Rebirth: I am in Jin-Cha-Ji

"Chairman, this is the biggest problem. If even our own government departments don't respect the laws we make, how can we make the people believe in and abide by them? There are still many backward customs in rural areas, and it's difficult to change them simply through propaganda. The most important thing is to let our people know the laws and regulations and use them to regulate them."

"If everyone takes the law seriously and socialist legal concepts take root, then many of our cooperative economies won't have to worry about policy changes and can develop boldly. This is because the law clearly defines the ownership of assets in cooperative and collective economies. It also constrains local governments, forcing them to abide by the law and avoid issuing orders that violate it."

"The primary stage of socialism is a period of mixed development of various ownership structures. Therefore, the central government needs to provide legal protection for these enterprises with different ownership structures so that they can develop boldly and healthily and contribute to the socialist economy."

The chairman did not speak immediately. Instead, he was thinking.

After a long pause, the Chairman said, "Socialist legal construction is a huge topic. We need a comprehensive plan for how to improve legal provisions, enforce the law, and popularize the law. You and Comrade Rong Zhen should discuss this. Let Comrade Rong Zhen spend some time pondering and organizing this report and write a report on the construction of the rule of law."

"Yes."

"By the way, recently Japan's 'National Union for the Defense of the Constitution' accepted the invitation of the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress of my country to visit China. They proposed that my country send a delegation to visit Japan."

"I heard about it." Wei Hongjun nodded.

Postwar Japan was plagued by ideological chaos, with a variety of currents emerging. However, with the progression of the Cold War and the rise of tensions between the US and the Soviet Union, nationalist sentiment began to grow and flourish in Japan. This nationalist sentiment was primarily characterized by advocacy for constitutional revision and anti-communism. Since the rise to power of Ichirō Hatoyama, Nobusuke Kishi, and others, they have sought to revise the postwar pacifist constitution. The policies adopted were profoundly unfriendly to China, leading to a current strained relationship between the Chinese and Japanese governments.

Of course there are opposing forces.

日本共产主义者、社会主义者，还有不少知识分子坚决反对改变宪法,突破宪法，重新走向战争。1953年11月,片山哲等发起组织了“维护和平宪法之会”。1954年1月,以此会为中心组成了有135个团体参加的“拥护宪法国民联合会”成立。

China and Japan have a complex history.

It can even be said that they are mortal enemies. Especially since most of the cadres of New China grew up during the War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression. They fought face to face with the Japanese army, so how could they have a good temper towards Japan?

However, China and Japan are neighbors and both are important nations in East Asia. Changes in the Asian situation are inseparable from China and Japan. How to manage Sino-Japanese relations is a crucial issue currently facing both countries.

The Chinese government has been closely monitoring changes in Japan.

The relationship between the Japanese government and the Chinese government is currently very poor, but people-to-people exchanges have not been interrupted. Therefore, the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress extended an invitation to the Japanese "National Union for the Protection of the Constitution".

They readily agreed and sent a delegation to visit China, including many Japanese parliamentarians.

Although Wei Hongjun was busy with his own affairs, he was still a member of the Politburo. He had to attend certain events and was still able to receive notifications. Following the visit of the "National League for the Protection of the Constitution" to China, they also extended an invitation to China to visit Japan.

The Chairman said, "I think you should send some cadres from the Rural Work Department to visit Japan. I've heard that Japan's agricultural development is very good, so you should go and learn from them. You can discuss the specifics of who to send when you return. However, my suggestion is that one of Comrades Deng Zhihui, Tan Zhenlin, and Li Shaocheng lead the delegation to Japan, bringing cadres from the Rural Work Department."

Wei Hongjun was a cadre who rose to prominence during the War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression.

Having fought the Japanese for so many years, he had no good feelings towards them. Of the officers and soldiers who followed Wei Hongjun into the War of Resistance, countless lost their lives on the battlefield, and many were left disabled. And so many anti-Japanese bases were severely damaged by the Japanese. How could Wei Hongjun not have a grudge against the Japanese? But in his current position, he couldn't act arbitrarily based on his own likes and dislikes.

Because of the United States' Asian policy, the rise of Japan's economy is unstoppable.

Wei Hongjun shouldn't ignore this fact because of historical grudges. Furthermore, Japan faced a major problem during its economic rise: a lack of market for its products. Japan's domestic market was too small, forcing it to explore international markets. To do so, Japanese products were priced low starting in the late 1950s and continuing through the 1960s and 1970s.

For example, cargo ships and oil tankers built by Japanese shipyards are one-third the price of those in Europe and the United States. In order to sell ships, Japan even provides loans to foreign buyers to open up the market.

This is actually also an opportunity for China.

So Wei Hongjun said: "I will confirm this matter when I get back."

Chapter 971 Introduction, Digestion, and Absorption

After returning from his conversation with the Chairman, Wei Hongjun first communicated with Marshal Nie and conveyed the Chairman's intentions.

Marshal Nie understood that the Chairman's request for him to write a report on the rule of law at this time was in preparation for the Ninth National Congress of the Party. His report might even become a key one at the Ninth National Congress. Therefore, this report became particularly important. Once the Ninth National Congress confirmed that the rule of law would be emphasized throughout society and the entire Party, the Party's propaganda organs and governments at all levels would have to comply with the Party's decision. The importance of law must be promoted throughout the nation and society.

This is no small matter.

It's simply not comparable to the current efforts of a few departments, including the courts, procuratorates, and the Ministry of Public Security, to develop and promote things on their own. Because by then, the entire Party would be mobilizing forces to advance this, and the power would be completely different. Marshal Nie, since his promotion to the Central Committee in 1947 and the establishment of the Political and Legal Committee, has been responsible for central political and legal work.

Now that the Chairman may pay more attention to the rule of law, Marshal Nie is of course very happy.

After the founding of the People's Republic of China, the development of courts and procuratorates was relatively slow. Although county courts and procuratorates already existed, these grassroots courts and procuratorates were weak. Only the Ministry of Public Security, tasked with addressing the post-liberation domestic chaos and suppressing enemy spies, developed a strong presence. If the central government placed greater emphasis on the rule of law, it would be a positive development for the development of courts and procuratorates.

Wei Hongjun simply expressed his thoughts and would not interfere with the specific work. Although Nie Shuai and Wei Hongjun had a special relationship and deep feelings, feelings were feelings and work was work.

This is Wei Hongjun's job, and he must do it well. Since it's not his job, Wei Hongjun has the right to make suggestions and shouldn't interfere. Furthermore, when it comes to rule of law, Wei Hongjun can only offer suggestions, and his concrete actions are certainly not comparable to those of a leader like Marshal Nie, who has been involved in political and legal work for a long time.

Then Wei Hongjun prepared to discuss the list of personnel to be sent to Japan with Deng Zhihui, Tan Zhenlin and others.

Wei Hongjun still attaches great importance to this matter.

Wei Hongjun isn't just pointing people to Japan's agriculture. While Japan's current agriculture is indeed more advanced than China's in some agricultural technologies, that's all it is. Other aspects offer little reference value for Chinese agriculture.

Wei Hongjun wanted them to explore other aspects of Japan's economy and see if there was any potential for cooperation in agriculture.

Japan currently possesses industrial strength and considerable technological sophistication. This is because the United States, in line with its Asia policy, has transferred numerous patents to Japan, boosting its industrial capabilities. In Asia, if the United States wants to suppress China, it can only rely on Japan, as only Japan has the strength to help the United States contain China.

However, Japan's problem is its small domestic market. Consequently, Japan currently faces an oversupply of industrial products, leading to very low prices. Take trucks, for example. Japanese trucks are more than half the price of trucks currently imported from the Soviet Union by China. Consequently, Japanese industrial products have been unable to expand into the international market.

Wei Hongjun wondered if the two sides could engage in some private business. The Japanese government was currently anti-communist and anti-China, but many Japanese factories were eager to secure international orders. Some Japanese-made machinery and equipment was also significantly cheaper than Soviet production.

Of course, foreign trade is not entirely an economic issue; it is also accompanied by politics.

But no matter what, we should go to Japan to investigate, contact the Japanese people, and increase some business channels.

Unfortunately, before Wei Hongjun could select the list of people going to Japan, Li Shiping, Deputy Secretary-General of the State Council, handed him a document from the Planning Commission. Although it was only 1955, the Planning Commission had already begun drafting the Second Five-Year Plan. Drafting the Second Five-Year Plan was no easy task.

The Planning Commission needs to communicate with various ministries and commissions of the State Council and local governments at any time.

Each ministry and local government submitted its Second Five-Year Plan requirements to the Planning Commission. Many of these plans conflicted with each other. Because each ministry had its own set of development ideas, and the resources available within the national plan were limited, some adjustments were necessary. The Planning Commission, in turn, formulated a coordinated Second Five-Year Plan based on the plans and data provided by these ministries.

The Planning Commission handed over a rough and simple Second Five-Year Plan to various offices of the State Council.

Wei Hongjun was in charge of the Fourth, Fifth, and Eighth Offices, so all plans related to the ministries and commissions under these offices had to be submitted to him for review. If there were any questions, they would be submitted back to the Planning Commission for a response.

The Second Five-Year Plan was formulated in this process.

This process took about two to three years. The Second Five-Year Plan began to be formulated in 1955 and was formally finalized in 1957 when it was adopted at the Ninth National Congress of the Communist Party of China and the Second National People's Congress.

Wei Hongjun looked at it carefully.

After reading it, he notified Zhang Linchi and asked him to notify Comrade Deng Zhihui, as well as the leaders of the Fourth Office and the Fifth Office, and the ministers and deputy ministers of the subordinate ministries and commissions to attend the meeting. Comrade Tan Zhenlin, Minister of the Ministry of Agriculture and Reclamation, also attended to discuss this Second Five-Year Plan.

As for the Eighth Office, it does not need to participate.

Because the Ministry of Agriculture, the Ministry of Forestry, the Ministry of Water Resources, and the Ministry of Rural Affairs under the Eighth Office could discuss matters, this time Wei Hongjun mainly wanted to discuss the Second Five-Year Plan for energy and light industry.

Wei Hongjun also used these three days to carefully consider the Second Five-Year Plan. "Everyone has read the documents sent by the Planning Commission." "Yes."

Wei Hongjun and Deng Zhihui sat together. To their left were Comrades Li Xuefeng and Lin Dafeng, the director and deputy director of the Fourth Office. Deputy Director Liu Jie was currently busy at the Ministry of Nuclear Industry and therefore absent. Below them were Minister of Electric Power Industry Liu Yutian, Minister of Coal Industry Xu Daben, Minister of Petroleum Industry Yu Qiuli, and Minister of Geology Li Siguang.

On the right is Comrade Tan Zhenlin, as well as Comrade Zeng Shan, Director of the Fifth Office, Comrade Jia Tuofu and Comrade Song Shaowen, Deputy Directors, Han Chunde, Minister of the Ministry of Textile Industry, Jia Tuofu also serves as Minister of the Ministry of Light Industry, Sha Qianli, Minister of Local Industry, Li Lisan, Minister of Labor, and Bai Rubing, Director of the Central Administration of Handicrafts and Secretary of the Party Leadership Group of the All-China Federation of Handicraft Cooperatives.

Of course they were not the only ones attending the meeting.

Behind these cadres were two rows of other cadres. Deputy ministers from various ministries also attended the meeting, bringing the total number of participants to around 30.

"I think there are some problems with this Second Five-Year Plan. This meeting is being held to address this issue."

Wei Hongjun put down the documents in his hand.

He didn't hesitate and expressed his opinion directly.

He said, "The biggest problem with this plan is that the various ministries are only focused on increasing production, without considering other aspects. The plan is full of things like how much machinery and equipment are needed, how many new factories need to be built, and how much annual production should be increased. But there is no specific consideration of the actual industrial development issues in our country."

"Comrade Wei Hongjun, could you please elaborate?"

No one understood what Wei Hongjun meant.

Throughout the development of New China, there has been a clear shortage of supplies in the market. Industrial product prices are clearly high, but once they are released into the market, supply exceeds demand. This demonstrates that China's economic development has been robust in recent years, and that the purchasing power of ordinary people has increased.

The problem now is that there is a severe shortage of goods in the market, so many people cannot buy things even if they have money.

Just like the turmoil in the steel market in 1954, the problem was also due to insufficient steel supply. Therefore, during the Second Five-Year Plan, everyone's goal was to increase production as much as possible to ensure sufficient supply to the market.

This is especially true of the ministries and commissions under the Fourth Office, which are all energy-related. China's industrialization requires the development of the energy industry first. Only when energy catches up can other industrial sectors develop.

The market is currently lacking industrial products, primarily light industrial goods. However, the development of light industrial goods requires raw materials provided by heavy industry. Without the development of heavy industry, there is no way to supply the daily necessities needed by such a large population.

The energy sector is currently under great pressure, with various units demanding a rapid increase in production. Under this pressure, the energy sector's plans are all geared towards increasing production. The Planning Commission, of course, supports this rapid increase, leading to the draft outline of the Second Five-Year Plan.

Now Wei Hongjun said he only cared about production, which was problematic, Li Xuefeng, director of the Fourth Office, asked directly.

Li Xuefeng had extensive experience, having served as secretary of the Beijing Municipal Party Committee before the Anti-Japanese War. After the July 129 Incident, he participated in the revolution in Shanxi, Hebei, Shandong, and Henan provinces, and later followed the th Division southward, remaining in the Central-South Bureau.

After the Central South Bureau was abolished and the State Council was established, Li Xuefeng was promoted to the central government to serve as the director of the Fourth Office.

Wei Hongjun said, "I understand everyone's urgent need to increase production. As our country industrializes, there's a huge demand for energy. But we can't just focus on increasing production by importing machinery and equipment on a large scale and then building new factories under the guidance of Soviet experts. This one-sided pursuit of increased production will be detrimental to improving our country's industrial technology and standards. We'll never know how to independently develop industry, and we'll be forced to blindly follow Soviet experts. But China is a large country, and the number of factories we need to build during industrialization isn't just a few thousand or tens of thousands, but hundreds of thousands. As our industrialization deepens, we can't rely solely on Soviet experts for everything, and their numbers are limited. So we still need to develop our own industry."

Because of the expansion of trade with the Soviet Union and Eastern European countries, New China had more funds to import machinery and equipment from the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe.

This prompted various ministries and commissions to introduce large-scale machinery and equipment to boost industrial output, but Wei Hongjun saw some problems.

If the Second Five-Year Plan had continued in this manner, the development of China's machinery manufacturing industry would have been severely impacted and stagnant. After all, imported machinery and equipment are far superior to domestically manufactured ones, and everyone wants imported machinery and equipment. Under such circumstances, how could China's own machinery manufacturing industry develop? Furthermore, China has no experience in independently building large-scale factories. These may seem insignificant, but they are the path China must take to industrialize.

For many factory construction projects, it is impossible to fully understand what is involved unless you do it yourself.

"Comrades, we should rapidly increase production. But at the same time, we must also develop our own machine manufacturing industry and build some factories ourselves. Only in this way can we improve our industrial technology and gain our own industrial construction experience. These are the necessary steps for us to achieve independent and self-sufficient industrial development in the future."

After Wei Hongjun finished speaking, everyone was silent.

Because the previous thinking of various ministries regarding the Second Five-Year Plan was how to increase production.

Now Wei Hongjun has proposed another approach. "I think what Vice Premier Wei said makes sense."

While everyone was thinking, Chen Weiji, the Vice Minister of the Ministry of Textile Industry, spoke up. Chen Weiji was a technical cadre in the textile industry.

He graduated from the Department of Chemistry at Fudan University and later studied dyeing and chemical engineering at the University of Leeds in the UK. He also interned at a German dye factory. After returning to China, he served as a professor at Jinan University in Shanghai, Fudan University, and the Engineering College of Peking University. He also served as the head, academic director, and professor of the Dyeing and Chemical Department of the Textile Department of Nantong College, teaching courses in industrial chemistry and dyeing. After the victory of the Anti-Japanese War, he served as chief engineer of the China Textile Construction Corporation while also serving as the head of the Textile Department and professor of printing and dyeing at Shanghai Jiaotong University.

This is a technical expert.

After the founding of the People's Republic of China, he served as Vice Minister of the Ministry of Textile Industry. Together with Zeng Shan and Qian Zhiguang, he formulated a development plan for China's textile industry.

"It's like our textile industry. If you haven't personally participated in the construction process, you're not aware of many issues. During the construction process, there are many problems we haven't encountered before that we need to solve. Only by experiencing it firsthand can we understand how to solve these problems and how to avoid problems during the construction process."

"Many of our factories were built under the guidance of Soviet experts. Because of their guidance, it seems like many things are going smoothly. However, if we were to build the same factory ourselves, we would encounter many unexpected problems that we didn't encounter when the Soviet experts were guiding us. That's because the Soviet experts taught us how to avoid these problems. This is actually the experience that needs to be accumulated during the process of industrial development."

"Europe and the United States experienced the First and Second Industrial Revolutions and have been developing their industries for hundreds of years. During this process, they encountered and resolved numerous problems, accumulating ample experience. This allowed them to skip over these issues in industrial development. They had already encountered many problems and gained valuable experience."

"But our country is different. Before the founding of the People's Republic of China, our industrial development was patchwork, with no system at all. Furthermore, most of our factories were not built by us ourselves. Instead, they were built by the great powers. After the founding of the People's Republic of China, our industry has developed tremendously. However, most of our major industries were built under the guidance of Soviet experts. So we have almost no experience in this area."

"But as long as our country industrializes, these problems are unavoidable. We are a major country, and developing our industry cannot rely solely on imported machinery and equipment. Our foreign exchange reserves are always limited, and relying on imported machinery and equipment to complete industrialization is simply impossible. If our industry is to develop significantly and complete industrialization, we must be able to independently produce machinery and equipment and independently build industrial projects. Only in this way can our industry achieve significant development. Therefore, in addition to requiring a large number of technical talents in this field, we also need experience in independently developing industry. These are not things that can be learned from textbooks; they can only be understood through personal participation in construction."

Chen Weiji served as the chief engineer of China Textile Construction Corporation.

Therefore, he understood better than anyone the difficulty of personally building certain industrial projects. During the First Five-Year Plan, many Chinese industrial projects developed rapidly, thanks to the Soviet Union's hands-on assistance. The Soviet Union had experience in this area, so under their guidance, many problems could be avoided.

Although China learned a lot in this process.

But these things have not yet become China's own. Only by independently building some projects with our own hands can we fully understand and apply what we have learned.

"Comrade Chen Weiji has a point."

Lin Dafeng, deputy director of the Fourth Office, said: "Only by personally participating in the construction of industrial projects can you gain sufficient experience."

"Walk on two legs."