolution of the Cuban Missile Crisis.

Over the past month, the Cuban crisis has gone from escalating to spreading and finally ending, with the withdrawal of Soviet troops from Cuba being broadcast live on America TV.

This earned the Kennedy administration tremendous prestige and successfully salvaged its reputation, which had been crumbling after the Bay of Pigs crisis.

At least no one would think that Kennedy was too young to solve complex international problems.

Judging solely from the Cuban Missile Crisis, Kennedy undoubtedly performed exceptionally well.

As for America's demand to remove missiles from Turkey and Italy, if America doesn't say anything, who would know that they had previously deployed missiles in those two locations?

As an aside, during the entire Cold War, the Soviet Union shot down no fewer than four U-2s. They were also fully capable of reverse-engineering the U-2. The reason they didn't was because the Soviet Union had a better option: the MiG-25, which would be available two years later.
The high-resolution camera equipped on the U-2 could not be directly copied by the Soviet Union's optical industry, given its capabilities in resolution and miniaturization.

But the Soviet Union had its own methods to determine whether the Americans had removed the missiles.

"I would say that the events of the past month have been a profound and severe test for all of us. We are living under the shadow of a danger that few generations have experienced."

But in these days, I am proud of the courage and composure of our people, which has enabled us to do what needs to be done while avoiding reckless or rash actions that could drag us all into disaster.

We have won a victory, not a victory over any nation or people, but a victory for the cause of peace and security that we all seek.

This doesn't mean the end of all our problems—both domestic and international. But it does mean we can now address them with greater confidence.

After Kennedy finished speaking, thunderous applause erupted from the audience.

Journalists from all over the world gathered here.

At this time, the White House press office in the traditional sense had not yet been put into use. That specific room was not officially built and put into use until 1969-1970. At that time, the White House press office was just a small work area for press secretaries and reporters to communicate on a daily basis.

It's not suitable for such a large occasion.

At least five hundred reporters were present, along with the television station's live broadcast equipment.

Not to mention the press office, even the East Room, the largest room in the White House, couldn't fit this many people.

"President Kennedy, this is Mike, a reporter from the Washington Post. I would like to ask if the Soviet Union had withdrawn all its offensive weapons?"

"Yes, from the time we reached the agreement until a week ago, the entire process was under the watchful eyes of the people of America, and I am certain that they have removed all offensive weapons!"

"President Kennedy, this is George from The New York Times. Will America continue its aerial reconnaissance mission over Cuba?"

"Of course, we need to ensure that the Soviet Union will not continue to take action against Cuba."

"President Kennedy, there are rumors that the hotline played a significant role in the Cuban Missile Crisis. Is that true?"

"Yes, the White House and the Kremlin first established contact through the hotline, through which we made an initial assessment of each other's bottom lines."

"President Kennedy, there are rumors that Randolph Lin, the White House Special Assistant for Space Affairs, was deeply involved in the handling of the Cuban Missile Crisis. Is this true? If so, is this inappropriate, as it expands Assistant Lin's scope of authority?"

"Lin was involved, and he offered very constructive suggestions that played a crucial role in handling this crisis. I don't think there's anything wrong with that. The White House has a strategic mastermind like Lin; are we going to just leave him unused?"

Lin Ran was not present at the press conference. Despite a strong invitation from the White House, Lin Ran declined the press conference, citing his busy schedule at NASA and the ongoing work at Redstone Base.

But that doesn't mean he doesn't care.

He and James Webb were sitting on the sofa, and the television was showing a live broadcast of Kennedy's interview.

James Webb asked curiously, "Professor, why don't you go to the scene?"

Lin Ran stared intently at the television and said, "This is President Kennedy's moment of glory; it's not appropriate for me to go."

This was arguably the second highlight of Kennedy's life.

The first major highlight will come next year.

Lin Ran recalled the conspiracy theories he had come across.

Military leaders, led by Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff General Maxwell Taylor, actively volunteered for combat, while civilian officials, led by Secretary of Defense Robert McNamara, preferred negotiations.

The two sides disagreed.

Ultimately, Kennedy had Robert Kennedy bypass all other parties and directly negotiate privately with Soviet ambassador Dobrynin.

The two sides eventually reached an agreement.

The entire negotiation bypassed the military, who were completely unaware of it.

Conspiracy theories suggest that this angered the military and was related to Kennedy's assassination. Six years later, in 1968, Robert Kennedy was also assassinated after winning the primaries in California and South Dakota.

This takes the conspiracy theory to a whole new level.

All Lin Ran needed to do was patiently wait for the day Kennedy was assassinated.

Find an opportunity to film the entire process with a high-definition camera and provide these photos to the media.

He initially wanted to stop it all from happening, but then he thought that Kennedy's assassination had bought China crucial strategic time to develop its own atomic bomb. After thinking about this, he decided not to take any action, but instead to stir up even bigger trouble after Kennedy's death.

After making this decision, Lin Ran naturally did not want to interfere with Kennedy's greatest moment in his life, but instead left the entire stage to him.

James Webb looked at the confident Kennedy on television and said thoughtfully, "Professor, you're right. I don't think anyone will doubt President Kennedy's ability in international affairs anymore."

The election two years from now will be a foregone conclusion; if Nixon were wise, he would have chosen to run again six years later.

For the older generation, Kennedy is a figure of great inspiration and imagination; for America, however, Kennedy is one of the symbols of the golden age.

His sudden death will help the people of America to infinitely glorify his image.

There were many factors at play, including Kennedy's Apollo moon landing, the successful prevention of the Cuban Missile Crisis, and the first live television broadcast, but the most important was the Civil Rights Act.

This act truly laid the foundation for America's transformation from a white nation to a melting pot of cultures.

This is also America's most landmark civil rights legislation.

Speaking of this, it's true that Black people had the right to vote back then, but the system was particularly disgusting in the Southern states.

Black voters have to pass a "culture test" before they can vote. In other words, it's a form of discrimination against Black voters because they are perceived as having lower levels of education. You have to pass a test to gain the right to vote.

That's quite targeted at Black people.

Even more outrageous is that the exam itself is designed to be so bizarre that even educated Black people cannot pass it.

A 1965 cultural test sample from Alabama included the question: "If a pigeon flies across the Mississippi River on Sunday, where will it arrive on Monday?"

Louisiana asked Black voters, "How many words are in the Constitution?"

There are no answers to such questions; whether or not one passes depends entirely on the subjective will of the white registrar.

Even if a Black voter answers correctly, a local white registrar can still disqualify them from passing on grounds of "inaccurate pronunciation" or "misunderstanding."

Various factors have exacerbated this inequality.

Don't assume that the cultural test applies to everyone. White people don't have to take the test. They have something called the "grandfather clause" that exempts them from the test. This means that if a person's ancestor had the right to vote before a certain date, then that person can be exempt from the cultural test.

It is clear that prior to 1867 only white men had the right to vote.

The Civil Rights Act completely abolished these inequalities and gave Black people the right to vote.

Living in this era, and having spent time with Kennedy during this period, Lin Ran has become even more able to understand him.

If it's just so that China's atomic bomb won't be affected by the butterfly effect, you'd better just go on your way.

"In the nuclear age, communication is just as important as power. The hotline has proven its value."

"A game-changer in crisis management"

"The ability to communicate directly and instantly is crucial to avoiding miscalculations that could drag the world into nuclear war."

"A well-deserved Nobel Peace Prize." "The hotline demonstrated the importance of clear communication in international relations. It allowed two leaders to frankly express their concerns and find mutually acceptable solutions without the delays of traditional diplomacy."

From newspapers and television to people from all walks of life, the hotline's role in the peaceful resolution of the Cuban crisis has been highly praised.

Even conservative media outlets that dislike Lin Ran and the Chinese-American leadership at NASA have to admit that Lin Ran's suggestions played a crucial role in preventing the world from entering a nuclear war.

The information was not declassified, and no one knew that Robert and Dobrynin had conducted negotiations bypassing all other parties.

From an outsider's perspective, it was the hotline that first came into play, and both sides showed sufficient restraint, which allowed the situation to be kept under control within a manageable range.

This event earned Lin Ran tremendous prestige worldwide.

Even some members of the Nobel Peace Prize selection committee suggested that he should be awarded the prize a second time.

The Cuban Missile Crisis began on October 14, 1962, when an American reconnaissance plane discovered Soviet nuclear missiles deployed in Cuba, just 90 miles from the American coast. This discovery triggered a 13-day standoff, bringing the world to the brink of nuclear conflict. The existing hotline between the White House and the Kremlin provided the two leaders with an immediate and private channel of dialogue, becoming a key tool in easing the crisis.

The hotline symbolized the further consolidation of the bipolar world order. Through direct communication, the two superpowers could privately negotiate global affairs without relying on other countries or international organizations (such as the United Nations). This mechanism allowed both sides to dominate the international system, diminishing the influence of other major powers. The use of the hotline could have marginalized European allies, as the US and the Soviet Union could resolve crises directly without consulting NATO. This shift exacerbated the "bipolarization" of global politics during the Cold War, with the US and the Soviet Union becoming the dominant actors on the international stage.
Kissinger

An article authored by Kissinger was published in the Foreign Affairs magazine.

At this moment, Kissinger, who was just a professor of political science at Harvard University, was already eager to step onto the historical stage after looking at the past reports surrounding Lin Ran.

He then approached Nelson Rockefeller to try and mediate, hoping to secure a position under Nixon.

In Kissinger's view, Nixon would enter the White House sooner or later.

And in order to demonstrate their value, this article on diplomatic affairs serves as a stepping stone.

"Mr. Nixon, two years from now, your propaganda should focus on the fact that the hotline can only resolve immediate conflicts, not the core issues, and cannot help America win the final victory in the Cold War."

It also relies heavily on the judgment of both leaders, and on the rationality and restraint of both sides. If one side takes a hard line, the hotline will become a tool of confrontation rather than a bridge to reconciliation.

Not everyone is suited for the hotline.

You can emphasize that Kennedy's weakness made the hotline a suitable tool.

For you, it's about leading America to victory directly, not through the hotline.

Nixon was stunned after listening to Kissinger's long speech. "I'm the one who lost. Kennedy is riding high right now. Who said I'd have to run against him in two years?"

He even harbored resentment towards Nelson Rockefeller, thinking, "You might call him a top-notch trader, but he's not exactly a genius either."

That statement completely lacked any sense of competence.

“Okay, I understand, Professor.” Nixon was polite, but actually distant.

Hidden beneath the polite surface is the fact that they didn't like it.

He didn't think much of Kissinger at all, believing that Nelson's introduction as an intermediary exaggerated Kissinger's abilities.

Nixon even thought of another professor: Randolph Lin, a master of realist power balancing.

This is the master he understands.

In Washington today, "professor" is used to refer to Lin Ran. No surname, no prefix, no emphasis on Chinese descent is needed; "professor" is sufficient.

Fortunately, I'll be able to meet the real professor soon.

To Nixon's surprise, Randolph Lin's name was prominently displayed in the signature book of a fundraising dinner hosted by the Elephant Party in 1960.

If we only have this name, we cannot confirm that this Randolph is the same person as Peter Randolph.

With John Morgan next to him, that confirms it.

For Nixon, this was a stroke of good fortune.

As a former vice president, Nixon would obviously not pass up the opportunity to return to the White House.

But how to respond, how to win over voters, is a difficult problem.

With Lin Ran by my side, everything becomes much easier.

If this were the Three Kingdoms period, then Lin Ran would be equivalent to Lü Bu, adding a lot of combat power to him.

There are many considerations involved in gaining Lin Ran's support and getting him to join my team.

Given the other party's Chinese heritage, if Lin Ran were willing to cooperate with him, it would be tantamount to naturally gaining Chinese voters.

Given the media hype surrounding the hotline, Lin Ran has been hailed as a master strategist, with the perception that he possesses the thinking style of a top strategist and can directly address the essence of problems with the mindset of a mathematician.

The fact that Lin Ran joined the team signifies their professionalism.

There are also special assistants for space affairs, which means winning the space race, and so on.

In short, with Lin Ran's addition, it's like having all sorts of positive buffs applied without any hesitation.

That's why Nixon was so happy; the other side had originally supported him, but had only joined Kennedy's camp out of necessity.

That fundraising dinner was hosted by his key advisor, Robert Finch.

Those who are not core supporters cannot participate at all.

Nixon had had enough of the Jewish white man's incessant chatter; in his view, the man was spouting nonsense and offering no real help whatsoever.

"Professor, I find your advice very valuable, but you've covered a lot of ground; I need to digest it. I look forward to seeing you again," Nixon said politely.

That's a way of saying goodbye.

Kissinger smiled and said, "No problem, Mr. President of the future."

Nixon was even more speechless. "I lost two years ago. Aren't you just reminding me of my previous defeat?"

Another point to mention is that Nixon is in a very bad situation right now. He lost the presidential election in 1960, and just recently lost the California gubernatorial election on November 7, 1962.

He even publicly stated, "Gentlemen, there will never be another Nixon for you to kick around. This is my last press conference."

A few days later, an American Broadcasting Company news commentary program featured a special report on the election defeat under the title "Richard M. Nixon's Political Obituary."

If it weren't for this predicament, he wouldn't have met Kissinger, who was just a university professor at the time.

But that doesn’t mean he doesn’t want to return to the White House.

At this time, Nixon desperately needed a true master to guide him.

Having met the "fake guru" Kissinger, Nixon now desperately needs to meet the "real guru" Randolph Lin, even if the latter is unwilling to join his camp, he still needs his guidance.

That's why I said earlier that the autograph book was a pleasant surprise.

It wasn't that Lin Ran came to Washington to see him; rather, he flew all the way to Huntsville, Alabama, to see Lin Ran.

This is also a city next to Redstone Base, with Huntsville Airport, which was built during World War II and converted into a military airport in the late 40s.

Lin Ran was very frustrated. He never thought he would become Kennedy's special assistant for space affairs, so when he went to the impromptu with John Morgan, he also signed his real name in the autograph book.

To his surprise, Nixon insisted on traveling all the way to see him. Although there was no threat from the other party, his tone on the phone was one of surprise and delight: "Professor, I never expected that you would be my supporter."

He doesn't even need to threaten anyone; he just needs to let the news out during a media interview, and it will naturally arouse suspicion from the White House.

In addition, Lin Ran was genuinely interested in the future president who was elected in 68, so he did not refuse to meet with Nixon.

The first thing they said after we met was:
"Professor, what should I do?"

(End of this chapter)