Rebirth: I am in Jin-Cha-Ji

"Commander, I know there will be complaints. After all, it's the first time for everyone to enter such a big city, and they must have a lot of thoughts. But we have to do this. Many of us came from the mountains, and entering big cities like Beijing and Tianjin, if we don't have iron discipline, it's easy to be dazzled by the world of pleasure. If we don't announce the discipline before entering the city, it's very likely that we won't be able to stop after entering the city. Once the troops relax, once there is no iron discipline, there will be a big mess. Especially our cadres, they are now the victors. To put it bluntly, many of them will regard themselves as founding heroes when they enter Beijing. When they enter Beijing, they will want to enjoy all the good things they see. Wouldn't that be a mess? When they see a nice house, they will want to grab it and live in it themselves. When they see a nice car, they will want to grab it and drive it themselves. There are so many young foreign students and girls in Beijing and Tianjin. If they are not restricted, who knows how many romantic affairs will happen.

Marshal Nie nodded.

After the Shanxi-Chahar-Hebei base area stabilized, such incidents occurred more than once.

In the history of the Jin-Cha-Ji region, there were many who defected because they fell in love with the daughters of landlords or had sex with them. Many of them were veteran Red Army soldiers and cadres who had participated in the Long March.

It can be said that if women’s problems are not dealt with promptly, who knows what will happen.

Those seriously affect the image of the People's Liberation Army.

Furthermore, Peking and Tianjin were important areas of the Kuomintang's control in the north. They housed numerous secret services. Who knew if they might resort to honey traps against PLA cadres? This was something that needed to be carefully considered.

So Marshal Nie thought for a moment and said, "Put these reports aside for now. I'll take a closer look. Do you have any backups?"

"I've printed several copies."

"Then send someone to deliver it to each member of the North China Bureau Standing Committee and have them take a good look at it. Tomorrow we will hold a meeting of the North China Bureau Standing Committee to discuss your report. After it is approved, it will be reported to the Central Committee. However, I just took a quick look at it, and overall I am in favor of it. If we can take over Peking and Tianjin according to this plan, there will be absolutely no problems. You are very thoughtful. It seems that appointing you as the Secretary of the General Front Committee of the Pingjin Campaign is the right choice.

Coach Nie is becoming more and more satisfied with his choice.

Wei Hongjun was indeed the most suitable person to serve as the Secretary of the General Front Committee of the Peiping-Tianjin Campaign. Look at how detailed the preparations were for taking over Peking and Tianjin.

Marshal Nie was certain that no one among the cadres of the entire North China Bureau had such a complete plan for taking over the city as Wei Hongjun.

"Thank you for the compliment, Commander."

Wei Hongjun continued, "Commander, after the cavalry column was handed over to the Shanxi-Suiyuan Military Region, Inner Mongolia was once again short of troops. I'm always worried. I suggest establishing a new military region under the North China Military Region."

"Are you talking about establishing the Inner Mongolia Military Region in Inner Mongolia?"

"Yes."

Wei Hongjun's original idea was to establish a cavalry column, and then have Ma Hongyuan stationed in Inner Mongolia, so that there would be no need to worry about the monsters in the Mongolian region. However, the central government required the cavalry column to be assigned to the Suimeng troops, so the Inner Mongolia side was left with a lack of troops.

Inner Mongolia has not yet carried out large-scale land reform, and the Mongolian princes and nobles have been intimidated. But once the military's intimidation is gone, who knows if these people will cause trouble.

Therefore, the best way is to directly establish an Inner Mongolia Military Region.

The Mongolian princes and nobles were typical people who feared power but not virtue. They had to be intimidated militarily before any reforms could be made in Inner Mongolia.

"I've considered this, too. However, the North China Bureau was established only recently, and the North China Field Army is also engaged in a major battle, so it's not on the agenda. Do you think the current North China Bureau can handle it?"

"Commander, what danger could there be in Inner Mongolia? As long as we send a force of four to five thousand men, we can completely destabilize all forces in Inner Mongolia. In fact, if we want to completely stabilize Inner Mongolia, we should resolutely implement the land reform policy in Inner Mongolia and overthrow those Mongolian princes, nobles, and Mongolian landlords. This is the fundamental solution. It is wrong to pin the foundation of Inner Mongolia's stability on those Mongolian upper-class nobles."

Wei Hongjun did not hide his views in front of Marshal Nie at all.

The current approach to stabilizing Inner Mongolia is a stopgap measure. The true solution lies in identifying our friends and uniting the vast majority of Mongolian herders. This shouldn't pin our hopes on the upper echelons of the Mongolian nobility, who will never be friends of the CCP. On the contrary, they are not only not friends, but enemies. We must resolutely combat them, eliminate their privileges, and even suppress them. Only in this way can we achieve lasting stability in Mongolia.

Marshal Nie's expression became very serious.

He had actually thought about this issue for a long time, but he had never made up his mind.

Marshal Nie was somewhat concerned about Comrade Ulanfu, currently serving as Chairman of the Mongolian People's Government and Deputy Secretary of the North China Bureau. Ulanfu had always opposed a military solution to the Inner Mongolian issue, believing it would likely lead to greater conflict. Marshal Nie wasn't concerned about Ulanfu himself.

However, the policy is more cautious towards border areas such as Inner Mongolia, which are ethnic minority areas.

However, after hearing what Wei Hongjun said, Marshal Nie also made up his mind.

We can't compromise on policy just because Inner Mongolia is a special region. This would be detrimental to the stability of Inner Mongolia. So, "Those disobedient princes and nobles in Inner Mongolia are most afraid of our military force. As long as we use force to slow them down, they won't be able to cause any major trouble. It does make sense to establish a second-level military region under the North China Military Region in Inner Mongolia. Red Army, what do you think about sending Comrade Wu Qinghe to the Inner Mongolia Military Region?"

Marshal Nie had frequent contact with Wu Qinghe, who served as both commander of the Zhangjiakou Military Sub-district and commander of the Zhangjiakou Weicheng Military Sub-district. He was a cadre who appeared rough but was actually quite delicate.

Although he left the field army due to his inability to adapt to large-scale combat, Wu Qinghe was very successful in suppressing bandits around Zhangjiakou, earning him unanimous recognition from the then Jin-Cha-Ji Military Region. It should be said that the Mongolian tribes in the southern part of the desert all knew Wu Qinghe's reputation. This was because Wu Qinghe had eliminated a large number of Mongolian bandits in the southern part of the desert. Those Mongolian bandits came and went without a trace, which made the Mongolian tribes gnashing their teeth, but they had no way to deal with them. However, Wu Qinghe eliminated them one by one.

So Marshal Nie thought of him.

To shock those disobedient people in Inner Mongolia, we need generals like Wu Qinghe. Wei Hongjun nodded and said, "Comrade Wu Qinghe is a cadre with a rough but meticulous mind."

"Okay, I know about this."

Marshal Nie didn't want Wei Hongjun to interfere in this matter.

Easily offends people.

Comrade Wulanfu still needs to be persuaded by himself. If Comrade Wulanfu continues to insist, then the matter can only be handled at the North China Bureau meeting.

"Commander, I have one more thing."

"whats the matter?"

"Commander, I have too many responsibilities right now. I don't have time to handle a lot of work.

Wei Hongjun smiled bitterly.

Wei Hongjun is likely the most senior official in North China's military and political system. He served as Deputy Secretary of the North China Bureau, Vice Chairman of the North China Joint Administrative Committee, Deputy Commander and Deputy Political Commissar of the North China Military Region, Deputy Commander and Deputy Political Commissar of the North China Field Army, Commander and Political Commissar of the Hebei-Rehe-Chahar Military Region, Commander and Political Commissar of the Fifth Corps, and now, Secretary of the General Front Committee of the Peiping-Tianjin Campaign.

Originally, Wei Hongjun also held the position of secretary of the Hebei-Rehe-Chahar Border Region District Committee.

However, after the establishment of the North China Joint Administrative Committee, the Hebei-Rehe-Chahar Border Region was abolished, and the Suiyuan People's Government, Chahar People's Government, and Rehe People's Government were established in the area where the Hebei-Rehe-Chahar Border Region was located.

Wei Hongjun is currently the Deputy Secretary of the North China Bureau and a member of its Standing Committee, attending its daily meetings. As Vice Chairman of the North China Joint Administrative Committee, he oversees education, public security, and agriculture, and is also responsible for the daily work of the North China Military Region and the North China Field Army.

I'm really busy.

Marshal Nie understands.

So he said, "You cannot shirk the work of the North China Bureau and the North China Joint Administrative Committee. While you serve as secretary of the General Front Committee for the Peiping-Tianjin Campaign, I will handle the daily work of the military region and the field army for you. I recommend that you no longer serve as commander and political commissar of the Hebei-Rehe-Chahar Military Region, nor as commander and political commissar of the Fifth Corps. You should nominate someone to take on these positions."

"Commander, when it comes to the work of the Hebei-Rehe-Chahar Military Region, Comrade Lei Jiabin, Commander and Political Commissar of the Pingbei Military Sub-district, is very familiar with it. When I went to Northeast China, it was Comrade Lei Jiabin who worked with Comrade Zhang Zihua on the work of the Hebei-Rehe-Chahar Military Region. Because I've been busy with work recently, Comrade Lei Jiabin is also responsible for the daily work of the Hebei-Rehe-Chahar Military Region. If it's appropriate, I propose that Comrade Lei Jiabin be appointed Commander of the Rehe-Liaoning Military Region, and Comrade Liu Jie, Secretary of the Chahar Provincial Party Committee, be appointed Political Commissar."

Marshal Nie nodded.

Second-level military regions are also different from each other. Just like the regimental commander in the early stage of the Anti-Japanese War was not the same as the regimental commander in the late stage of the Anti-Japanese War. The second-level military region during the Anti-Japanese War was also different from the second-level military region during the Liberation War.

If Lei Jiabin had not been transferred to the military region, he would now be either the deputy political commissar of the corps or the political commissar of the column. Given Lei Jiabin's qualifications, he could also be the commander of the Yirecha Military Region.

As for the political commissar, it is now very common for the top leaders of local party and government to serve as the political commissars of military regions.

"Okay. Write a report and convene a meeting of the North China Military Region to decide this matter."

"Yes."

"Where's the Fifth Corps?"

"Commander, my opinion is that Comrade Zhang Zihua be appointed Commander of the Fifth Corps, Comrade Zhu Liangcai be appointed Political Commissar, Comrade Zheng Weishan be appointed First Deputy Commander, Comrade Tang Jie be appointed Second Deputy Commander and Chief of Staff, and Comrade Li Yuanhao be appointed Deputy Political Commissar and Director of the Political Department. Comrade Song Yulin be appointed Commander of the Eighth Column, Comrade Zhang Liankui be appointed Political Commissar, and Comrade Yi Yaocai be appointed Deputy Commander and Chief of Staff. Comrade Ding Sheng be appointed Commander of the Tenth Column, Comrade Feng Linqi be appointed Political Commissar, Comrade Cao Mo be appointed Deputy Commander and Chief of Staff, and Comrade Jin Yongqi be appointed Director of the Political Department. Comrade Feng Mulin be transferred to the Eleventh Column as Commander, and Comrade Lu Weisheng be appointed Political Commissar."

"Okay. Let's finalize this at the military district meeting."

Chapter 707 Preparation 2

"Commander, this time, besides the Fifth Corps, adjustments should also be made to the other Corps' thousand-man units. Take a look at our current Corps' thousand-man unit configuration. The Commander and Political Commissar of the First Corps is Comrade Yang Quanwu, and the Commander and Political Commissar of the Second Corps is Comrade Wang Zhi. Comrades Yang Quanwu and Wang Zhi are in a similar situation to me, both holding numerous concurrent positions, and therefore very busy on a daily basis. Comrades Yang Quanwu and Wang Zhi jointly commanded the Southern Group Army, and one of them served as Commander and Political Commissar of the Hebei-Central Military Region, and the other as Commander and Political Commissar of the Hebei-Shandong Military Region. Because of these numerous concurrent positions, we weren't actually in charge of the Corps' work; we were merely in charge in name only. For example, the daily operations of the First Corps were overseen by Comrades Huang Fa and Liu Shude, while those of the Second Corps were overseen by Comrades Chen Kaikun and Wang Daobang. So, my question is, will Comrades Yang Quanwu and Wang Zhi, like me, no longer hold Corps positions?"

Wei Hongjun knew that after the Liaoshen Campaign and the Pingjin Campaign were over, the Central Committee would probably formally establish the major field armies. Then, the various corps, the subordinate columns, and the Central Military Commission would begin to reorganize.

At that time, the column will be changed into an army.

Although it was still a wartime period, with the dawn of victory in the revolution already appearing, it was slowly time to sit down and share the fruits of our labor, for the national revolutionary situation was now improving. Once Northeast China and North China were completely liberated, the day of national liberation would not be far off.

At this time, people began to pay attention to things like seniority.

Wei Hongjun and Yang Quanwu currently hold high ranks within the North China Military Region. If they were to concurrently hold leadership positions in the Corps, this would directly impact the promotions of officials below them. After all, if Yang Quanwu and Wei Hongjun don't relinquish their positions, what will become of the subordinates? They clearly carry out all the work within the Corps, but because of the presence of Yang Quanwu and Wei Hongjun above them, they can only continue to serve as deputy commander and deputy political commissar.

While the war is going on right now, people might not think much of it. However, when cadre ranks are determined later, becoming a corps leader early or late will make all the difference. If some cadres who should have been corps-level cadres were instead rated as deputy corps-level or even quasi-corps-level, the entire cadre system in North China would be affected.

Wei Hongjun also has to consider them.

"can."

Marshal Nie nodded quickly.

The current situation is that the corps of the North China Military Region does have this problem. After this adjustment, the North China Field Army will not have so many part-time cadres.

Marshal Nie thought for a moment and said, "You're in charge of the daily work of the military region and the field army. You should already have a plan in mind. Tell us what we should do."

"Commander, let me talk about the First and Second Corps. The Battle of Peiping-Tianjin is about to begin, and at this time, it's not appropriate to make too many adjustments to the cadre structure of the troops. We should continue with the existing corps structure. Therefore, I propose that Comrade Huang Fa be appointed Commander of the First Corps, and Comrade Liu Shude be appointed Political Commissar. Comrade Chen Kaikun will be appointed Commander of the Second Corps, and Comrade Wang Daobang will be appointed Political Commissar. The Sixth Corps has just been established, and Comrade Wen Niansheng will be appointed Commander, and Comrade Xiang Zhonghua will be appointed Political Commissar.

"Okay. Write a report and submit it to the military district, and we'll discuss it together at the military district meeting."

"Yes."

Wei Hongjun was very happy.

Currently, the North China Military Region has six corps under its jurisdiction, five of which were detached from the Shanxi-Chahar-Hebei region alone. With Yang Quanwu, Wei Hongjun, and Wang Zhi no longer leading corps, the rank issue among many North China Military Region cadres has been resolved.

A large number of corps-level and deputy corps-level cadres emerged from the North China Military Region at once.

This is also in line with the glorious history of Shanxi-Chahar-Hebei.

Wei Hongjun continued, "Commander, after the troops take over Peking and Tianjin, we need to quickly stabilize the cities. Immediately after a battle, when a city is taken over, the city's ruffians are most likely to cause trouble. Furthermore, there are so many Kuomintang secret services in Peking and Tianjin that they will seize the opportunity to cause trouble. Furthermore, although strict discipline has been established, the troops and the officials taking over cannot be careless. There will definitely be people who violate the established rules. Therefore, my idea is to either form a dedicated patrol unit or expand the Public Security Column and have its troops temporarily take on the city's patrol work. Which one do you think is more suitable?"

Marshal Nie thought about it.

He said, "There is no need to set up a new patrol unit. Since it is to stabilize the order of the city, it is the responsibility of the public security department. I think we should set up a public security corps with three public security columns under it. One of the public security columns will go to Peking, and the other will go to Tianjin. After you go to the front line, you must form two new public security columns as soon as possible. At the same time, you must train these public security columns well. After they enter Peking and Tianjin, they must not only suppress stragglers and spies, but also crack down on those urban thugs and rogues, and participate in patrol work. They must embody the style of our People's Liberation Army and let the people of Peking and Tianjin see our discipline. Especially Peking is not an ordinary city. It is one of the ancient capitals of our country and has been the political center of our country for hundreds of years. There will be many people from home and abroad there, including well-known domestic scholars, foreign scholars, and a large number of domestic and foreign journalists. You have a lot to do."

"Commander, how should we arrange this Public Security Corps?"

"The leadership structure of the original Public Security Column will continue to be used. Comrade Yu Ping will serve as Commander of the Public Security Corps, Comrade Du Liqing will serve as Political Commissar, and Comrade Kuang Fuzhao will serve as Deputy Political Commissar and Director of the Political Department. Three Public Security Columns will be under its jurisdiction, and cadres will be rearranged.

"Commander, I would like to draw a group of people from the North China Army University and the North China Military and Political University to form two public security columns. Comrade Li Qingchuan, Vice President of the North China Military and Political University and President of the Military Academy, will serve as Deputy Commander of the Public Security Corps and concurrently Commander of the newly established Second Public Security Column. Comrade Li Shuiqing will serve as Political Commissar. The Second Column will enter Peiping and be responsible for its stability."

It is not easy to suddenly form a high-quality public security column.

Although the People's Liberation Army has strict discipline.

However, since most of the troops were peasants, if they were to enter a city like Beijing and police others, they would need a highly qualified cadre team. Otherwise, if they entered Beijing and caused chaos, they would be a laughing stock. Therefore, it was necessary to equip the Public Security Column with more highly qualified cadres. Currently, the only cadre team Wei Hongjun could draw from was the North China Army University and the North China Military and Political University, which were reorganized from the Anti-Japanese Military and Political University.

"Li Qingchuan, Li Qingchuan."

Marshal Nie was a little hesitant.

Marshal Nie was originally the president of the North China Military and Political University, but when Nie resigned, Sun Yi became the president. After Sun Yi became the president of the North China Military and Political University, Li Qingchuan became the vice president and concurrently the president of the Military Academy.

Li Qingchuan was a seasoned cadre, having joined the Eighth Route Army in 1937. He had made significant contributions in the Shanxi-Chahar-Hebei region, and his seniority, ability, and achievements were sufficient to qualify him for the position of commander of the Public Security Column.

Marshal Nie was still hesitant about sending Li Qingchuan to Beijing as commander of the Public Security Column. Beiping was too important, potentially becoming the capital of New China. No room for error. Li Qingchuan, after all, was a cadre from the Shanxi-Suiyuan Army. However, Marshal Nie, mindful of Li Qingchuan's status as a favored general of Yang Quanwu and a highly regarded officer by Wei Hongjun, began to trust him more. Furthermore, Li Shuiqing was a Red Guard who had joined the Red Army at the age of 13.

Although Li Shuiqing was a political cadre, he was a brave fighter and could also serve as a military officer when needed. Like Wei Hongjun, he had served in the First Red Army Division for many years. Before the War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression, he was the political commissar of the Third Regiment of the First Red Army Division. After the July 115 Incident, he served as the instructor of the Third Battalion of the Independent Regiment of the th Division. When Deng Guo established the Pingxi Detachment, he followed Deng Guo to Pingxi and later became a cadre in the Yirecha Advance Army.

Deng Guo returned, and a large number of cadres followed him back to Jin-Cha-Ji. Li Shuiqing returned to the First Division and flourished under Yang Quanwu. He first served as regimental political commissar, and then, towards the end of the war, as brigade political commissar.

When the North China Military and Political University was established, Li Shuiqing was transferred to the Military Academy to partner with Li Qingchuan and served as the Party Branch Secretary of the Military Academy.

Compared with Li Qingchuan, Coach Nie certainly trusts Li Shuiqing, who is a double first-class student, more.

"Okay. But there must be no problems, understand?"

"Yes."