Persian Empire 1845

Chapter 633 Nasser al-Din in Thessaloniki (Part 1)
Nasserdin had little interest in the moves made by Russia and Britain. He was only interested in pacifying the various regions at present, and after maintaining stability in Constantinople, he went directly to inspect the Balkans.

In Sarajevo, Naser al-Din traveled to the Bosnian Parliament to attend its opening ceremony, marking the first time the Ottoman Sultan had visited the region since Mehmed IV.

The Sunnis and Shiites in the Balkans were naturally overjoyed, believing that the Sultan had come to their aid. For the first time in over two centuries, they were being supported, not suppressed.

The Orthodox and Catholic churches were terrified of the new Sultan, yet also harbored a sliver of hope. If Bosnia had autonomy, then perhaps it could be the same for them?

Naser al-Din visited cities including Edirne, Thessaloniki, Plovdiv, Sofia, Skopje, and Sarajevo. This monarch's trip led to a degree of restoration of trust among the local residents in the Ottoman government.

"Shah, you've received a very warm welcome on this trip. Look, these are all letters from the people!"

His attendants laid out boxes and boxes of letters in front of Naserdin, but he was preoccupied with discussing the situation in Thessaloniki with the people next to him.

"This place has a good geographical location, serving as both a gateway to the Aegean Sea and a hub connecting Albania and Thrace. It is suitable for development into a port, as maritime transport will still be necessary to connect various regions even in the event of Greek independence."

The accompanying Ottoman officials quickly took notes; they were quite adept at this. The Sultan was planning large-scale construction projects in the Balkans, with railways and telegraphs being the first, followed by ports and the military.

"Let them go back. I'll observe them carefully. The people of the Balkans have been disillusioned with their governments for too long and need to rebuild their trust."

"Speaking of which, haven't Britain and Russia taken any action?"

When asked about the movements of Britain and Russia, the security chief, Hajizadeh, who had rushed over, immediately stepped forward with a grave expression: "Shah, their actions are frequent and far from benevolent."

"Tell me, what have you found?"

"In Bulgaria and Macedonia, there are many more leaflets, the core of which is to promote 'Slavic brotherhood' and... a veiled questioning of your foreign rule. We have received intelligence that a large number of weapons are being secretly transported across the border between Montenegro and Serbia to armed groups calling themselves the Bulgarian Liberation Committee and the Bosnian Brotherhood. Their activities in the Rhodope Mountains have intensified significantly recently."

Naserdin nodded. "That's the Russians' secret weapon: using Orthodox Christianity and Slavic brotherhood to deceive people and pave the way for their ambitions."

Hajizadeh immediately asked, "Should we seal it off immediately?"

"This kind of thing can't be contained by sealing it off. It will only get worse. The Ottomans are suppressing local sentiments without offering any solutions, so naturally they're leaving us to clean up their mess."

However, this tactic isn't unique to Russia. If they can use it, so can we.” Naserdin then inquired, “Have you made contact with Lviv?”

"We have made contact, and they have indicated that if the Shah can grant them independence, Ukraine will be a permanent ally of Iran."

Within the Russian Empire, "Ukraine" was merely a rough geographical term. The people of the Ukrainian region were called "Little Russians," and the region was divided into Russian provinces. In 1856, the Little Russian administration was abolished, and its nine provinces, like those in the Russian interior, were directly under the central government. By this time, Ukraine had essentially been Russified. Ukrainian was considered a dialect of Russian, and Ukrainian culture was incorporated into Russian culture.

However, while Russia was vigorously promoting the unification of Ukraine and Belarus, a previously lukewarm Ukrainian nationalist sentiment was gradually taking shape. More people began to use Ukrainian, and now, the term "Little Russia" is rarely used; "Ukraine" is used much more often.

The rise of Ukrainian nationalism roughly coincided with the Polish uprising against Russia, causing great concern for the Russian government. In 1863, the Russian Interior Minister, Valuyev, issued the "Valuyev Decree," explicitly banning the publication of books in the Ukrainian language. Valuyev declared that so-called Ukrainian was merely a Russian dialect tainted by Polish. Ukrainian nationalism within Russia was suppressed.

At the same time, let's not forget that after the partition of Poland by the three powers, a small piece of Ukraine remained under Austrian rule. This was Western Ukraine, with Lviv as its capital. It was here that Ukrainian nationalist sentiment also arose.

Beginning in 1865, substantial funds flowed into the House of Ukraine organization in Lviv. They began to refine their theory that Ukraine was an independent country, merely suppressed by Russia, and now in need of their rescue.

A glint flashed in Nasser al-Din's eyes. The Russians were stirring up trouble in the heart of his Balkans; naturally, he wanted to plant a thorn in the Tsar's side as well. Ukraine, which Russia considered its breadbasket and strategic stronghold, was the perfect target.

“Very good,” Nasser al-Din instructed Hajizadeh. “We’ve given them so much money; now it’s time to give them a return.”

"Perhaps we could use some newspapers to publish reports on the Ukrainian cultural revival and Russian oppression, labeling the Russian government as a 'national oppressor.' I refuse to believe that Europe, which claims to liberate every nation, would dare to step forward on this!"

Naserdin calmly analyzed, "When every little Russian starts to think about whether they are Ukrainian, the foundations of St. Petersburg begin to crumble. This will tie up a lot of Russia's internal stability maintenance efforts, making them hesitant to act in the Balkans."

It's not just in Ukraine, but also in Finland's Finnish movement. Iran supports the radical faction within them, the so-called Greater Finnishists, who demand ownership of all of Karelia and other Finnish cultural areas. Iran, naturally, fully supports them.

However, the risk in Russia is too high. Besides having a presence in the Grand Duchy of Finland, Iran also maintains liaison offices in Sweden and Denmark. Iran will support any number of nationalist movements as long as they can help split Russia.

Naser al-Din picked up a stone and threw it into the sea!
"Russia should have anticipated this day. When their ancestors continued to expand and levied exorbitant taxes on the people of the conquered lands, uprisings and independence were naturally commonplace. How could such a country still have the audacity to call itself the liberator of the Slavic brothers?"

I wonder if Alexander has prepared the gifts I gave them?

(End of this chapter)