Rebirth: I am in Jin-Cha-Ji

Wei Hongjun detailed the need for every household to have access to electricity, running water, a telephone, and a car, including the need for household appliances to reach every household. He laid out data on these, explaining how much coal would be consumed, how much power lines would need to be laid, and how many power plants would need to be built to achieve nationwide electricity. He also discussed the need for telephone lines, and the technological breakthroughs required. He also discussed cars and household appliances.

TV, sewing machine, kettle, etc.

What should be the total amount and what will be the annual sales volume.

And to produce so many things, what kind of resources are needed and how much investment is needed.

Once these are achieved, we can move from the primary stage of socialism to the advanced stage of socialism. However, this is still not a communist society, as distribution according to need is still not possible. However, after entering the advanced stage of socialism, production relations can be gradually altered based on the level of development of the productive forces. In the advanced stage of socialism, communist elements are nurtured, leading to a gradual transition to communism.

Wei Hongjun doesn't really care what happens decades from now, because policies can be adjusted by then.

What Wei Hongjun cares about is the present.

How to define China today? As long as the Party can accept that China is currently in the basic stage of the primary stage of socialism, then many theoretical issues of communism will not be confused.

The current "communist style" within the party has led to several serious problems.

One is the constant pursuit of transforming small collectives and small public ownership into large collectives and large public ownership. This is especially true at the county and township levels, where the focus is always on transforming small collective assets into county and township assets. This mentality severely undermines the development of small collectives and small public ownership, creates a sense of insecurity in these enterprises, and severely dampens the people's enthusiasm for production.

Another thing is that the idea of ​​equal distribution is very serious.

One major reason for this is that many Party members and cadres viewed equal distribution as the ideal distribution method for a communist society. The "one equalization, two adjustments" policy was the most serious form of "communist wind" during the Great Leap Forward.

However, as long as the Party accepts the judgment that New China will remain in the primary stage of socialism for a long time, these problems will be easily resolved. The current problems arise because they cannot determine how many years it will take to achieve communism. Even the central leadership has its own ideas, lacking a unified judgment. Furthermore, the Soviet Union's constant calls for communism have also fostered this sentiment in China.

Therefore, some people want to enter the communist society earlier, which leads to the emergence of "communist wind".

If the central government determines that communism will not be achieved within decades, then everyone will honestly participate in socialist construction and stop worrying about how to achieve communism. Therefore, this judgment is very important and directly affects the central government's subsequent policies.

The Chairman read Wei Hongjun's report carefully.

After receiving Wei Hongjun's report, the Chairman read it several times within a few days. He did not immediately disclose the report to the Politburo because he himself had many issues that needed to be sorted out.

Six or seven days later, the Chairman met with Wei Hongjun again.

"Your report is very bold and direct, some of it even so brutal it's hard to accept. Look at the per capita figures for light industrial products you wrote about. Many are practically zero, and many Chinese people don't even know what they are. But in Europe and the United States, these light industrial products are already entering the homes of ordinary people. While cruel, reality is reality. Reality cannot be changed by human will; it is objective fact, and you cannot avoid it. We must respect objective facts and acknowledge reality. Only by respecting objective facts and acknowledging reality can we avoid making mistakes."

Although the Chairman spoke with great seriousness, his expression was quite relaxed. There was neither heaviness nor seriousness.

In the past, the Chairman received reports that often described what tasks had been completed that year and how much production had increased. But he had never presented everything so starkly, using data, as Wei Hongjun did this time.

It's really direct, but also cruel.

However, the Chairman possessed a steely will and, having experienced much in his life, he readily accepted harsh realities. His primary concern these past few days was Wei Hongjun's assessment of the socialist stage theory. The Chairman supported a stage-based approach to socialism, much like his analysis of the War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression in "On Protracted War." The Chairman's question was whether Wei Hongjun's assessment of the socialist stage theory was correct.

And what the Chairman is more concerned about is the policy issues at this stage once this judgment is accepted.

The Ninth National Congress will be held in another year and a half.

Every National Congress of the Party is very important because it directly determines the Party’s policies for the next five years.

Based on the actual situation, the Seventh Central Committee proposed "On the Coalition Government," which determined that the nature of the revolution was New Democratic and guided the subsequent Liberation War. The Second Session of the Seventh Central Committee concluded that China was then a "New Democratic Society," and thus formulated the "General Line for the Transition Period" for the transition from New Democratic to Socialist society, guiding the work of the People's Republic of China in its first few years. This "General Line for the Transition Period" played an indelible role in the rapid economic recovery of the People's Republic of China.

The focus of the Eighth National Congress was that China must undergo socialist transformation and fully embrace socialism. The most important task for the country in recent years has been the socialist transformation of industry, commerce, and agriculture. This socialist transformation has proceeded smoothly.

China today has state-owned enterprises, large and small collectives, state-owned enterprises, and cooperative collectives in urban and rural areas. Of course, this also includes a significant number of foreign-owned enterprises that predate liberation, as well as the Sino-foreign joint ventures that have emerged in the past two years. These various forms of ownership comprise China's current socialist economic system.

However, contradictions are now beginning to emerge between large-scale public ownership and small-scale public ownership, between large collectives and small collectives, and between state-owned and collective economies. These contradictions are due to different judgments about the current situation in China.

Therefore, the party must now unify its thinking and resolve these contradictions.

The Ninth National Congress is the best time to unify the party’s thinking.

Therefore, the Chairman has been reflecting on the report to the Ninth National Congress. After years of socialist construction, the Chairman has gained many new insights into socialist construction. Historically, at the Eighth National Congress in 1956, the Chairman proposed "On the Ten Major Relationships." This is the Chairman's outstanding and representative work on socialist construction, summarizing China's socialist economic development.

The Chairman already had a general outline of the report of the Ninth National Congress, and now with Wei Hongjun's judgment on the primary stage of socialism, the Chairman had a deeper and more complete set of ideas about the report of the Ninth National Congress.

"I generally agree with your theory of socialist stages." Wei Hongjun was overjoyed when the Chairman said this.

It's not just ordinary joy.

With the Chairman's support, much of the work ahead will be much easier to accomplish. As long as the Party truly recognizes that China is currently in the primary stage of socialism, many of the current debates within the Party on policy can come to an abrupt end.

As long as China keeps itself stable, no matter how big the storm is outside, China will be able to weather it.

"But one thing is that the stage theory cannot be too trivial or too clear."

Chapter 970: Socialist Rule of Law Construction

When Wei Hongjun conducts investigations and writes reports, he always prefers to use data to speak for himself because data is the most direct and clear.

Many of the cadres trained by Wei Hongjun have this habit, which is to summarize any investigation with numbers at the end.

Therefore, he did not fully understand what the Chairman said. Wei Hongjun was not the type to be mysterious, nor did he want to go back and think about it slowly, so he asked directly: "Chairman, what do you mean?"

"If the stage theory is too clear, then everyone will be fixated on its various stages and its data. If you say that a grain yield of 200 kilograms per mu is the foundation of the primary stage of socialism, and that a yield of 200 kilograms per mu is the primary stage of socialism, then many people will be eager to declare that once the yield exceeds 200 kilograms per mu, we have entered the primary stage of socialism."

Listening to the Chairman's words, Wei Hongjun couldn't help feeling regretful.

I'd read so many books and read so much material in my past life. And in this life, I'd been a leader for nearly twenty years. I never imagined I'd find myself stuck in this maze. I just wanted to speak with data, but I nearly tripped over such a simple question.

Yes.

If the stages are too clearly defined, it will still lead to governments at all levels acting rashly. While not entering communism, being able to enter various stages of socialism is also a success. By then, everyone will want to enter the next stage of socialism.

The central government’s “adventurism” can be suppressed.

But the "adventurism" at the grassroots level is not so easy to suppress.

So Wei Hongjun immediately said: "Chairman, this is my inconsiderateness."

"This is just a minor flaw. You're busy with your work, and you also have to consider these policy and theoretical issues, so some oversight is normal. The stage theory can't be too clear, but it needs to be clear. You need to make people understand what level of progress is needed in the primary stage of socialism before we can transition to the advanced stage of socialism. The timeframe needs to be extended so that everyone has a clear direction."

"Yes."

Wei Hongjun understood what the Chairman meant.

The theory of socialist stages must have a clear direction, encouraging everyone to strive for development in that direction. However, there cannot be too many subdivided stages, as this would encourage "overadvancing."

The Chairman returned Wei Hongjun's report, which contained various comments from the Chairman.

He said, "Take this report back and review it. Return it in three days for the archives. I'll give you a month to rewrite an article on the theory of socialist stages. As for the part of this report that involves the Soviet Union, leave it out. Write a separate report on Soviet politics and economy."

The Chairman generally agrees with the article on the theory of socialist stages. However, when it comes to assessing China's current situation, the Chairman cannot make the decision alone. He must first discuss it with the Politburo Standing Committee. If the Politburo Standing Committee accepts it, the next step is to discuss it with the Politburo.

If the Politburo approves it, it will be made public at the Ninth National Congress.

Therefore, this report could not include any references to the Soviet Union. Reports on the Soviet Union could only be digested internally by the Party Central Committee. However, Wei Hongjun's analysis of the Soviet Union and the impact of Soviet changes on China were still very important.

Therefore, the Chairman asked Wei Hongjun to write a separate report on this matter.

"Yes."

The Chairman continued, "Too many things to deal with will limit our time to consider policy, theoretical, and international issues. For socialism to develop, theoretical issues are of paramount importance. I am older and less energetic than I was in my youth. The daily workload leaves me no time to consider these issues. I am considering whether central work should be divided into frontline and second-line positions. Frontline leaders would handle the day-to-day work of the Central Committee, and I would free myself from the tedious daily tasks to consider and study theoretical and policy issues."

Wei Hongjun's heart tightened.

He immediately said, "Chairman, China is a poor country that has entered socialism from a semi-feudal, semi-colonial state. Therefore, how to build socialism is a thorny road that no country has ever traversed. Therefore, there is much controversy within the Party about how to build socialism. Now is a critical moment when the Chairman needs to unite the hearts and minds of the Party, unify the Party's thinking, and work together to build a socialist China. If the Chairman proposes the front and second lines at this time, it will affect the unity and unity of the Party's thinking. In particular, many grassroots Party members and cadres will be confused as to why the Chairman suddenly withdrew from the front-line leadership, which will affect the stability of the Party. If the Chairman really has this in mind, he should at least formulate the Second Five-Year Plan. After the Ninth National Congress and the Second National People's Congress, this matter can be gradually promoted. But personally, I oppose the Chairman's idea."

"Chairman, our Party has always practiced democratic centralism. But even within democratic centralism, the Party still needs core leadership. If it were divided into a front and a second line, the Party's decision-making organs would be split in two. This would not only confuse many Party cadres but also affect decision-making efficiency. Therefore, as a Party member and a member of the Politburo, I personally oppose the artificial division of the Central Committee into a front and a second line. If the Chairman feels that there are too many daily tasks, he can delegate some of them. There is no need to strictly divide the Central Committee into a front and a second line."

The Chairman smiled when he saw Wei Hongjun's opposition.

He said: "This is just an idea. I haven't thought about the details yet. Let's not talk about it."

The chairman waved his hand.

In fact, this was not a sudden idea of ​​the Chairman.

The chairman of the first and second tiers had been thinking about this for quite some time, and had even prepared to discuss it with some central leaders, hoping to gradually gain their acceptance. But now the chairman was hesitant again. As Wei Hongjun had said, this was a crucial moment.

The past two years have been particularly important, especially since Wei Hongjun proposed the theory of socialist stages. The Ninth National Congress, in particular, has become increasingly crucial. The Chairman originally had some general, vague ideas about socialist construction, but they are now becoming increasingly clear.

But the Chairman knew that it was useless to have clear ideas. He had to gain acceptance within the party and unify the party's thinking.

Therefore, the concept of first-tier and second-tier cities has become inappropriate in the past two years. The Chairman changed the subject and asked, "What do you think is the most important task in the primary stage of socialism?"

"Building the rule of law."

"Rule of law construction? Tell me more about it."

The Chairman is now listening to opinions from within the Party, not just Wei Hongjun.

Although the Chairman now had a relatively clear outline for the Ninth National Congress, he did not dare to claim that his own ideas were the most correct, comprehensive, and complete. Only by listening widely to everyone's opinions could he continue to refine his ideas. Regarding the Second Five-Year Plan and subsequent policy issues, these central cadres all had their own opinions.

The chairman listened attentively.

But the only one who proposed "rule of law construction" was Wei Hongjun.

Wei Hongjun said, "Chairman, we should strengthen the construction of socialist rule of law. I have asked the Ministry of Foreign Affairs to have our ambassadors abroad help translate the laws of various countries. I have recently been studying legal issues in various countries around the world. Judging from the laws currently enacted by countries around the world, the laws of countries like Europe and the United States are all biased towards capital. This is because their laws are themselves formulated by capital."

"Many newly independent countries have a strong colonial influence. They generally inherit the legal framework of the colonial powers they once were."

"There are still many countries seeking national independence. Once they become independent, the situation will be similar, and their laws will undoubtedly be heavily colonial. This is mainly because these colonial powers were once very backward and lacked much inherited culture. Therefore, after becoming colonies, they are easily assimilated into the culture of the colonizers."

"But China is different. Our country boasts thousands of years of splendid culture, including its own complete legal heritage. This is something we should be proud of, but it also carries a lot of burdens. As we build a socialist country, we must enact our own socialist laws. Capital interference in the enactment of laws will favor capitalists, but our laws must consider the people and protect their interests."

The Chairman did not interrupt Wei Hongjun.

Because the above words can only be said to be relatively empty.

The Chairman was familiar with Wei Hongjun's style. He wouldn't just say these empty words; there must be more to the story. Wei Hongjun continued, "Chairman, at this stage, many Party members and cadres in our country have revolutionary ideals, enthusiasm, and are willing to sacrifice themselves for socialist construction. However, many of them have low levels of education and are generally lacking in ability and quality."

"So, while they are passionate and idealistic, they are also prone to impulsiveness. There's an old saying, 'A new emperor, new ministers.' When they reach the local level, each cadre has his own working methods. The most common outcome is that each cadre has his own policies. As a result, many local policies fluctuate, making it impossible to formulate long-term stable policies. And many of our cooperative economies, such as rural cooperatives and small handicraft cooperatives, fear policy instability the most."

The chairman nodded.

The Chairman agreed with this.

While the terms "Tugong" and "Tubalu" were used by the CCP's enemies to mock them, they are, in essence, not entirely wrong. The CCP, after all, emerged from the countryside, and the majority of cadres who participated in the revolution were of peasant origin. Twenty-first-century television dramas often depict young men and women from capitalist and landlord families joining the revolution. However, their proportion is minuscule, and they simply cannot be compared to the vast majority of peasants.

Like Wei Hongjun, many cadres were illiterate when they joined the army. They learned to read and write only after undergoing literacy training in the army. After all, they were constantly engaged in combat, and most cadres lacked the time for systematic learning.

By the time of the Liberation War, the whole country was liberated too quickly.

There is a serious shortage of cadres everywhere.

Therefore, the new China could only draw cadres from the army on a large scale, including those from the old liberated areas. Although many of them had worked in local areas for many years, their knowledge level was not very high.

This is why the cadres of the early years of the People's Republic of China were idealistic, enthusiastic, and dedicated. They were able to endure hardships and were willing to devote everything to socialist construction. However, the problem lay in their lack of education. Many of them were most likely to have problems grasping policy.

They can interpret the central government's instructions in any way they want.

"So we need to limit this situation, especially on some important issues. Regarding small-scale public ownership, small collectives, rural cooperatives, and small handicraft cooperatives, many are unsure of government policy. They fear the government will one day confiscate their assets, so they act with trepidation and dare not develop freely. Although we have enacted the 'Economic Law' and the 'Enterprise Law' to clarify various ownership types, this is only theoretical."

"Right now, across the country, these laws are not taken seriously. This attitude persists from the central government down to local governments. Laws enacted by the central government are meaningless at the local level. Local governments' work is primarily based on administrative orders issued by the government. A single document from a local government is more effective than a law enacted by the central government."

"For example, a factory built by a rural cooperative is clearly defined in central government laws as belonging to the cooperative and a small collective. But the legal provisions are useless. At the local level, no government order issued by the local government is effective. Therefore, different cadres have different policies regarding these enterprises, and government orders can even change ownership."