Rebirth: I am in Jin-Cha-Ji

"What about the third column that entered Tianjin?"

"Commander, what do you think of Comrade Ma Changgeng serving as commander and political commissar?"

"Ma Changgeng? The teacher from Beiyang University?"

"Yes."

Ma Changgeng's experience is also legendary.

After graduating from Beiyang University, he stayed there as a teacher because of his excellent grades. He joined the party at school and assisted Chu He and others in launching the Jidong Uprising. Later, this unit came to the Eighth Column and was reorganized into the 35th Regiment. Ma Changgeng, a scholar, served as the commander of the 35st Battalion of the 1th Regiment. Unexpectedly, after a period of adaptation, he fought better and better. Because he was a college student, the military district transferred him up and let him receive training at the headquarters. As a result, when the 35th Regiment was transferred to Yan'an, Ma Changgeng stayed in the Ji-Re-Cha Military District.

The Eighth Route Army has no shortage of generals.

On the contrary, they lacked educated cadres like Ma Changgeng. However, after he was transferred to the military region, he flourished there. He handled both headquarters and political affairs with ease.

As a result, the cadres in the military district refused to let him go.

By now, Ma Changgeng was the deputy commander of the Pingbei Military Sub-district and one of Lei Jiabin's most trusted cadres. Wei Hongjun had originally considered letting Ma Changgeng become the commander and political commissar of the Pingbei Military Sub-district after Lei Jiabin was promoted to commander of the Hebei-Rehe-Chahar Military Region.

But now that a public security column was to be established, Wei Hongjun felt that Ma Changgeng was very suitable.

Educated and capable, a native of Jidong, he was a Beiyang University graduate, familiar with Tianjin and well-versed in PLA policies. He was also a Party member with over a decade of experience.

"Alright. Then let Comrade Ma Changgeng serve as the commander and political commissar of the Third Column of the Public Security Corps. The Second and Third Columns of the Public Security Corps are not ordinary troops. They are going to Peking and Tianjin. Before conquering Peking and Tianjin, you must train them strictly. Let them know what they should and should not do after entering Peking and Tianjin. Do you understand?"

"Commander, don't worry.

Wei Hongjun immediately guaranteed it.

After making the promise, Wei Hongjun continued, “After conquering Peking and Tianjin, what arrangements will the Military Control Commission make?

"My initial thought is that you will serve as the director of the Peking Military Control Commission, and Comrade Huang will serve as the director of the Tianjin Military Control Commission. However, this matter needs to be reconsidered by the North China Bureau. If there are any changes, your General Front Committee can find someone to take on the role temporarily.

"Yes."

After Wei Hongjun communicated with Marshal Nie, Marshal Nie quickly convened a meeting of the Standing Committee of the North China Bureau.

At this meeting, the North China Bureau approved the city takeover plan submitted by Wei Hongjun. Also at this meeting, the North China Bureau officially decided that after the capture of Peking, Wei Hongjun would be the director of the Peking Military Control Commission, and Huang Jing would be the director of the Tianjin Military Control Commission.

Zhao Zhensheng, Zhou Bin, Du Liqing and Luo Qirong served as deputy directors of the Peking Military Control Commission respectively.

Peking is too important.

Therefore, the level of the cadres taking over is also very high.

Although the central government had yet to determine the capital of the new China, the importance of Peking cannot be overstated. After all, Peking was the capital of the Yuan, Ming, and Qing dynasties, and had been China's political center for centuries. Regardless of other considerations, the North China Bureau was bound to eventually relocate to Peking.

The meeting determined that Zhao Zhensheng would be responsible for taking over the political affairs departments of Peiping, Zhou Bin would be responsible for taking over the financial departments of Peiping, Du Liqing would be responsible for taking over the judicial departments of Peiping, and Luo Qirong would be responsible for taking over the military institutions of the National Army in Peiping.

As the director of the Military Control Commission, Wei Hongjun was responsible for taking over Peking's cultural and educational institutions, primarily its universities. Primary and secondary schools were not among the institutions under his control.

Then came Yang Xiufeng, who served as the secretary-general of the Peking Military Control Commission and handled the daily work of the Military Control Commission.

This officially determined how to take over Peking.

Marshal Nie then raised the issue of Inner Mongolia. The conversation between Marshal Nie and Ulanfu wasn't exactly pleasant. He praised Ulanfu's work in Inner Mongolia, but also offered criticism.

What Nie Shuai praised about Wulanfu was that Wulanfu had outstanding abilities.

With experience in all aspects of the Party, government, and military, after taking office in Inner Mongolia, he proposed a policy of "both human and livestock prosperity" based on the region's current situation. He began abolishing the feudal privileges of Mongolian nobles and religious elites, and actively promoted rent and interest reductions in Inner Mongolia. He significantly reduced the rents of pastures owned by Mongolian landlords, thereby further unleashing the enthusiasm of herders and increasing the livestock population in Inner Mongolia. As a result, the livestock population in Inner Mongolia increased by over 80 head within two years.

It has been very effective in restoring Inner Mongolia's economy.

But it just stopped there.

Marshal Nie was most dissatisfied with this. Ulanfu was too soft on the Mongolian nobility and religious elite. While the land reform movement was now underway in the liberated areas across the country, Ulanfu always emphasized that Inner Mongolia was a special region and required a more gradual approach.

In particular, they opposed class division in Inner Mongolia.

The central government’s current attitude is also relatively warm.

This was primarily due to the immense influence of the Soviet Union. The Soviet Union's ethnic policy wasn't some random idea; it had real historical reasons. After the October Revolution, facing interference from surrounding powers, the Soviet Union needed a theoretical breakthrough to resolve its diplomatic dilemma. Western European countries were promoting the theory of the "nation-state," and the Soviet Union responded with a theory of national autonomy.

This was the beginning of the Soviet Union's ethnic policy.

Later, the union of fifteen republics to form the Soviet Union exacerbated its internal problems. Each of the Soviet republics had its own distinct culture and history. It can be said that from its inception, the Soviet Union was not a nation-state, but rather a loose alliance of countries that believed in international communism.

In order to cope with such situations, the Soviet Union's ethnic policy was constantly adjusted. This is why the Soviet Union's ethnic policy seems rather strange now. This was not because Lenin and Stalin wanted to do this from the beginning, but because the actual situation in the Soviet Union led to such regulations.

Since the Zunyi Conference, the CCP has indeed begun to choose independence in many areas, and its policies have been freed from Soviet interference. However, this independence is not yet complete, as the Soviet Union was the first socialist country and achieved great success in socialist construction.

All socialist countries should learn from the Soviet Union in national construction.

This is a certainty.

Yan'an also needed to learn from the Soviet Union regarding the theoretical aspects of building a socialist nation. The Soviet Union's ethnic policy was designed to counter European imperialism. Its current ethnic policy, however, directly attacks current colonial policies worldwide.

In terms of the general direction, the CCP must definitely learn and support it.

Yan'an's attitude was ambiguous, with no clear statement. Marshal Nie knew the Central Committee wanted to see how the Inner Mongolia policy would work, because China's borders were not limited to Inner Mongolia.

Xinjiang, Tibet, Qinghai, and the southwest all have numerous ethnic issues. After we conquer these areas, there will undoubtedly be numerous ethnic issues that need to be resolved.

The Central Committee was also evaluating how to resolve the situation. Therefore, Marshal Nie decided that the North China Bureau should take action on its own. Marshal Nie supported Wei Hongjun's position. While the ethnic issue was sensitive, it was not that serious. Exaggerating ethnic conflicts and blurring class contradictions was unacceptable.

Marshal Nie is more in favor of using class conflicts to resolve ethnic conflicts.

If Inner Mongolia is to achieve significant development, it still needs to complete the reform of the gentry system. As for how to implement this reform in the grasslands, further consideration is needed. But before this, the privileges of the Mongolian landlords must be completely eliminated. This means not preserving their economic privileges, but only addressing their political privileges. How can you eliminate their political privileges without abolishing their economic privileges? Therefore, Marshal Nie took direct action in the North China Bureau.

Because Marshal Nie can't wait any longer.

Marshal Nie understood that after the Battle of Pingjin, the Liaoshen Campaign, and the Taiyuan Campaign, the Central Committee would definitely move to North China.

By then, I will most likely be transferred to the central government.

Or rather, it's not just possible, but certain that he would be transferred to the Central Committee. Marshal Nie became a Politburo member thanks to his achievements in the Jin-Cha-Ji region. If North China had relied on its own strength to complete the Pingjin and Taiyuan campaigns, liberating the six provinces of Chahar, Rehe, Hebei, Suiyuan, Inner Mongolia, and Shanxi, who in the entire PLA could compare to Marshal Nie's achievements?

By then, it would be unacceptable for the central government not to transfer Marshal Nie.

Once the Central Committee left Yan'an and arrived in North China, they would begin preparing to establish a central government and work for the future of New China. Marshal Nie was reluctant to pass the Inner Mongolia issue on to later generations, mainly because he did not want Wei Hongjun to clash with cadres like Wu Lanfu who supported special policies for the border areas over the Inner Mongolia issue.

So Coach Nie has to resolve this issue during his term of office.

Therefore, he proposed the establishment of the Inner Mongolia Military Region.

As North China's performance improved, Marshal Nie's prestige in the North China Bureau also grew. Although Wu Lanfu thought it was not the right time, with Marshal Nie's strong support, the North China Bureau still passed this regulation.

The North China Bureau ultimately decided to approve the establishment of the Inner Mongolia Military Region. The Inner Mongolia Military Region, like the Hebei-Rehe-Chahar Military Region and the Hebei-Central Military Region, was a second-level military region within the North China Military Region.

Comrade Wu Qinghe, the current commander of the Zhangjiakou Military Sub-district, will serve as the commander of the Inner Mongolia Military Region, and Ulanfu, the current chairman of the Inner Mongolia People's Government, will serve as the political commissar of the Inner Mongolia Military Region.

As for the more specific issues regarding the establishment of the Inner Mongolia Military Region, they will be resolved at the North China Military Region meeting.

Wei Hongjun was very happy.

Comrade Wu Lanfu was highly capable and familiar with Inner Mongolia. However, he was too soft on the so-called upper class of Inner Mongolia, compromising too much. This was not a good thing. Although Wei Hongjun was always wary of "leftism" during land reform, he also opposed "rightism." A certain degree of suppression of the landlord class was necessary. Otherwise, land reform would not proceed smoothly and could easily lead to a retaliation in the future.

Especially these ethnic upper class nobles.

During the united front work, the focus was mostly on winning them over. This wasn't a good thing. Although the Central Committee had determined that the current revolution was a New Democratic Revolution, the CCP, which led the New Democratic Revolution, was a proletarian party. The oppressed classes were our comrades and friends. If we always pinned the success of the revolution on the upper class, how could the revolution possibly succeed, how could it possibly be pure?

The nobles of Inner Mongolia should be severely punished. The more severe the blow, the more development will be possible for the oppressed herders. Marshal Nie's actions this time laid the foundation for the next round of reforms in Inner Mongolia.

After the North China Bureau meeting ended, Marshal Nie convened a meeting of the North China Military Region.

In fact, many members of the North China Military Region are unable to attend the current meetings. This is because most of the members are stationed at the front lines and unable to return to Zhangjiakou. Therefore, the North China Military Region Standing Committee consists of Commander Nie Shuai, along with Wei Hongjun and Luo Qirong, who oversee the region's daily operations. Most matters can be decided by these three. Of course, major military region matters must ultimately be reported to the North China Bureau.

Wei Hongjun resigned from the post of commander and political commissar of the Hebei-Rehe-Chahar Military Region, and recommended Lei Jiabin as commander of the Hebei-Rehe-Chahar Military Region and Liu Jie, secretary of the Chahar Provincial Party Committee, as political commissar of the Hebei-Rehe-Chahar Military Region.

At this military district meeting, the new cadre composition of the First, Second, and Fifth Corps was formally determined.

After the North China Military Region meeting, Wei Hongjun immediately held a meeting with Zhao Zhensheng, Zhou Bin, Luo Qirong, Du Liqing, and Yang Xiufeng to discuss the city takeover cadre group. Wei Hongjun demanded that the city takeover cadre group must be formed within two weeks.

The city's takeover cadre group needed to gradually enter Fangshan for a month-long training session. This was no easy task. Over 50000 cadres were needed to take over Beijing and Tianjin, drawn from various liberated areas in North China. Deploying so many cadres was no easy task. Fortunately, North China had seen a surge in universities over the past two years, training a significant number of cadres.

The North China Military and Political University, the North China Army University, the North China University, the North China Public Security University, and the North China University of Technology alone provided over 13000 student cadres. What if a thousand were still insufficient? Even students from normal universities preparing to become teachers were drafted in, with several thousand of them participating in the recruitment process. Furthermore, a large number of central government agencies had relocated to North China in recent months, bringing with them a large number of cadres.

After arranging the work group, Wei Hongjun approached Sun Yi, president of the North China Military and Political University, and prepared to hand over the responsibility of taking over the cultural and educational institutions in Peking and Tianjin to Sun Yi.

Sun Yi used to be a general, but now he is a very outstanding red educator.

He established the Jin-Cha-Ji Military and Political Cadre School in Jin-Cha-Ji and later the North China Military and Political University. He possesses extensive experience in running universities and conducting research. He is well-suited to overseeing the universities in Peking and Tianjin.

In addition to being busy forming a team of cadres to take over, Wei Hongjun also has to form a public security corps.

Du Liqing, Yu Ping, Kuang Fuzhao, Li Qingchuan, Li Shuiqing, Ma Changgeng and others came to the conference room.

“This time we have formed a Public Security Corps, which has three columns under it.

The Second and Third Columns, in particular, are tasked with taking over Peking and Tianjin. Your mission is heavy. Upon entering the city, you must first cooperate with the Public Security Administration to suppress the fleeing soldiers and spies, and also conduct patrol work. Patrol means that once you enter the city, you, the Public Security Column, will monitor the discipline of our personnel and troops. If you discover any officers, soldiers, or staff violating discipline, you will deal with them. However, to be qualified to perform patrol work, you must first perform well yourself.

"Secretary Wei, don't worry."

Yu Ping said, "Our Public Security Corps will definitely not let us down."

"Don't brag. Tell me what you think?"

"Secretary Wei, after receiving the order, we discussed it with a few people. The most difficult thing for us right now is the lack of time. Although our Public Security Corps can draw students from the North China Army University and the Military Academy of the North China Military and Political University, it is still very difficult to form a column of 10,000 or 20,000 people in a short period of time. So we are thinking about whether we can allocate a few regiments of organized troops to our Public Security Column.

"A complete regiment?"

"Yes. Our Public Security Column has too much to learn in a short period of time. If we were to reorganize the troops, we would not have enough time. We must enter the cities as soon as possible after conquering Peking and Tianjin to complete our work. The most suitable way is to transfer the established troops and merge them into the Public Security Column. Only in this way can we have enough time to train the newly formed Public Security Column, so that they understand the discipline of entering the city and how to do patrol work.

Wei Hongjun nodded.

The cadre corps needs training, and the patrol troops need training even more.

Time is very tight at the moment.

Wei Hongjun thought for a moment and said, "How about this? I'll transfer three entire regiments from the Fifth Corps, and one regiment each from the 12th, 13th, and 14th columns. I think that's enough."

"enough."

Yu Ping was very happy.

Now we have all the troops.

If we draw out six regiments and add military academy students to form two public security columns, there will be no problem at all.

Wei Hongjun said seriously, "The Public Security Column must be strictly trained. You must become a benchmark unit for our People's Liberation Army.

You must also understand that from the moment the Public Security Column is established, you are no longer a frontline combat unit. You must rapidly transform our troops and adapt them to their new roles. The Public Security Column's training will be held in Langfang. You, the Public Security Column, must memorize the documents I issue to them. Comrade Yu Ping, Comrade Kuang Fuzhao.

"arrive."

"You two will also go to Langfang for training."

"Yes."