Rebirth: I am in Jin-Cha-Ji

The party’s organizational structure is going to change.

The meeting decided to expand the number of members of the Standing Committee of the Political Bureau of the CPC Central Committee to 7, the number of members of the Political Bureau to 17, the number of members of the Central Committee to 97, and the number of alternate members of the Central Committee to 73.

After Gao Gang, Chen Yun made a report on "Suggestions on the Development of the First Five-Year Plan for the National Economy", the Commander-in-Chief made a report on "Strengthening Party Discipline", the Premier made a report on "The Establishment of the Central Military Commission of the Communist Party of China", and Marshal Nie made a report on "Improving Legal Work".

Wei Hongjun also gave a report, which was mainly divided into two parts.

The first section included a report on the War to Resist U.S. Aggression and Aid Korea and a report on agricultural development, rural mutual aid groups, and cooperatives. Then, Yang Xiufeng, the new director of the National Compilation Committee, gave a report on the retirement system for Party members and cadres.

These reports were not directly released at the Eighth National Congress. Instead, they were discussed numerous times in groups during the preparatory and preliminary meetings. Every sentence and every word was carefully considered, and only after everyone agreed that there were no problems were they presented at the Eighth National Congress.

Therefore, most of these reports were able to be passed at the meeting.

The meeting adopted the "Resolution on the Political Report," the "Constitution of the Communist Party of China," the "Suggestions on the First Five-Year Plan for the Development of the National Economy (1952-1956)," the "Report on Strengthening Party Discipline," the "Report on Improving Legal Work," the "Report on Rural Mutual Aid Groups and Cooperatives," and the "Report on the Retirement System for Party Members and Cadres."

The impact of these documents is huge.

The adoption of the "Political Report" indicated that New China would move from a New Democratic society to a socialist society and that socialist reforms would begin nationwide. Following the adoption of the "Report on Strengthening Party Discipline," the Central Committee decided to establish central and local supervisory committees.

In the past, there was a People's Supervisory Committee in the State Council.

However, the Central Committee decided to change the People's Supervisory Committee of the State Council to the Ministry of Supervision of the State Council, which is a department under the State Council. What is being established now is a Party committee department, a supervisory committee directly under the leadership of the Party Central Committee.

The Central Committee appointed Dong Biwu as the secretary of the newly established Central Supervisory Committee.

Dong Biwu possessed experience, competence, and high rank. However, while serving in the State Council, he consistently upheld the principle of "separation of Party and government." This time, the central government simply transferred him from the State Council to a central government position.

After approving the "Report on Improving Legal Work," the central government decided to expedite the establishment of formal public security bureaus, procuratorates, and courts in counties across the country. Although the People's Republic of China had been established for four years, some county procuratorates and courts still existed, though not fully developed.

Marshal Nie's report was that the procuratorates and courts across the country should be improved within the next five years.

Truly improve the legal system.

Through the "Report on Rural Mutual Aid Groups and Cooperatives," the central government decided to promote mutual aid groups and cooperatives in rural areas nationwide over the next five years. Even in rural areas where cooperatives did not exist, mutual aid groups would be established.

Following the approval of the "Report on the Retirement System for Party Members and Cadres," the central government officially established retirement ages for the military and local governments. Every five years, cadres below administrative level 5 (including administrative level 5) must be no older than 60 years old at the time of appointment. Cadres below administrative level 5 who are over 60 must retire at the next meeting unless they have advanced further.

For cadres at administrative levels 75 and , the retirement age can be extended to . For cadres at administrative levels and , the retirement age can be extended to .

Meanwhile, retired cadres who participated in the revolution will enjoy the same benefits after retirement, except that they will no longer be able to participate in frontline work as before. This includes being able to view party documents that are accessible to different ranks.

A Veteran Cadres Department will be established to oversee the lives of retired cadres. Retired cadres can submit any opinions or ideas to the Veteran Cadres Department, which will then forward them to the central government or other departments.

The situation in the military is even more detailed.

There are very specific retirement ages at the company, battalion, regiment, division, and army levels. Military cadres retire at a much younger age than local officials. For example, if a company-level cadre hasn't advanced past 35, they must choose to retire. Therefore, after military cadres retire, they can enter local positions. After retiring from the military and joining local forces, they retire according to local cadre standards.

According to the newly adopted "retirement plan," three officials, Xu Teli, Deputy Minister of the Propaganda Department; Wu Yuzhang, President of Renmin University of China; and Xie Juezai, Minister of the Interior, who had been approved at the Fourth Session of the Seventh National People's Congress, were officially approved for retirement. They are the first group of cadres to retire since the founding of the People's Republic of China.

It also set a precedent for the retirement of cadres in New China.

Of course, what everyone is most concerned about is the reports from the Premier and Comrade Gao Gang.

Following the approval of the Premier's "Report on the Establishment of the Central Military Commission of the Communist Party of China," the Eighth National Congress formally established the Central Military Commission of the Communist Party of China. This marked the first time that the Central Military Commission had been established at a CPPCC National Committee meeting, and it was restored four years after the abolition of the Central Military Commission.

The Eighth National Congress appointed the Chairman as Chairman of the Central Military Commission and 14 members of the Central Military Commission, including ten marshals in history, plus Gao Gang, Wei Hongjun, Deng Xixian, and Yang Quanwu.

Compared with history, there are three more people: Gao Gang, Wei Hongjun and Yang Quanwu.

Then comes the "Constitution of the Communist Party of China."

A new Central Committee was established, with the Chairman serving as Chairman of the Central Committee, and Comrade Xiuyang, the Premier, the Commander-in-Chief, Chen Yun, Marshal Nie, and Gao Gang serving as Vice Chairmen of the Central Committee.

The Chairman, Xiu Yang, the Premier, the Commander-in-Chief, Chen Yun, Marshal Nie, and Gao Gang were elected as members of the Political Bureau Standing Committee. The Chairman was in overall charge, while Comrade Xiu Yang was responsible for Party affairs and also served as Chairman of the Preparatory Committee for the National People's Congress, effectively assuming the role of Chairman of the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress to be established shortly thereafter.

This time, Gao Gang went a step further and served as a member of the Political Bureau Standing Committee and Vice Chairman of the Central Committee. He continued to serve as General Secretary of the Central Committee and continued to be responsible for the work of the Secretariat.

The State Council was renamed the State Council, with the Premier taking on the role of Premier. The Commander-in-Chief was responsible for Party discipline inspection and would also serve as Chairman of the CPPCC. Chen Yun remained in charge of national finance and economics, while Marshal Nie would oversee the Political and Legal Affairs Commission.

Then there are the Politburo members.

The six original Politburo members Wei Hongjun, Deng Xixian, Dong Biwu, Lin Boqu, General Peng and Peng Zhen were all elected, and then Marshal Lin, General He, Marshal Luo and Rao Shushi were added.

After that, there will be elections for alternate members of the Politburo, members of the Central Committee and alternate members of the Central Committee.

Following the reorganization of the Central Committee, the Eighth Congress officially concluded.

Of course, this is just the beginning.

There is a new Politburo and a new Military Commission, and there are still a lot of adjustments to be done.

892 Politburo Meeting

The Seventh National Congress of the Communist Party of China determined that the Chinese revolution was a New Democratic Revolution, and the Eighth National Congress determined that the new China would transition from a New Democratic society to a socialist society. Each time such a judgment was made at a National Congress of the Communist Party of China, it indicated a new shift in central policy.

If this assessment of society's principal contradiction is correct, then the policies formulated will be correct, and work will be more effective. The success of the Seventh National Congress led to the subsequent victory in the Liberation War. However, if this assessment of the principal contradiction is biased or erroneous, then the policies formulated will also be problematic, and work will become extremely difficult.

Although the Eighth National Congress did not propose a brilliant masterpiece like "On the Ten Major Relationships" as a programmatic and guiding document as in the past, the "Political Report" delivered by Comrade Xiuyang on behalf of the Central Committee already contained many prototypes of "On the Ten Major Relationships".

Overall, the Eighth Congress was a successful and united meeting.

There wasn't much disagreement among the central leadership on policy and line issues; everyone supported socialist transformation. Personnel adjustments were also handled according to procedure, with no serious conflicts.

After the Eighth National Congress of the Communist Party of China, the Central Committee immediately convened a Politburo meeting.

After such an important meeting, numerous adjustments were necessary. First, after the founding of the People's Republic of China, various departments and institutions gradually became standardized, necessitating frequent adjustments to accommodate changing circumstances. Second, personnel adjustments were also crucial after such a conference. Of course, the policies formulated at the Eighth National Congress were all broad strategic directions, and these strategies required the Politburo's implementation.

That's why the Politburo convened a meeting immediately. This Politburo meeting mainly discussed seven aspects.

First: There has been continuous good news on the oil front in the past six months, and the central government has decided to strengthen the strength of the oil front.

Karamay had already begun its oil campaign, with two key objectives: exploring Karamay's oil reserves and carrying out construction to prepare for the next phase of oil field development. The discovery of the Karamay oilfield was already a cause for great joy. Unexpectedly, during the Eighth National Congress, news also arrived from the Liaohe Oilfield.

Wells 9 and 10 had been silent, but oil and gas layers had been detected, indicating an oil field. Well 11 then began producing industrial oil and gas, and the results were very positive. This excited the Liaohe Oilfield exploration team. Huang Jiqing and his team of experts spent six months in the Liaohe Oilfield, concluding that it was a large field with potential for exploitation. They wrote a report to Wei Hongjun, requesting large-scale exploration of the Liaohe Oilfield.

Wei Hongjun was ready to concentrate his forces to launch a major oil campaign in the Liaohe Oilfield. Large-scale exploration and development of the Liaohe and Karamay Oilfields would train a large number of oil officials, technicians, and workers, providing them with experience in oilfield exploration and development.

To prepare for a larger-scale Daqing Oilfield oil battle in the future.

With the continuous discovery of oil fields, the importance of the oil industry became increasingly prominent. The Petroleum Industry Bureau was merely an industrial bureau under the Ministry of Fuel Industry, a relatively low-ranking one. However, the Petroleum Industry Bureau already commanded five divisions of oil engineering troops, along with oil technicians and workers, totaling over 100,000 personnel. This was far more than a small Petroleum Industry Bureau could mobilize.

Because every oil battle requires the mobilization of troops, workers, technicians, teachers and students from major universities, and local governments to participate, a higher-level department is required to command it.

So this time the Politburo decided to establish the Ministry of Petroleum Industry.

With the establishment of the Ministry of Petroleum Industry, the Ministry of Fuel Industry was completely split. The three former industrial bureaus—the Coal Industry Bureau, the Electric Power Industry Bureau, and the Petroleum Industry Bureau—were separated into separate ministries and commissions. The Ministry of Coal Industry had already been established, with Xu Daben as its Minister. Following the split of the Ministry of Fuel Industry, Lin Dafeng, formerly Minister of the Fuel Industry, became Minister of the Electric Power Industry, while Yu Qiuli, formerly Vice Minister of the Fuel Industry and Director of the Petroleum Industry Bureau, became Minister of the newly created Ministry of Petroleum Industry.

Wei Hongjun transferred Lei Jiabin, deputy commander of the Volunteer Army Logistics Command, to serve as the military representative for the Liaohe Oil Campaign and the overall commander of the Liaohe Oilfield campaign. Huang Jiqing was appointed deputy commander-in-chief of the Liaohe Oilfield and also the technical director. Wei Hongjun transferred Lei Jiabin because the Korean War had stabilized. Furthermore, the Volunteer Army's logistics were on track, and Lei Jiabin was no longer needed in Northeast China to oversee logistics.

The 3rd Petroleum Engineering Division, which was about to participate in the Liaohe Oilfield Campaign, was reorganized from the Northeast Military Region's 4th Independent Division. This 4th Independent Division was originally formed from a battalion of the 9th Hebei-Rehe-Chahar Brigade, which had accompanied Wang Qiuyun and Wei Hongjun into the Northeast, and was subsequently expanded in North Manchuria. Despite its efforts, this unit was not recognized as a field unit when Wang Qiuyun established the North Manchuria Corps, remaining a regional unit. Later, it served in the Northeast Military Region, responsible for bandit suppression and public security. Following the Fourth Field Army's southward advance, it was reorganized into the 4th Independent Division. This oil campaign was specifically targeted by Wei Hongjun, who reorganized it into the 3rd Petroleum Engineering Division.

As for the 20th and 22th Petroleum Engineering Divisions, they were drawn from the Southeast Military Region, namely the th and nd Corps from Hebei-Rehe-Chahar.

Lei Jiabin is familiar with them.

Lei Jiabin served as the Liaohe Oil Campaign's chief commander, so there would be no command problems. Wei Hongjun didn't want any problems affecting the success of such a crucial oil campaign.

Lei Jiabin had served under Wei Hongjun for many years, and Wei Hongjun trusted his abilities. Like Wei Hongjun, Lei Jiabin was a political cadre, and later excelled in both military political work and the development and construction of base areas. Later, he served as commander of the Hebei-Rehe-Chahar Military Region, responsible for the supply and training of new recruits, as well as logistics arrangements, all of which he managed with impeccable efficiency.

That's why when troops were sent to the Korean War, Wei Hongjun asked him to come and serve as deputy commander of the logistics headquarters, and he did an excellent job in this job. Now that the war is over, Wei Hongjun also has to consider his future.

Participating in the oil campaign and continuing to demonstrate his abilities would be beneficial for his future. After completing the Liaohe oil campaign, he could become Deputy Minister of the Ministry of Petroleum Industry. He would be able to break out of the military system and become a cadre on the oil front. Furthermore, with this experience, Wei Hongjun wouldn't be worried about being without support when organizing the Daqing oil campaign.

As long as he could successfully lead the Daqing Oil Campaign, he would have no problem going into any field in the future. Although he was only a company commander and company instructor during his time in the Red Army, he was, after all, a member of the Central Red Army who had participated in the Long March.

The Political Bureau hopes that Wei Hongjun and the oil department can continue their efforts and initially complete the construction of Karamay Oilfield and Liaohe Oilfield within three years, so that the crude oil production can reach about 300 million tons.

Second: The Politburo meeting specifically discussed the issue of the subsequent socialist transformation.

The overall line of socialist transformation is "one transformation and three reforms", that is, the goal of socialist transformation is to complete socialist industrialization, and the specific measures are the socialist transformation of agriculture, handicrafts, and capitalist industry and commerce.

According to the Chairman, this socialist transformation will take 10 to 15 years. We need to use two to three five-year plans to thoroughly complete the socialist transformation, and then New China can become a socialist country. This is also the path that socialist industrialization must take.

Wei Hongjun was responsible for the socialist transformation of agriculture, Chen Yun and Li Fuchun were responsible for the socialist transformation of capitalist industry and commerce, and Mao Zemin was responsible for the socialist transformation of handicrafts.

These were discussed at the Eighth National Congress.

The Politburo now needs to determine specific leaders and work plans. Wei Hongjun, Secretary of the Rural Work Committee, will be responsible for promoting mutual aid groups and cooperatives in rural areas nationwide. Within five years, these groups and cooperatives will be implemented nationwide, and within ten years, all rural areas will have cooperatives. This is the socialist transformation of the countryside. The rural cooperative economy must complement the public economy in the cities, and their integration will promote the development of socialist industrialization.

The transformation of capitalist industry and commerce that Chen Yun and Li Fuchun were responsible for was to carry out public-private partnerships, take back factories from capitalists through redemption, shareholding system, and dividend distribution, and eliminate private industry and commerce.

Complete the nationalization of capitalist industry and commerce.

The current situation is that most small and medium-sized capitalists support public-private partnerships and are even eager to complete them as soon as possible. This is because after the founding of New China, state investment has become the mainstream of economic development.

In recent years, 99.999% of the development of China's industry and commerce has been driven by state investment. The emergence of a large number of state-owned enterprises has squeezed the living space of small and medium-sized private enterprises. Therefore, many small and medium-sized enterprises are not developing very well and are operating very poorly. Many small and medium-sized enterprises even owe a large sum of money to banks. When the People's Republic of China was just founded, these small and medium-sized enterprises were in a state of bankruptcy. The new China supported them and the banks gave them a lot of loans. It is not so easy to repay the loans now. Therefore, many of these small and medium-sized capitalists are willing to cooperate with the public and private sectors. After all, the state promised that they would either buy them out with money or give them shares, and they could get dividends in the future.

But the situation for the big capitalists is quite different. They are currently living a relatively comfortable life, and most of their companies are also very profitable. This is because in the early days of liberation, when New China was recovering its economy, these large national capitalists were given large-scale support.

In recent years, the domestic economy has recovered rapidly, allowing these big capitalists' factories to make decent profits.

They are unwilling to have public-private partnerships.

Therefore, the focus of the reform of capitalist industry and commerce was on these large capitalists. The central government's intention was to encourage these large capitalists to support public-private partnerships. Therefore, regarding shares and dividends, they were offered significantly more favorable terms than those for small and medium-sized capitalists. The capitalists' shares could be fixed. This meant that no matter how much the state invested in the company or how large it grew, the capitalists' shares would remain unchanged. Although the shares were not large, once the proportion was fixed, they would become a significant asset. The capitalists were promised 50 years of dividends based on this shareholding.

Stable shareholding ratios and long-term dividends stabilize capitalists and encourage them to support the transformation of capitalist industry and commerce. Historically, if it weren't for the emergence of major movements, capitalist dividends would have continued.

That's why Shanghai capitalists wrote books reminiscing about life during the Great Revolution. They described marrying off their daughters in the 1970s with dowries worth several thousand yuan. You can only imagine how wealthy these capitalists were back then.

The socialist transformation of handicraft industry, which Mao Zemin was responsible for, was the most complicated.

The central government doesn't have a clear standard for the socialist transformation of handicrafts. If artisans form cooperatives based on their trades, the central government doesn't oppose it; it even encourages it. For example, carpentry is a handicraft; if carpenters unite to form a furniture factory, for example, a master mason and a few apprentices working on a house could form a simple construction or renovation company. This all falls under the socialist transformation of handicrafts. Artisans unite to develop a collective cooperative economy.

But the central government is relatively lenient towards handicraftsmen.

During the socialist transformation, the central government aimed to eliminate the privatization of the means of production, primarily the transformation of capitalist industry and commerce. Artisans who sold their skills and labor, individuals and households who sought to earn a living through small jobs, were excluded from this socialist transformation. The central government allowed some small artisans, such as barbershops, small restaurants, and small tailor shops, to be exempt from participating in the socialist transformation.

But this makes it even more difficult.

A one-size-fits-all approach is the easiest. The central government has policies, and the lower levels simply follow them. On the other hand, tasks without clear policies and standards, which require cadres to flexibly grasp them, are fragmented, complex, and difficult to resolve.

And the political risks are also great.

So this work was taken over by Mao Zemin, who was in charge of these tasks in the Central Soviet Area and later in the Shanxi-Chahar-Hebei region.

Third: The Politburo decided to formally implement the wage system starting from July 1952.

The National Organization Committee has already graded cadres nationwide and determined salaries accordingly. The supply system has numerous drawbacks, perhaps arguably a wartime system, not a peacetime one. After the founding of the People's Republic of China, the supply system has experienced numerous problems, primarily due to the vast disparity in income.

As the saying goes, it is not the lack of wealth that is worrying, but the inequality of distribution.

After the founding of the People's Republic of China, the income of workers under the supply system was low, while that of workers under the salary system was high, and the income gap between the two was very large.

Especially the income of old revolutionaries is too low.

After the "Three Antis" campaign, many officials arrested for corruption or embezzlement of public funds argued, "Why should we, the heroes who fought for the revolution, earn less than those who didn't participate in the revolution?" They were veteran revolutionaries, many of them having participated for over a decade. Now that the revolution has triumphed and New China has been established, shouldn't we be able to enjoy even a little bit of comfort?

Although they broke the law and violated party discipline, what they said was actually what many party members and cadres wanted to say.