Persian Empire 1845

Chapter 628 Remediation
Nasser al-Din's autonomy proposal has elicited drastically different reactions internationally.

Saint Petersburg, Winter Palace.

Alexander II slammed the intelligence he had received onto the table. "Autonomy? That fraudster! Does he think he can fool us with such a petty trick?" he growled at his ministers. "He's consolidating his illegitimate rule, depriving us of our pretext for liberating our Slavic brothers! We must not let him succeed!"

More weapons, funds, and volunteers are flowing into the hands of Bosnian hardliners through Serbia and Montenegro. Russian diplomats are traveling to various European courts, declaring Nasser al-Din's "autonomy" a sham and a deception of European Christians, attempting to build an anti-Iranian alliance.

However, Britain and France still took no concrete action. They feared Russia's southward expansion more than a powerful, unified Middle Eastern nation. They didn't know what would happen if Russia were to break through the Mediterranean. Therefore, Russia's diplomatic efforts yielded little result.

Austria's attitude is intriguing. Perhaps unwilling to antagonize Bosnia and Iran, Franz ultimately congratulated Nasser al-Din on becoming the Ottoman Sultan and proposed a completely equal trade treaty with the Ottomans.

According to the cabinet's calculations, if relations with Iran sour, Austria will lose 85% of its foreign investment and 42% of its trade volume. The economy would be immediately paralyzed. Furthermore, Iran's kerosene and textiles have a significant market share in Austria; without them, Austria's future is uncertain.

Austria is not Russia; they don't have such a strong need for territory. It seems they have no choice but to abandon Bosnia. Moreover, the wealthy cities of Venice and Milan are more to the Austrian government's liking than the impoverished Bosnia.

In that case, it would be wise to cultivate good relations with Iran. After all, regarding the Vienna-Tehran railway mentioned earlier, progress has been relatively rapid on the Iranian side, but quite slow on the Austrian side. Taking this opportunity to complete its completion would be a good idea, and would also shorten the time required for trade between the two sides.

On June 4, the moderates in Bosnia finally prevailed. Zheliko Komšić, one of the leaders of the uprising, announced his acceptance of the Bosnian autonomy decree. Nasser al-Din announced his appointment as the first leader of the Bosnian autonomous region and stated that a vote in the regional parliament would be held in August.

This swift delegation of power caught everyone off guard, but it only applied to Bosnia. The approach was slightly more forceful towards Bulgaria and Macedonia.

Those who persisted in resistance were imprisoned, while those who heeded advice were pardoned. Soldiers who disobeyed orders and killed those who surrendered were punished according to military law!

An Ottoman officer even openly executed dozens of surrendered Bulgarian villagers in an attempt to intimidate the rebels. When news reached Constantinople, Nasser al-Din was furious. He immediately ordered the formation of a military court to publicly try and execute the officer and his key subordinates for disobeying orders and disrupting order. He specially invited local Bulgarian dignitaries and religious figures to witness the execution.

The government has also ordered a crackdown on corruption within the military. According to a whistleblower letter from Thessaloniki, soldiers in the local army's 2nd Infantry Division received new uniforms that were "as thin as cicada wings and transparent in the rain," and the soles of their boots were "worn out in less than half a month." The mess hall food was of extremely poor quality and heavily embezzled; the promised combat allowances were also delayed and not paid in full.

According to a secret investigation, Major Mustafa, an Ottoman who was in charge of procuring clothing and food for the entire army, designated all procurement contracts to several companies owned by his brother-in-law in Plovdiv. These companies supplied the military with inferior goods at prices 50% to 100% higher than market prices. Regimental and battalion commanders followed suit, embezzling soldiers' allowances and reselling military supplies within their respective jurisdictions, creating a corrupt ecosystem of exploitation at every level.

After obtaining conclusive evidence, the government dispatched Iran's elite guards to arrest a total of 17 key military officers involved in the case. Following a military court trial, three of the masterminds were sentenced to death and immediately executed by firing squad. The remaining 14 officers, depending on the severity of their crimes, were sentenced to life imprisonment or twenty years in prison, and all their illicit assets were confiscated.

This case was seen as the first shot fired in the military purge, and officers from top to bottom were terrified. They wanted to rebel, but Iranian conscripts had also begun to be stationed in the area, and unless they had tens of thousands of soldiers, they would surely die without a burial place.

Furthermore, the Ottoman Empire and Iran are quite different. More than 90% of the Iranian population are Shia and Sunni Muslims, while the combined percentages of the Armenian Church, Orthodox Church, Judaism, Zoroastrianism, and Catholicism do not exceed 8%. Therefore, it is easy to implement various policies.

The Ottoman Empire was different. The Orthodox Church, Judaism, and Armenian Church had such a large base that if Egypt, a disobedient vassal state, was excluded, the Sunni and Shia groups would only account for 70%. The Orthodox Church, in particular, grew stronger with Russian support.

Therefore, Nasser al-Din had to be extremely cautious in his religious policies. Bosnia, being one of the most religiously complex regions, is where the autonomous decree was enacted.

In truth, the millet system abolished by the Ottomans could have solved some of the problems. Dividing areas into several millets based on religion allowed for a degree of autonomy, requiring only that they pay taxes to the government.

But simply restoring the old Millet wouldn't work either, as that would mean acknowledging the permanence of religious segregation, which runs counter to his ultimate goal of promoting imperial unification.

In the newly released decree, the government allows religious communities to retain full judicial autonomy in the areas of family law and religious rituals, with their respective religious leaders and courts responsible. This addresses the core demands of religious communities and aligns with the traditional policy of tolerance towards those who hold religious beliefs.

Taking advantage of the initial period of stability, Nasser al-Din instructed Kamil Pasha to conduct a large-scale secret audit and purge of the old Ottoman bureaucracy. Countless corrupt, incompetent, and loyal officials were quietly dismissed or transferred from key departments, and replaced by selected, capable officials willing to pledge allegiance to the new order, including some Christian and Jewish technocrats who had been promoted due to the new policies.

The numerous bureaucrats and students trained by Iran have also filled the vacancies.
However, he knew better than anyone that this was just the beginning. The resentment of the old powers had not disappeared, but was merely dormant; Russia's hostility had only increased; the enormous fiscal deficit and backward economic foundation remained a sword hanging over his head; and truly integrating two empires with vastly different cultures, languages, and traditions was an unprecedented and arduous challenge.

(End of this chapter)