Persian Empire 1845

Chapter 634 Naser al-Din in Thessaloniki (Part 2)
Naser al-Din and his party walked along the coast.

"By the way, whatever the British do, they won't be absent from this performance."

The Times of London has recently published numerous traveler accounts depicting the chaos and injustice of Bosnia's autonomy, claiming that Christians are actually facing greater difficulties under autonomy.

The Ministry of Foreign Affairs frequently meets with ambassadors from various countries, particularly France and Russia. It also holds meetings with Austria, Italy, Belgium, Spain, and even the United States.

Such active diplomacy was last seen during the Napoleonic Wars, and given the recent situation, Britain's true intentions are becoming increasingly clear.

"They're preparing to form another anti-French alliance, only this time their target is us."

Britain has always operated this way: by preventing other countries from becoming too powerful, it can profit from their influence.

"Should we send spies to sabotage them?" Hajizadeh asked.

"Spies can't sabotage British operations; they'll certainly continue. Let them do what they want, just keep an eye on things."

Countries around the world are now wary of Iran and have become more cautious in their diplomacy. Austria is perhaps the most daring, maintaining active diplomacy with Iran, particularly regarding railway projects. Austrian Railways plans to continue investing in the construction of the Orient Railway and cooperate with Iranian Railways.

Spain was in a similar situation, and trade between the two countries continued to flourish. While they showed little interest in British diplomatic actions, one country began to follow Britain's lead: Portugal.

The alliance between Portugal and England dates back to the 14th century, with the Anglo-Portuguese Treaty of 1373 making it the oldest still-valid alliance in the world. Much of Portugal's industry and trade were also controlled by the British.

King Luís of Portugal appealed to Iran, suggesting that the Ottoman Sultan should be elected by the Ottomans, not seized by force. Isn't this a lesson from Napoleon?

Naserdin didn't know what Portugal was thinking; he only knew that the French had begun to launch a massive attack on Portugal. Leaving aside how much glory Napoleon had brought to France, his throne wasn't obtained through force; he became emperor through a referendum, a form of national democracy. This immediately made Napoleon a dictator, something the French would never agree to.

"Portugal? An ancient kingdom strangled by British capital, its voice is nothing more than an echo of London's will, utterly insignificant. As for the French anger," Nasserdin chuckled, "President McMahon needs to divert domestic attention from the Alsace-Lorraine issue. Attacking Portugal's 'misunderstanding' of Napoleon is a good move to ignite public sentiment. But it also shows that France is not monolithic; they have doubts about whether to follow Britain in its all-out attack against us." "The best approach to an alliance organized by Britain is not to attack the alliance itself, but to find and widen the cracks between them."

"Currently, Britain and France are on Russia's side, Austria and Spain are on our side, and Germany is the biggest variable. Chancellor Bismarck is happy to see Russia expend its energy in the East and also happy to see Britain get into new trouble. We should not take the initiative to contact Berlin for the time being, so as not to break the balance of power on the continent that he has carefully maintained. But our people should pay close attention to the movements of German public opinion and industry, and look for possible future partners."

Nasser al-Din sent a telegram to Constantinople addressed to Amir. The telegram contained the following:
"The Balkan tour has yielded initial results, but the encirclement by Britain and Russia has already taken shape. Britain is trying to emulate the old Vienna system and build an alliance. The key to breaking the deadlock lies in dividing and disintegrating them, and in proving to Europe that cooperation with us is far more advantageous than confrontation."

Amir's power has risen rapidly within the Ottoman government. Everyone knows that this old man was once the Sultan's teacher and the prime minister who ruled Iran for nearly twenty years. During his time in power, he wielded immense influence within Iran, and may soon become the Grand Vizier.

At this time, Amir was not only appointed as the Minister of Finance, but also as the Minister of Foreign Affairs by the Sultan. Holding two of the most important departments, his power was considerable. But from another perspective, didn't this demonstrate the Sultan's complete trust in him?
Having dealt with the diplomatic backlash, Nasser al-Din turned his attention to a more fundamental question: how to make the empire truly powerful enough to withstand the challenge of any alliance. His tour of the Balkans was not merely to appease the people, but also to seek a path for the empire's growth.

During his subsequent itinerary, he inspected chromite mines near Skopje, port facilities in Thessaloniki, and vast farmlands in Thrace. He repeatedly emphasized to the accompanying Ottoman and Iranian officials:

"The power of the empire lies not in how magnificent the palaces of Constantinople are, but in how much ore these mines can produce, how large the port's throughput capacity is, and whether the yield of the farmland can feed our people and our army!"
We must establish a complete industrial system in the Balkans, encompassing mining, smelting, and weapons manufacturing. Thessaloniki will not only be a trading port, but also our naval base and shipbuilding center in the Mediterranean!

His words revealed a sense of urgency. Britain can form an alliance once, and it can form one again. Only sufficient hard power can guarantee lasting security.

Iranian capital had also crossed Anatolia and entered the Balkans. Engineers from the Iranian Railways worked alongside officials from the Ottoman Ministry of Works to survey and design new lines. Steel from Tabriz and Isfahan began to be laid across the Balkans. At the same time, telegraph lines running parallel to the railways were being rapidly erected.

In transportation hubs like Thessaloniki and Skopje, planned industrial zones are breaking ground. Iranian capital and technology, combined with Balkan minerals and labor, are leading to the rise of numerous weapons repair plants, clothing factories, food processing plants, and even rudimentary metalworking plants. Geological exploration teams are rapidly moving into Macedonia and establishing modern chromite, copper, lead, and zinc mines. Iran's mature mining technology and equipment are replacing traditional manual labor.

The vast Ottoman market provides a huge opportunity for Iran's industry, commerce, and finance. Without tariffs to hinder the flow of goods and capital, Iranian banks can pour in unchecked. According to estimates from the Ministry of Finance, Iranian banks could extend loans of up to 4.8 million rials to the Ottoman Empire and Egypt over the next three years. At a minimum interest rate of 4.5%, this translates to over 2000 million rials in interest income annually. This is an invaluable opportunity for Iranian banks.

(End of this chapter)