Persian Empire 1845

Chapter 627 Bosnian Autonomous Law
Constantinople has also changed recently, with various economic decrees reassuring merchants. Shops are operating normally, showing no signs of being affected by the coup.

There was a blackboard in the square announcing that an Ottoman civil service examination would be held, open to anyone who believed they were qualified, regardless of their faith. Positions included local government staff, and positions in the central government's finance, commerce, and transportation departments.

Of course, given the Ottoman Empire's massive unemployed population, the effects of civil service and economic revitalization plans would take a long time to materialize. Therefore, large-scale military expansion became another important solution.

According to the plan, conscription would be implemented throughout the Ottoman Empire. Eligible men would be required to report to the conscription office and be ready to join the army at any time. Conscripts would receive 12 weeks of training each year, or they could join the standing army for three years before transferring to the reserve army.

Soldiers' salaries were never delayed, and they even received a food allowance, while conscripts received half pay and half food. Even for these reasons, people still joined the army.

The situation in the Balkans has improved somewhat in response to the government's series of overtures, and Bosnia has temporarily quieted down. Many people are deciding to wait and see. Sunni and Shia Muslims make up 37% of Bosnia's total population, while Orthodox Christians account for 45%, Catholics 17%, and other religious groups 1%.

During the national liberation movement against the Ottoman Empire, Bosnian intellectuals argued that Bosniaks were "a separate nation within the larger family of Southern Slavs." This gave rise to the term "Bosnians," calling for unity among residents of different religious faiths to fight against the common enemy. However, the diverse ethnic composition, religious beliefs, and social development made local social problems extremely complex.

Serbian residents tended to join the now-independent Serbia, Croats longed for Croatia under Austro-Hungarian rule, while Sunni residents wanted to remain within the crumbling Ottoman Empire but demanded greater autonomy and local self-government.

Following the Bosnian uprising, its scale rapidly expanded, attracting armed volunteers from Serbia, Montenegro, Croatia, Russia, and other regions. Progressive international opinion also expressed serious concern. An international committee in support of the uprising was established in Paris. The uprising also directly triggered the Bulgarian revolt.

For Bosnia, Nasser al-Din proposed a method of exchanging autonomy for recognition. He proposed establishing a Bosnian Autonomous Assembly, elected proportionally by local Crescent Moon Christians, Orthodox Christians, and Catholics, to handle local education, culture, agriculture, and internal taxation. The Empire would retain the right to station troops in major Bosnian cities and strategic locations to ensure imperial sovereignty and border security.

The government will allocate funds for road and school construction and industrial development in Bosnia. All religions will enjoy equal status before the law, and all discriminatory taxes and policies will be abolished.

This naturally sparked heated debate at the joint meeting at Topkapi Palace. Many believed it was condoning the rebellion and that it must be suppressed with swift and decisive action!

But Naser al-Din showed everyone the state of the Ottoman army; the situation couldn't be allowed to worsen, and relying solely on thunder might just bleed the Ottomans dry.

"Autonomy is not independence. It is granting local authorities the flexibility to handle their own affairs under imperial sovereignty. This is not cowardice, but a strategy. We need time—time to reorganize the army, time to stabilize the finances, time for the nascent regime to gain a foothold. It would be foolish to confront the enemy head-on when our strength is insufficient. What we need to do is divide, win over, and stabilize the majority, while concentrating our forces to strike the most stubborn minority." This edict was quickly copied and sent by a special envoy to Sarajevo, the heart of the Bosnian uprising, while also being promulgated throughout the empire.

When the news reached Sarajevo, the insurgents indeed experienced the divisions that Naserdin had hoped for.

In the makeshift command post, the rebel leaders sat around a worn wooden table, the atmosphere heavy with tension. The text of the imperial edict was passed around among them.

“Autonomy…this might be a way out,” pondered a local Sunni landowner whose estate had been damaged in the war and who desperately wanted to restore order. “As long as our faith is respected and our interests are protected, remaining within the empire is not unacceptable. The new Sultan has promised equality, which is better than in the past.”

"Don't be fooled by the Persians!" A Serbian leader slammed his fist on the table. He was a staunch supporter of Greater Serbia. "This is a delaying tactic! Once they've established a foothold, their army will be on the border! Our goal is to merge with the Kingdom of Serbia, not to be some autonomous citizen in this crumbling empire!"

“But the war has already caused too much bloodshed,” a Croat representative said somberly. “Our villages have been burned down, and people have been displaced. If peace and equality can truly be achieved, perhaps… it’s worth considering. Our compatriots in Austria are not necessarily having an easy time either.”

The debate lasted all night. Ultimately, the rebel army split into two factions:
The moderates were mainly composed of local gentry who hoped to restore order, some war-weary peasants, and religious figures who longed for equal rights. They tended to accept the edict and negotiate with the government.

The hardliners are centered around radical Serbian nationalists, mixed with some extremists who yearn for complete independence and the establishment of a purely Croat regime, as well as a large number of young people incited by Serbia and Russia who firmly believe that only force can achieve national unification. They reject any form of compromise.

Imperial propagandists, carrying printing presses, entered towns controlled by government forces, distributing large quantities of bilingual leaflets and pamphlets. These leaflets not only provided detailed explanations of the terms of the "Decree of Autonomy," but also emphasized the new Sultan's fairness and determination to reform, accompanied by images of Nasser al-Din distributing food and inspecting disaster victims in Ankara. At the same time, the leaflets sharply pointed out that the true aim of Serbia and Russia was to annex Bosnia, not to liberate it, and urged Bosnians not to "put themselves on the dinner table."

Economically, Bosnia's timber, minerals, and agricultural products were purchased at above-market prices, with a promise to provide high-quality, inexpensive industrial goods. This tangible economic incentive began to sway the stance of many ordinary people and businessmen struggling to survive amidst the war.

These combined measures, while failing to immediately quell the rebellion, successfully undermined the rebels' popular support, slowed their offensive, and created conditions for the rise of moderates. The flames of war in Bosnia gradually shrank from a widespread, unchecked conflict to a few key areas controlled by hardliners.

(End of this chapter)