Rebirth: I am in Jin-Cha-Ji

However, before the Eighth National Congress, after being pushed back by Wei Hongjun, the topic of "military party" was rarely discussed.

Because it is not needed.

Compared to historical figures, Comrade Xiuyang's influence within the Party has been severely weakened. His prestige has been severely damaged, especially after he was criticized by the Central Committee on the trade union issue. Therefore, there is no need to specifically attack Comrade Xiuyang with the term "White Area Party."

Of course, another reason why Gao Gang was unwilling to talk about the "military party" in a high-profile manner was because he himself was not very confident.

Although he was one of the founders of the Shaanxi-Gansu-Ningxia base area and served as secretary of the Northeast Bureau and commander of the Northeast Military Region, his tenure was brief. During the crucial first three years of the Northeast Base Area's establishment, Chen Yun served as secretary of the Northeast Bureau and Marshal Lin Biao commanded the Northeast Field Army. It wasn't until Marshal Lin Biao led a large force into the Great Wall that Gao Ganggang began serving as secretary of the Northeast Bureau. Furthermore, he was transferred to the Central Committee after barely two years.

In the Northeast battlefield of this time and space, even Chen Yun and Lin Shuai had no time to integrate the various troops and cadres, but they had already seized the advantage on the battlefield and finally won the victory. The same was true for Gao Gang later.

The several mountainous regions in the Northeast were all very powerful, so Gao Gang hadn't really managed to build a cadre team that could command the support of all.

Gao Gang also had another problem: he had never experienced the War to Resist U.S. Aggression and Aid Korea.

So, although he also came from the "military party," if we really want to elevate the status of the "military party," Gao Gang is actually inferior to Wei Hongjun, Deng Xixian, and even Deng Zihui and Tan Zhenlin. Wei Hongjun and Deng Xixian had been establishing and building bases since the Anti-Japanese War, and at the same time, they had been participating in combat in the army.

If a "military party" is really set up and it wins in the end, the ones who will benefit the most are actually cadres who come from the military, such as Marshal Nie, Wei Hongjun, and Deng Xixian.

Therefore, the current situation is that Gao Gang has personal ambitions and therefore violated the party’s organizational discipline.

However, there were no serious acts of splitting the party organization as in history.

Therefore, the Chairman hoped that he would take the initiative to admit and review his mistakes. At this enlarged meeting of the Secretariat, it was decided that the Commander-in-Chief, Comrade Xiu Yang, Marshal Nie, Comrade Yang Shangkun, and Comrade Xi Zhongxun would jointly draft a "Resolution on Intra-Party Unity." The Chairman intended that such a resolution be formally adopted at the Fifth Session of the Eighth Central Committee.

After the meeting, the Chairman left behind Chen Yun, Wei Hongjun and Deng Xixian.

With fewer people present, the Chairman didn't hold back and spoke directly, "Comrade Gao Gang's remarks at the local level this time were largely imprudent and incorrect. They have confused the thinking of local Party members and cadres. I have spoken with Comrades Xiu Yang, Wu Hao, and Rong Zhen separately, and we must now eliminate these negative influences as quickly as possible. I intend to dispatch the three of you to leave Beijing and speak with the heads of various local departments."

"Tell them not to be fooled. Comrade Gao Gang does not represent the Central Committee. Everything Comrade Gao Gang said was a distortion of the Central Committee's intentions. He violated Party organizational discipline for personal ambition, schemed against Comrade Xiu Yang, and spread negative rumors about Comrade Wu Hao. This is a malicious attack on other Central Committee leaders. At the same time, convey the spirit of this enlarged Secretariat meeting and emphasize the importance of inner-Party unity."

The Chairman did not directly criticize Gao Gang at this Secretariat meeting.

One of them, of course, hopes that Gao Gang can take the initiative to admit his mistake.

There was another reason, too. The Chairman wanted to stabilize the local situation as quickly as possible and prevent more local officials from getting involved. Gao Gang made a big trip this time, speaking individually with many local officials.

If all of this were to be investigated, we would see who had expressed their stance and loyalty to Gao Gang.

That would be chaos and everyone would be in danger.

But if the problem is not solved, if these people suddenly support Gao Gang at the Fifth Session of the Eighth Central Committee in early 1956, the problem will be even greater. If the support for Gao Gang is too strong, what will the Central Committee do?

No matter what choice is made, it will eventually lead to great turmoil within the party.

This is something the Chairman cannot accept.

As the Ninth National Congress approached, the Chairman did not want to see any serious intra-Party struggles. He was pinning his hopes on the Ninth National Congress formally determining the general line for socialist construction in New China. It can be said that the Ninth National Congress was the first time since the founding of New China that a clear general line for socialist construction was determined.

At the Eighth National Congress, because New China was still in the New Democratic stage, the path determined was the socialist transformation of agriculture, industry and commerce. With the completion of these socialist transformations, New China officially became a socialist country.

At this time, the Chairman was very worried about the escalation of intra-party struggles.

Criticizing and handling Gao Gang was fine, but Gao Gang shouldn't implicate too many officials. That's why the Chairman decided to send Chen Yun, Wei Hongjun, and Deng Xixian to talk to local officials, urging them to stop following Gao Gang's lead. This was primarily to prevent them from being kept in the dark and potentially causing trouble at the Fifth Session of the Eighth Central Committee.

Therefore, Chen Yun, Wei Hongjun, and Deng Xixian went to the local areas to convey the central government's intentions. Even if some people had previously expressed their loyalty to Gao Gang, as long as it wasn't public knowledge, they would understand the central government's intentions and would not continue to follow Gao Gang in causing trouble.

"Comrade Chen Yun, go to East China and talk with cadres at all levels in Shanghai, Shandong, Jiangsu, Zhejiang, and Anhui, as well as the leaders of the Jinan and Nanjing Military Regions."

"Yes."

"Comrades of the Red Army, go to the Central and South China regions, the South China region, and the Southeast China region, and talk with the cadres in Henan, Hubei, Hunan, Guangdong, Guangxi, Jiangxi, Fujian, and other places, as well as the cadres of the Wuhan Military Region, the Guangzhou Military Region, and the Fuzhou Military Region."

"Yes."

"Comrade Xixian, go to the northwest and southwest. Talk with cadres from Shaanxi, Gansu, Qinghai, Xinjiang, Sichuan, Guizhou, Yunnan, Tibet, and other places, as well as cadres from the Lanzhou Military Region, Xinjiang Military Region, Tibet Military Region, Chengdu Military Region, and Kunming Military Region."

"Yes."

"Don't be vague, just tell them what it is."

"Yes."

Finally, the Chairman looked at Chen Yun and said, "Comrade Chen Yun, when you go to East China, go to Hangzhou to meet Comrade Lin Biao. Tell him directly that if Comrade Lin Biao leaves with Gao Gang, then I, Li Desheng, will separate from him. After he changes his ways, we will unite with him."

The Chairman’s words are very serious.

Because this is what the Chairman is most worried about.

Although Marshal Lin was absent for most of the War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression and did not achieve any of the immortal feats in the War of Liberation, and even spent most of the post-liberation period recuperating, his influence within the military was still considerable.

After all, Marshal Lin was considered an old leader of the "double first" cadres. He led the Nanchang Uprising, the Jinggangshan struggle, the Red Fourth Army, the Red First Corps, and the 115th Division. All of these double first cadres grew up with Marshal Lin.

If Marshal Lin really supported Gao Gang, the situation would become very dire. This was what the Chairman was most worried about, so he said this and asked Chen Yun to convey it to Marshal Lin. The reason why the Chairman asked Chen Yun to convey it was not just because Chen Yun was going to East China.

This is mainly because Chen Yun has the most influence, he is a member of the Politburo Standing Committee, and the two have cooperated in Northeast China.

After the Chairman finished talking with Chen Yun, Wei Hongjun, and Deng Xixian, Li Yinqiao came in and said to the Chairman: "Comrade Rao Shushi has been waiting outside the door for a long time and must see the Chairman."

The chairman frowned.

But he still nodded and said, "Please invite Comrade Rao Shushi in."

When Wei Hongjun and his companions were leaving, they happened to see Rao Shushi. Rao Shushi was pale, huddled together, and looked nothing like the Politburo member and Secretariat secretary he had been.

Wei Hongjun shook his head.

Rao Shushi was no match for Gao Gang in this state. It was just that an enlarged meeting of the Secretariat had just been held, and Rao Shushi was clearly frightened.

Originally, Rao Shushi was a cadre that Comrade Xiuyang had actively promoted during his time in the New Fourth Army, but the two men eventually clashed. After arriving at the Central Committee, Rao Shushi's foundation was insufficient. In terms of his standing within the Central Committee, Rao Shushi was far inferior to those who held lower ranks in the East China Bureau, including General Chen, Deng Zhihui, Tan Zhenlin, Zhang Dingcheng, and Zeng Shan.

But this has nothing to do with Wei Hongjun.

Wei Hongjun needs to arrange his work as soon as possible and go south to solve the problems left by Gao Gang.

Chapter 975 Dogmatism

The Chairman gave Wei Hongjun and others very little time.

Because the Chairman couldn't allow this incident to escalate and affect the Fifth Session of the Eighth Central Committee, Wei Hongjun simply made some arrangements and flew to Zhengzhou. In Zhengzhou, Wei Hongjun first met with officials from the Henan Provincial Party Committee and Provincial Government.

Communicate the spirit of the enlarged meeting of the Secretariat.

Emphasize unity within the party.

The main cadres of the Henan Provincial Party Committee and the Provincial Government directly stated that Comrade Gao Gang attacked Comrade Xiu Yang and spread some problems about Comrade Wu Hao. These were violations of party discipline and undermined party unity.

Gao Gang's actions this time have confused the party's internal thinking, and this is not just a casual remark.

After all, as a member of the Politburo Standing Committee, Gao Gang was perceived by local officials as representing the Party Central Committee. Consequently, he had met with many officials, many of whom were genuinely persuaded by Gao Gang. Henan, in particular, was plagued by intense factional strife, with clashes between officials from the former Henan and Pingyuan provinces, and the Eighth Route Army and New Fourth Army factions also intertwined. Gao Gang's personal presence, however, was sure to attract some officials.

But not long after that, Wei Hongjun again represented the Central Committee and went south. But everyone knew one thing.

Since the Chairman has convened an enlarged meeting of the Secretariat to set the tone, and the enlarged meeting of the Secretariat has also issued a red-headed document, then everyone knows what to do.

After meeting with officials from the Henan Provincial Party Committee and the Henan Provincial Government, Wei Hongjun met with officials from the Henan Military Region, many of whom were former officers of the 21st Corps of the Fifth Field Army.

Many people came from the First Division of the Shanxi-Chahar-Hebei Region.

So, he was even more direct with Wei Hongjun, telling them to take a correct stance. No cadre could violate the Party's organizational discipline, form cliques, or make promises of official positions. Of course, he was only conveying the central government's message, and the Chairman wouldn't specifically send Chen Yun, Wei Hongjun, and Deng Xixian here.

In addition to conveying the spirit of the central government, Wei Hongjun also warned the cadres here.

Let everyone be honest.

After spending a few days in Henan, Wei Hongjun continued south to Wuhan. The procedures were similar, but after arriving in Wuhan, many officials were reluctant to let Wei Hongjun go so quickly.

They had some work they wanted to report to Wei Hongjun. "Vice Premier Wei, there are too many imperial envoys sent by the Central Committee."

In other words, rather than reporting on work, he complained to Wei Hongjun. Hubei Provincial Party Secretary Wang Renzhong bluntly stated, "Central government ministries and commissions now issue direct orders to local departments, completely bypassing our provincial party committee and government. This applies not only to issuing documents, but also to the directives sent by many central government ministries and commissions to local departments. Furthermore, every year, each central government ministry sends numerous personnel, often with one person appearing at every turn. And whenever they arrive, they're expected to dictate."

Wei Hongjun did not interrupt Wang Renzhong.

He took out his notebook and wrote down Wang Renzhong's words. This time, Wei Hongjun was traveling south to convey the spirit of the enlarged Secretariat meeting, not to handle other government affairs, so he couldn't stay in one place for too long. Therefore, Wei Hongjun would write down all the questions raised by the cadres below, except for those that could be addressed immediately.

I can study it in detail only after I get back.

Hubei Governor Chu He echoed this sentiment, saying, "Comrade Wang Renzhong is right. This situation presents numerous problems. Every year, simply receiving the various imperial envoys from the central government is exhausting for many departments. Of course, it's just a bit more tedious and tiring, but that's not a problem. However, central government ministries and commissions always directly supervise and issue orders to local departments."

"Vice Premier Wei, let me give you an example. A central government department formulated a plan and directly issued orders to local departments to implement it. However, these orders bypassed the provincial party committee and government. The provincial party committee and government also formulated a five-year plan, but some departments at the lower levels changed it without the knowledge of the provincial party committee and government. This creates some contradictions."

"This makes our provincial party committee and government a mere decoration, which is very detrimental to our work."

Wei Hongjun noted down Wang Renzhong and Chu He's complaints and understood the reasons.

After the founding of the People's Republic of China, industrialization was underway. Consequently, state control was relatively tight, with power concentrated in the central government. This led to a serious lack of local autonomy. This was definitely something that needed to be changed.

Both the Ninth National Congress and the Second Five-Year Plan will increase local autonomy.

But the question now is how much power to give to local governments. Historically, the central government recognized this and began increasing local power. However, this didn't work well, as the central government gave local governments too many factories and delegated too much power all at once, throwing China's entire industrial system into disarray.

So this is very important, and local power must be increased step by step.

Wei Hongjun put away his notebook and said, "Comrade Wang Renzhong, Comrade Chu He, I have made note of this matter. I will report it to the Central Committee after returning to Beijing."

The Chairman is preparing the political report for the Ninth National Congress.

The relationship between the central and local governments is also something that the chairman is currently focusing on.

After meeting with the Hubei Provincial Party Committee and the Provincial Government, Wei Hongjun met with cadres from the Wuhan Military Region.

"You two need to hold on tight."

After conveying the central government's message, Wei Hongjun addressed Wang Qiuyun and Luo Renfa directly, saying, "The Wuhan Military Region is located in the heart of China, and military stability is paramount. The Party's leadership of the military is a principle that can never be changed. No individual may arbitrarily interfere in military affairs without authorization from the Party Central Committee. As military commanders, you cannot obey orders from any private individual other than those from the Party Central Committee and the Military Commission. Comrades, Comrade Gao Gang's actions violated the Party's organizational discipline, and I hope you will all take this as a warning."

Everyone nodded.

Back in the Wuhan Military Region, Wei Hongjun was most worried about Comrade Lu Dongsheng. After all, many of the troops in the Wuhan Military Region were from the Fourth Field Army, but many of them didn't have such a deep connection with Gao Gang. The one who interacted most with Gao Gang was Lu Dongsheng.

However, Wei Hongjun did not specifically talk to him. In many cases, it is best to stop at the right time. Once anything is exaggerated, even the Party Central Committee will be unable to stop it.

"Vice Premier Wei, the Party's leadership of the military is the founding principle of our army. But now some comrades are undermining this."

Li Yong, the artillery commander of the Wuhan Military Region, who was sitting below, spoke up.

Wei Hongjun looked at Li Yong.

Li Yong said to Wei Hongjun, "As for our Wuhan Artillery Academy, the General Training Department has us strictly study Soviet artillery tactics. This is not a problem, after all, the Soviet Red Army is far superior to us in artillery tactics. However, when it comes to the organization of artillery units, the General Training Department has always promoted a single-leader leadership system. This is not only the case at the Artillery Academy, but also at other military academies in the Wuhan Military Region. They all prioritize military cadres over political cadres, instilling the concept of a single-leader leadership system."

Wei Hongjun frowned.

The current head of the Training Directorate is Zuo Quan, with the other deputy directors being Li Da, Peng Shaohui, Chen Zhonghe, and Xiao Zijing. Zuo Quan is fully responsible for the overall work of the Training Directorate, while the other deputy directors are responsible for their respective areas of responsibility.

Currently, the Central Military Commission implements the eight-headquarters system.

Therefore, the General Staff is responsible for formulating and organizing the implementation of the training outline for the entire army, including the training plans of the troops, approving and evaluating the training plans of the military branches, managing the construction of colleges and universities, military scientific research, and issuing regulations for the combined forces. These should have been the work of the General Staff, but now they are all under the supervision of the General Training Department.

But how to train?