Rebirth: I am in Jin-Cha-Ji

Zeng Shan, director of the Fifth Office, spoke slowly.

He said, "Right now, the country is short of supplies in all areas, so we should vigorously increase production. The fastest way to do this is to import large quantities of machinery and equipment. However, this can only increase production rapidly in the short term. If our industry wants to continue to develop, we must have our own technology, our own machinery manufacturing capabilities, and the ability to develop our own industry. Both aspects are very important, and we must advance on both legs."

"Correct."

Wei Hongjun appreciated Zeng Shan’s words the most.

China's Second Five-Year Plan must proceed on two legs: one is to rapidly increase production, the other is to improve its own technological strength.

"Comrade Zeng Shan has hit the nail on the head. Increasing production is crucial. We must achieve significant growth in production under the Second Five-Year Plan. But at the same time, we must not neglect improving our own technological and construction capabilities."

"So my suggestion is to scale back some of the production expansion plans. Instead, invest this money and manpower into independent construction projects. For these independent projects, we won't rely on Soviet experts. We'll have our own cadres and technical teams responsible for site selection and construction, and we'll use as much machinery and equipment as possible that can be produced domestically. In other words, these projects should be primarily independent and self-sufficient."

"In the process of national industrialization, we must import technology, digest it, and ultimately absorb it for our own use. In recent years, we have imported a large amount of Soviet technology, but simply introducing this technology and building some factories is only the most basic of industrialization. Independently building some large projects is the process of digesting and absorbing technology, and it is the path that my country must take for industrialization."

This is the purpose of today's meeting.

Wei Hongjun hopes to add some independently developed projects to the Second Five-Year Plan. This applies to every industry.

Develop some independent construction projects.

For example, the Ministry of Coal Industry could add some projects to independently build large-scale coal mines in the Second Five-Year Plan. The machinery and equipment needed for the coal mines should be manufactured domestically as much as possible and designed entirely by domestic technicians.

The establishment of such a large-scale coal mine will allow cadres and technical personnel to gain construction experience. With the experience gained from the first operation and the coordination of machinery and equipment nationwide, we will be able to build a second and third independent coal mine in the future.

"How can we increase production without impacting economic development, while also independently developing some industrial projects? This is the focus of today's meeting. How can we strike this balance and formulate a suitable Second Five-Year Plan? I hope everyone will speak freely."

Chapter 972

In fact, Wei Hongjun could have turned a blind eye to this draft outline of the Second Five-Year Plan.

Because this plan is actually pretty good.

Wei Hongjun and Deng Zhihui were both relatively cautious individuals, so the Fourth and Fifth Offices refrained from being overly radical in their 25-year plans. Consequently, the 25-year plans they drafted were generally achievable. Even if there were a slight tendency toward overreaching, it wasn't a major problem. Just because some figures seemed a bit overreaching didn't mean the 25-year plan couldn't be accomplished.

In fact, the First Five-Year Plan was formulated quite conservatively.

The central government was wary of taking any chances, having never undertaken such a large-scale socialist industrial development. Consequently, many industries achieved their First Five-Year Plan targets a year or two ahead of schedule. This also contributed to the rise of "adventurism" within the Party. The First Five-Year Plan was simply too successful.

So there is no major problem with the formulation of this 25-year plan.

As long as the energy industry significantly increases output during the Second Five-Year Plan and meets the established targets, then this will be a political achievement for Vice Premier Wei Hongjun, who is in charge of these ministries and commissions, and he can fully account for this to the central government. However, Wei Hongjun cannot focus solely on these matters. If he only considers personal gains and losses, then he will become a politician without political ideals. This is not what Wei Hongjun wants.

Wei Hongjun needs to consider the long-term. In addition to the Second Five-Year Plan, there are also the Third Five-Year Plan and the Fourth Five-Year Plan.

The Third and Fourth Five-Year Plans would be completely different from the First Five-Year Plan. As China's industrialization deepened, the scale of its industry would continue to expand, even rapidly. At this time, China could no longer rely solely on imported machinery and equipment or the assistance of Soviet experts; it had to develop independently.

Besides these, Wei Hongjun also had to consider changes in the international situation and Sino-Soviet relations. If Sino-Soviet relations broke down in the future, what would happen to China's industry?

After the Sino-Soviet split, Soviet experts withdrew, and as a result, most Chinese industrial projects came to a standstill. These projects were originally Soviet-aided, and without Soviet support and guidance, China simply couldn't proceed.

Wei Hongjun must avoid these problems.

Only during the Second Five-Year Plan could we cultivate a team with experience in independent development, including both technical personnel and industrial leaders. Only by cultivating these leaders and technical personnel could we independently develop China's industry and respond to any changes. It's best if problems don't arise; when they do, we won't panic.

Therefore, Wei Hongjun would rather accept some complaints and make adjustments.

Fortunately, after Wei Hongjun proposed the idea of ​​adjustment, he received support from cadres such as Deng Zhihui, Zeng Shan, Lin Dafeng, Xu Daben, and Yu Qiuli. Soon, Tan Zhenlin, Li Xuefeng, and Jia Tuofu also agreed with Wei Hongjun's idea.

Finally, Wei Hongjun's proposal was passed during the meeting. Adjusting the plan was easy.

The draft outline of the Second Five-Year Plan prepared by the Planning Commission had already roughly determined the allocation of resources during the Second Five-Year Plan period. Specifically, it determined what proportion of fiscal funds would go into heavy industry, what proportion would go into light industry, and what proportion would go into agriculture.

Therefore, any adjustments or adjustments in the energy industry must be made within the prescribed resource allocation range.

This is an adjustment within a certain range. This is much easier than blind adjustments. But it is also difficult.

Many other industries base their development plans on data provided by the energy industry. They then formulate their own work plans based on the amount of energy the energy industry can provide.

Now, once the energy industry adjusts its plan, the amount of energy provided by the energy industry will change, and other ministries will also need to adjust their plans accordingly.

The Second Five-Year Plan will usher in a big change.

Therefore, Wei Hongjun and everyone discussed how to develop several independent industrial development plans while maintaining a certain level of production growth. The proportions here must be adjusted.

Production must continue to increase.

As the country's industrialization progresses, the energy industry must not lag behind. If the output growth of the energy industry in the Second Five-Year Plan is not satisfactory, it will slow down the pace of industrialization as a whole.

Therefore, finding the right balance is something everyone needs to consider. Wei Hongjun will not personally participate in adjusting the plan. If Wei Hongjun, Vice Premier of the State Council, handles even such matters personally, what's the point of having all the ministries and commissions below him? Honestly, these ministries and commissions gather a wealth of talent, including numerous professionals who are more familiar with the specific business matters than Wei Hongjun. Wei Hongjun can only grasp the overall direction; he can't match them in the specific work.

Therefore, Wei Hongjun talked about his own views and reached a consensus with everyone.

Let the Fourth and Fifth Offices, as well as the various ministries and commissions below, revise the plan. Once they have done so, we will hold a meeting to finalize the plan.

After the meeting, Wei Hongjun, Deng Zhihui, and Tan Zhenlin stayed. Soon, Deputy Ministers of the Rural Work Department, Li Shaocheng, Lai Ruoyu, and Zhao Dezun, along with Secretary-General Zhang Linchi and Du De, who had been transferred to the Rural Work Department as Director of the Policy Research Office after Luo Weilin's departure to Henan, arrived in the meeting room.

Du De was Deng Zhihui's right-hand man when he was in charge of land reform in the Central South Bureau. He was very capable.

In the early days of rural land reform in the newly liberated areas, Du De proposed a phased approach to land reform: "mobilize the masses, suppress bandits and tyrants, build strong peasant associations, and then move on to land distribution." This proposal was endorsed by the Chairman. Therefore, this approach was followed before land reform began in the newly liberated areas. Essentially, the PLA sent cadres to stabilize the countryside, suppress bandits, and then proceed with land reform.

While at the Central South Bureau, Du De served as deputy director of its Policy Research Office. After the Central South Bureau was abolished, he was transferred to the central government as deputy director of the Central Policy Research Office. After Luo Weilin left, Deng Zhihui recommended Du De for the position of director of the Policy Research Office of the Ministry of Rural Affairs.

"I think Comrade Tan Zhenlin can be the head of the group."

When Wei Hongjun mentioned the visit to Japan, Deng Zhihui immediately recommended Tan Zhenlin as the head of the delegation.

The leader of the delegation to Japan couldn't be too low-ranking. So the Chairman proposed Deng Zhihui, Tan Zhenlin, and Li Shaocheng, suggesting one of them lead the delegation. Of these three, Tan Zhenlin was the most suitable.

Deng Zhihui, working alongside Wei Hongjun, oversees all aspects of the work. With rural industry and commerce just beginning to develop, Deng Zhihui is overwhelmed. Li Shaocheng, as Minister of Agriculture, is responsible for the overall development of agriculture. This year is crucial for the widespread promotion of improved varieties and organizing farmers to develop water conservancy projects, and Li Shaocheng is also very busy. In contrast, although Tan Zhenlin also attends some important meetings, his primary focus is on agricultural reclamation and development.

The Agricultural Reclamation Corps is different from other units.

The Agricultural Reclamation Corps has developed its own organizational and development models, allowing it to develop step by step. Therefore, Tan Zhenlin is currently the most suitable person to lead the delegation to Japan.

As a result, Tan Zhenlin waved his hand.

He said: "I am busy with farm reclamation work now and I can't spare time."

Although the Agricultural Reclamation Corps is no longer as busy as it was in its early days, Tan Zhenlin still attaches great importance to it, as it is currently experiencing a period of rapid development. However, this is not the main reason. Tan Zhenlin's refusal to go to Japan stems primarily from his dislike of Japan. Having led the New Fourth Army in numerous battles against the Japanese, it's been a difficult time for him to get over the emotional impact of the past few years.

Wei Hongjun looked at Deng Zhihui and could only shrug his shoulders.

Although Wei Hongjun and Tan Zhenlin had been working relatively happily for the past few years, Tan Zhenlin was experienced and had a bad temper. Generally speaking, Wei Hongjun would not argue with Tan Zhenlin unless it was a matter of principle. He was a powerful figure who could even criticize the Chairman if he was dissatisfied.

Deng Zhihui and Tan Zhenlin have been comrades-in-arms for many years.

Whether in the Fujian-Xi Revolution or later in the New Fourth Army, they worked together for many years.

So he said, "Old Tan, there's no one more suitable than you. The strength of agriculture in Europe and the United States is that their industry can support agricultural development. And currently, the Ministry of Agriculture is best suited for this. So, going to Japan would also be beneficial to the Ministry of Agriculture's development. Let's see how Japan's industry and agriculture work together."

"Can…......."

Tan Zhenlin wanted to say something, but he didn't know what to say. Wei Hongjun knew what Tan Zhenlin was thinking.

Everyone is the same.

The Anti-Japanese War had only been over for ten years. Those who had fought on the battlefields of the war all had opinions about Japan.

So Wei Hongjun said, "Comrade Tan Zhenlin, this visit to Japan will not only examine Japanese agriculture, but also its economy and industry. We need to carefully examine Japan's fertilizer, chemical fiber, shipbuilding, and automobile industries to see if there are any areas where we can cooperate. I heard that Japanese banks are even willing to provide loans to purchase some Japanese machinery and equipment. Currently, national financial support for agriculture is limited, so we need to find some funds ourselves. If there is an opportunity to import some machinery and equipment from Japan for the fertilizer and chemical fiber industries to develop our fertilizer and chemical fiber industries, it will also benefit our agricultural development, right?"

"Besides, the Chairman said that diplomacy and the united front are the same. That is, to make more friends and fewer enemies. The same applies to our policy toward Japan. We must find friends in Japan and work together to oppose Japanese militarism. The current Japanese government is anti-communist and anti-China, and its relations with our country are not good. But not all Japanese people are like this. What we need to do is to win over these civil opposition forces and work together to oppose the resurgence of Japanese militarism. So when you go to Japan, strengthen your connections with friendly forces among the Japanese people and push the Japanese government to change its current policies."

Tan Zhenlin nodded.

Everyone understands the general principles.

September 1955, 9, marked the tenth anniversary of the victory of the War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression, and the central government intended to celebrate. However, the central government's stance was relatively consistent, distinguishing between militarism and the Japanese people. The central government's propaganda campaign, while vigorously criticizing Japanese militarism without involving the Japanese people, was currently predominant. This propaganda campaign was primarily intended to promote exchanges between the Chinese and Japanese people.

The central government supports non-governmental political, economic and cultural exchanges between China and Japan.

Ordinary people can vent their emotions freely, but the central government cannot.

The central government must consider the situation in East Asia and its relationship with Japan. Therefore, it cannot vent its anger like ordinary people.

While this was true, it wasn't so easy to accept emotionally. The same was true for senior officials like Tan Zhenlin. But Tan Zhenlin understood that since Wei Hongjun and Deng Zhihui had said so, he couldn't refuse.

Wei Hongjun smiled.

Tan Zhenlin was a stubborn person. But once he took on a task, he wouldn't give in. That was just his personality. He could disagree with you to your face, even curse at you. But once he accepted a task, he wouldn't put any obstacles in your way.

"it is good."

"Comrade Du De, you will accompany Comrade Tan Zhenlin this time. Comrade Tan Zhenlin and Comrade Du De will discuss and draw up a list of the specific cadres who will participate in this delegation to Japan."

"Yes."

After Wei Hongjun approves the list of the delegation visiting Japan, it will be sent to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

Wei Hongjun got a headache when he thought about the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

One reason is that the Premier is extremely strict in vetting visiting delegations, meticulously scrutinizing every detail. Another reason is that the atmosphere within the Ministry of Foreign Affairs is currently strained. Zhang Wentian, Executive Vice Minister of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, handles daily operations and holds considerable influence within the ministry.

However, since the Ministry of Foreign Affairs' work conference, Zhang Wentian's situation at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs has been poor, affecting the efficiency of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs' work.

"Recently, a question has been fed back to us and a response is required." After discussing the issue of visiting Japan, Zhao Dezun began to report on his work.

"whats the matter?"

"We have begun promoting the development of rural industry and commerce. However, some townships and villages applying for funds from rural credit cooperatives aren't looking to build factories. Some rural cooperatives are applying for loans to develop animal husbandry, fisheries, forestry, and other sectors. They say the soil for rural industry isn't there, and they're looking to develop other industries based on their specific circumstances."

Because I have been observing the development of industry and commerce in rural areas, I get feedback quickly.

Wei Hongjun looked at Deng Zhihui and said, "Comrade Deng Zhihui, what do you think?" "We can't open this door casually, but we can't ignore this aspect either."

Deng Zhihui said, "Once this loophole is opened, it will be unclear what the rural credit cooperatives' funds will be used for. Rural credit cooperatives are just beginning to support rural development, so they must not be too complicated. If we say we want to support rural industry and commerce, then we must support rural industry and commerce. We cannot confuse the development of rural industry and commerce with the development of other industries. Otherwise, it will be unclear where the rural credit cooperatives' funds will be used."

Wei Hongjun nodded.

Although the central government has always emphasized mobilizing the subjective initiative of front-line cadres, some aspects cannot be relaxed too much.

Just like the funds of rural credit cooperatives.

The Ministry of Rural Affairs, the Ministry of Finance, and the People's Bank of China have agreed to allocate 7 million yuan to rural credit cooperatives to support the development of rural industry and commerce, primarily agricultural and sideline product processing. If other areas are opened up at this point, it's unclear where this money will be used.

So the opening must be solid.

If it is said to be used in rural industry and commerce, mainly in rural industrial development, then it should be used here.

Deng Zhihui continued, "But the feedback from many rural cooperatives is also normal. Rural industry needs to develop, but that doesn't mean all rural cooperatives are suitable for industrial development. Rural development needs to be tailored to local conditions. Some areas with many mountains can develop fruit and forestry. Mountains and trees are wealth, and they will bring many agricultural and sideline products to the countryside. Some areas want to develop animal husbandry and fisheries, and we should support them."

"It's impossible for the Rural Credit Cooperative to increase our budget." Zhao Dezun said.

The amount of 7 million yuan that can be given is already the limit.

When the Ministry of Rural Affairs coordinated this work with the Ministry of Finance and the People's Bank of China, Zhao Dezun was the main representative of the Ministry of Rural Affairs, so he had a clear understanding of the attitudes of the Ministry of Finance and the People's Bank of China.

The 7 million yuan was the result of several rounds of negotiations and coordination with the Ministry of Rural Affairs. This amount will only increase if rural credit cooperatives experience significant growth and a significant increase in funding. Currently, the only institutions capable of injecting funds into rural areas are rural credit cooperatives.