Rebirth: I am in Jin-Cha-Ji

The Prime Minister nodded.

Add this one in as well.

"anything else?"

"I think what Comrade Wei Hongjun said during the last negotiation with Britain makes perfect sense. Our current heavy industry and military industry are primarily built with Soviet aid. Our entire heavy industry and military industry system is modeled after the Soviet Union. Our main task for the coming period should be to learn and master all aspects of these heavy industries and military industries. Only by mastering these technologies can we independently develop our heavy industry and military industry in the future. At this time, we should not choose other systems for heavy industry. At most, we can absorb some technologies from Western countries to improve our industrial system.

Li Fuchun spoke.

It is a foregone conclusion that China will develop Soviet-style heavy industry, because at this stage, only the Soviet Union can help China complete its heavy industry system and military industrial system.

Since China has already adopted the Soviet model of heavy industry, it shouldn't be half-hearted. While enjoying Soviet heavy industry, it's also watching Western heavy industry. Don't say Western countries won't help you develop heavy industry. Even if they are willing to help you build some heavy industrial plants, China should be cautious.

Because we have to consider whether these factories can be integrated into the Soviet system.

Don't mess up China's industrial system. Once China has mastered sufficient industrial technology, it can innovate and independently develop its own industry. At that time, it will be able to absorb the industrial technology of anyone it wants.

But not now.

China's current managers and technicians mainly learn from Soviet industry. Suddenly learning from other countries' industries will confuse them.

Li Fuchun continued, "So when we deal with Western countries, we should primarily consider food, clothing, housing, and transportation. Comrade Wei Hongjun and I previously discussed this issue in Baotou, and we believe that the fertilizer industry and chemical fiber industries should be developed first to address the people's food and clothing needs. Furthermore, during this oil campaign, we successfully developed industrial oil and gas, laying the foundation for the development of the oil industry, as well as the fertilizer and chemical fiber industries. I believe we can discuss this with the United States and request that they build several fertilizer and chemical fiber plants for us."

Li Fuchun and Wei Hongjun are fifteen years apart in age and had never met each other before.

We started working together during these few years at the central government.

As officials in charge of Chinese industry, the two men had a remarkable rapport at work. This business trip together was their longest time together. During their discussions on the First Five-Year Plan and future industrial development, they discovered that their views on Chinese industry and agriculture were very similar. While there were some differences, these differences did not diminish their mutual appreciation.

The most important thing in negotiating with the UK is to open up a direct trade channel with Hong Kong.

But when negotiating with the United States, of course we need some important things.

Both Wei Hongjun and Li Fuchun believed that large-scale investment in heavy industry would inevitably affect the improvement of people's living standards. Because most of the funds flowed into the heavy industry system, it would affect the development of light industry and agriculture. If people wanted to feel the improvement in their living standards, the most obvious thing would be food and clothing.

To solve the problem of food and clothing, it all comes down to industry.

We need to develop the fertilizer industry and chemical fiber.

"I agree with Comrade Li Fuchun's opinion. We should import complete sets of equipment for the fertilizer industry and chemical fiber industry. The United States must be responsible for helping us install them and build several fertilizer plants and chemical fiber plants."

Wei Hongjun immediately expressed his support.

Even if a few fertilizer and chemical fiber plants were built, it wouldn't truly solve China's food and clothing problems. China is so vast, with such a large population, that the fertilizer needs can't be met by just a few fertilizer plants. The same goes for chemical fiber; a few factories won't be enough to solve China's clothing problems. But once we have one, we can have two.

As long as the US can transfer technology, China can slowly learn. If one year doesn't work, two years. If two years don't work, five years. Of course, there's a chance the US won't agree, but regardless, with so many captives at their disposal, they should be bold in their demands.

Of course, Wei Hongjun's primary concern was that if the US opened this door, China would have the opportunity to purchase related technology and equipment from other countries. In the 14.5s, China signed a deferred payment agreement with Japan to import complete sets of vinylon equipment. Subsequently, China imported large quantities of complete sets of textile, light, and chemical equipment from countries such as West Germany, the United Kingdom, Italy, France, Sweden, Austria, Switzerland, the Netherlands, and Belgium, spending a total of $ billion.

This was the second large-scale import of machinery and equipment from abroad to develop China's textile, light, and chemical industries, following the introduction of the Soviet Union's industrial system. The third was the 43 Plan in the 1970s.

These were the three large-scale introductions of machinery, equipment and technology in the first thirty years of the People's Republic of China.

Wei Hongjun therefore hoped that as long as the United States gave China this set of equipment due to the prisoner issue, it would not be so easy for the United States to prohibit other countries from selling machinery and equipment to China in the future.

Now both Europe and Japan have industrial capabilities, but cannot find markets.

As long as it's not too sensitive.

It is possible to purchase machinery and equipment.

"We need to prepare a detailed report on how to introduce the equipment and what kind of machinery to introduce."

The Prime Minister does not know much about specific industrial projects.

Therefore, the following departments are required to make reports.

The Chairman said, "Comrades Wei Hongjun and Li Fuchun, the two of you should prepare a plan for this matter and hand it over to Comrade Wu Hao. Also, be prepared for the possibility that the Americans will take a hard line and refuse to accept our terms. We must come up with second and third-hand plans so that we don't lose ground in the negotiations."

"Yes."

891 Eighth Conference

Negotiations between China and the United States are not easy.

Because there is still a war on the Korean Peninsula.

But the US really can't fight any longer. The current positional warfare is causing massive casualties every moment. Anti-war sentiment is growing among US frontline troops, with some even choosing to surrender at the slightest disadvantage.

As soon as it was night, the volunteer army would counterattack, making it very difficult for the US army.

So on January 1952, 1, General Clark, the commander-in-chief of the US Far East, publicly expressed his desire for peace talks to reporters. Two days after Clark expressed his desire for negotiations, on January 14, Truman also stated in the United States that the United States was willing to sit down and negotiate for peace on the Korean Peninsula.

However, it is impossible for the United States to stop the war immediately if it wants to.

Simply because China and the United States don't want to fight isn't enough to resolve the issue. There are still two forces on the Korean Peninsula: the Korean People's Army and Syngman Rhee's puppet army. The United States had just expressed its desire for a ceasefire, but unexpectedly, Syngman Rhee was the first to stir up trouble.

He knew that with his abilities, he would be unable to do anything without the support of the US military.

So he firmly opposed the ceasefire.

He publicly stated to reporters that they would never back down for the safety of the free world. He also called on the United States to increase its military strength and eliminate the Chinese and North Korean forces in order to prevent the free world from being contaminated by communism.

Syngman Rhee's public stance infuriated the United States. If the war hadn't been truly unsustainable, the United States wouldn't have even considered negotiating with China. Rhee's public stance angered and embarrassed the United States. Clark had initially tried to persuade Rhee, but upon seeing Rhee's attitude, he bluntly told him that the US military must cease fire. If Rhee felt he could fight, then let his puppet troops do it themselves.

As a result, Syngman Rhee's puppet army really launched the attack on their own.

Although the combat effectiveness of Syngman Rhee's puppet army had improved and their weapons and equipment were much better, they were no match for the Volunteer Army. After being beaten up by the Volunteer Army in a few blows, they immediately became obedient.

The same is true in China.

Jinricheng firmly disagrees with the negotiations.

Jin Jincheng was a wise man, understanding that if he failed to unify the Korean Peninsula this time, his chances of success in the future would be increasingly slim. Therefore, he had always disagreed. However, upon seeing the Chinese side's clear stance, he immediately sent a telegram to Stalin, hoping for Stalin's support.

Unfortunately it didn't work.

The Chinese had clearly told Stalin that China's finances could not sustain the war, so the Chinese army could not advance further unless the Soviet Air Force was willing to appear on the battlefield. Stalin was very satisfied with the current situation.

Because the United States bowed its head.

This is a great victory for the socialist camp, as it has lost face in the world.

The Soviet Union did not want to continue to pressure the United States.

While America's allies, such as Britain, were concerned about Truman and MacArthur's plans to use the atomic bomb, the Soviet Union was actually even more worried. The Soviet Union genuinely didn't want to fight a war. If the United States did use the atomic bomb, it would be the Soviet Union that would be at a loss as to what to do.

Therefore, the current situation in North Korea is acceptable to the Soviet Union.

Without Stalin's support, Jin Jincheng was helpless. The US military's current inability to break through the Volunteer Army's positions did not mean it could not defeat the Korean People's Army. After Jin Jincheng ceased his opposition, on January 1952, 1, the Premier stated that China was willing to negotiate.

On January 1, Deng Guo, on behalf of the Sino-North Korean Joint Command, responded that he was willing to negotiate with the US military.

After China's response, both sides immediately sent personnel to contact each other. The Volunteer Army and the US Army were the easiest to contact, and after a brief contact, the two sides decided to hold armistice negotiations in Wonju on January 1.

After both sides made the decision, the Chinese and North Korean joint forces and the US and puppet troops simultaneously announced a temporary ceasefire on the Korean Peninsula on January 1.

In comparison, the negotiations between China and the United States are more difficult.

Both sides initially sent officials to engage in contact. Because there were so many issues to discuss between China and the United States, lower-level officials needed to reach a certain agreement first. Only after a rough framework was in place could senior officials be dispatched to negotiate a solution.

China's stance this time is clear. If it can't gain political benefits, then it must gain economic benefits. Of course, if it can gain both politically and economically, that would be even better.

But obviously this is not easy.

The Democrats' current attitude is that they can make concessions on money, but not on politics, because for them, making concessions politically would leave too much leverage for their opponents.

The negotiations did not go smoothly.

And this kind of negotiation cannot be completed in a day or two.

On February 1952, 2, the Eighth National Congress of the Communist Party of China began.

However, this large-scale conference was not convened directly. From February 2st to 1th, a preparatory meeting for the Eighth National Congress was held in Beijing. At this preparatory meeting, Chairman Mao delivered a speech entitled "Strengthening Party Unity and Carrying Forward the Party's Traditions," in which he stated that the purpose and objectives of the Eighth National Congress were to summarize the experience since the Seventh National Congress, unite the entire Party, unite all forces that can be united at home and abroad, and strive to build a socialist China. He called on the entire Party to carry forward the fine traditions and oppose subjectivism, sectarianism, and bureaucracy.

In fact, it was a warning to the party members who participated in the Eighth National Congress.

Let everyone attend the meeting honestly and not cause any trouble during the meeting.

Many issues have already been discussed at the preparatory meeting.

Wei Hongjun proposed that all documents should not state that "the Soviet path is the path that human society must take," but rather that "the socialist path is the path that human society must take, and the Soviet path is a successful attempt within the socialist path."

Wei Hongjun believes that we should fully affirm and praise all the efforts made by the Soviet Union in promoting socialist development and construction, and fully affirm the superiority and correctness of the Soviet path. However, we should not mythologize or absolutize the Soviet experience and the Soviet path.

Marxism needed to be combined with China's actual conditions, which led to the victory of the Chinese revolution. Now, the Soviet path should also be combined with China's actual conditions, so that China's socialist construction can succeed.

After discussion, many cadres supported Wei Hongjun's proposal.

Although there were some objections, arguing that such language was disrespectful to the Soviet revolution and its path, Wei Hongjun's opinion was widely supported at the preparatory meeting. Consequently, the Central Committee decided to adjust the wording of the document to be presented at the Eighth Congress.

After the preparatory meeting, the Eighth National Congress of the Communist Party of China officially convened. This congress was attended by 1026 official delegates and 107 alternate delegates, representing nearly 59 million Party members nationwide. Delegations from the Communist, Workers', Labor, and People's Revolutionary Parties of countries, as well as representatives of various domestic democratic parties and non-party democrats, were also invited to attend.

The process is similar.

The Chairman first made an "opening speech", and then the central leaders in charge of the work began to report on the work progress over the years.

Comrade Xiuyang took the lead in delivering the "Political Report of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China to the 17th National Congress." This report was essentially the work report of the Central Committee, or in other words, the Central Committee's report to the national representatives of the Communist Party of China. This "Political Report" was divided into four main parts. The first part reviewed the general line of the transition period from the Second Session of the Seventh Central Committee to the present.

The Seventh National Congress of the Communist Party of China determined that the current stage of the Chinese revolution was the "New Democratic Revolution Stage." The Second Session of the Seventh Central Committee formulated the general line for the transition to the "New Democratic Revolution Stage." This general line, in essence, recognized the existence of private ownership, but focused on developing state-owned enterprises and socialism, gradually eliminating the private sector, and transitioning to the primary stage of socialism.

Over the past four years or so, the CPC has accomplished a great deal. Overall, under the guidance of the general line for the transition period, remarkable results have been achieved. Therefore, we must first affirm the success of the general line for the transition period.

The second part is about socialist construction.

The "Political Report" analyzed the next stage of New China's society: would it continue to follow the general line of the transition period or enter socialism? It clearly stated that China would be in the primary stage of socialism. This primary stage coincided with the First Five-Year Plan. China would gradually undergo socialist transformation, transitioning from a New Democratic society to a socialist one. Over a period of 10 to 15 years, the current capitalist private economy would be transformed into a socialist public economy.

In fact, it means to carry out public-private partnership in industry.

At the same time, the "Political Report" also clearly pointed out that the goal of socialist transformation is the socialization of the means of production, not the means of subsistence. It also means the socialization of capitalist industry and commerce, not the socialization of individual handicraftsmen.

Simply put, the current capitalist industry and commerce must be operated through public-private partnerships, not just those for artisans who rely on technology and labor. The "New Economic Policy" proposed by the Chairman at the last Politburo meeting was intended to facilitate the subsequent socialist transformation.

The third is about international relations.

What direction should New China take in its foreign policy? This "Political Report" once again clarified that New China's foreign policy was a "leaning to one side." Between the socialist camp and the Western imperialist camp, New China firmly stood with the socialist camp, led by the Soviet Union. Following the Soviet Union, New China opposed hegemony and colonialism, and supported the independence and liberation of nations and countries around the world.

The fourth is about the leadership of the Party.

The "Political Report" once again emphasized the issue of party leadership.

We must oppose "localism", "mountaintopism" and "separatism" and firmly uphold the leadership of the Party.

Finally, the "Political Report" pointed out that our party's current task is to rely on the hundreds of millions of working people who have been liberated and organized, unite all possible forces at home and abroad, make full use of all favorable conditions, and build our country into a great socialist country as quickly as possible.

This is the general program of the Eighth Congress.

Then Gao Gang made a report on "Amendments to the Party Constitution" on behalf of the Secretariat.