Rebirth: I am in Jin-Cha-Ji

Especially when it comes to regularizing and modernizing the military, the PLA only has a ready-made template to learn from.

That was the Soviet Red Army.

Therefore, the PLA, starting with the Central Military Commission and continuing through its various military regions and academies, is now heavily staffed with Soviet military advisors, directly using Soviet textbooks, Soviet doctrine, and Soviet tactics. It can be said that the results are remarkable. Within just a few years after the founding of the People's Republic of China, the PLA's regularization efforts have taken a significant step forward. After studying these lessons, many PLA generals have begun to better understand the concept of a modern military.

However, more and more problems followed, and it was still about the one-leader system.

Yang Quanwu left the General Staff Headquarters because of a conflict with General Peng during a Military Commission meeting regarding the one-man leadership system. He is now primarily responsible for the nuclear industry.

Later, after efforts by Marshal Luo and Tan Zheng, along with several directives from Chairman Mao emphasizing the Party's leadership over the military, General Peng finally changed his stance. However, within the current military, there are still many military leaders who favor a one-man leadership system. With the exception of the General Political Department and the General Personnel Department, some other CMC departments, including the CMC's eight headquarters system, have tended toward a one-man leadership system.

The current director of the Military Academy and School Department of the General Training Department is Xiao Zijing.

It manages military academies nationwide. "Haven't you ever reported it?"

"We reported it, but it was useless. Comrade Xiao Zijing wasn't very enthusiastic about the situation we reported."

Wei Hongjun nodded.

But he didn't say anything further. This was an internal military matter, and although Wei Hongjun was currently a member of the Central Military Commission, he had no specific responsibilities within the commission. It wasn't appropriate to express too much opinion on these matters.

"Besides the issue of the one-leader system, there are also some problems."

Wuhan Military Region Chief of Staff Xu Luomin began, "A while ago, when Comrades Li Da and Xiao Zijing came to our military academy for military exercises, they ordered the tank units to deploy exactly according to Soviet military textbooks. Some of us pointed out that China is mountainous and hilly, especially in Hubei. The tank formations in the Soviet textbooks were developed entirely from Soviet plains operations. Shouldn't we flexibly adapt our tank unit tactics to China's conditions? Comrades Li Da and Xiao Zijing, however, insisted that we must adhere to the Soviet textbooks, as they represented the most advanced tank tactics in the world."

"Yes. They don't allow us to change the Soviet army textbooks at all." Several cadres of the Wuhan Military Region complained to Wei Hongjun.

Wei Hongjun looked at Wang Qiuyun and Luo Renfa. Wang Qiuyun nodded and said, "That's indeed the case. The training outline issued by the General Training Department is identical to the Soviet Army's textbooks and training outlines, even the punctuation is the same. We made some minor changes here, and they criticized us. Comrade Li Da and Comrade Xiao Zijing are arranging military exercises, and I think the problem is very serious."

"Did you quarrel with them?" "It's not me who wants to quarrel."

Wang Qiuyun said angrily, "There's something wrong with their training syllabus. I admit that the Soviet army is strong and their regularization is very good, and we should learn from them. But we can't expect even eating and shitting to be the same as the Soviet army. This is China, the terrain and climate are different from the Soviet Union, including the military structure and military history. I think Comrade Li Da and Comrade Xiao Zijing are obsessed with it, as if the Soviet military textbooks are imperial decrees, and we can't tolerate any questioning. The place where we are conducting the training is surrounded by so many mountains and hills, and we are still fighting according to the plains mode. How can we fight like this?"

"You."

Wei Hongjun sighed.

Given Wang Qiuyun's personality, this wouldn't end so easily. Perhaps both sides would even come to blows.

Comrade Li Da participated in the Ningdu Uprising and served as Chief of Staff of the Red Sixth Army, the Red Second Army, and the Red Second Front Army. During the Anti-Japanese War, he was transferred to the 129th Division as Chief of Staff and had a good relationship with many cadres of the Liu-Deng Army.

Now he is the first deputy director of the Training Directorate, and the director of the Planning Department and the Supervision Department. His influence in the Training Directorate is no less than Zuo Quan's.

Wei Hongjun turned to Luo Renfa and asked, "How was the matter resolved?"

"It hasn't been resolved. Comrade Li Da and Comrade Xiao Zijing canceled the exercise and returned directly to Beijing."

What Luo Renfa didn't mention was that some cadres from the Central South Military Region first had a dispute with the General Training Directorate led by Li Da and Xiao Zijing, and then Wang Qiuyun had a direct conflict with them. Ultimately, the military exercises organized by the General Training Directorate in the Wuhan Military Region came to nothing.

Dogmatism, anti-dogmatism.

The anti-dogmatism movement within the military also has its roots. It's just that the anti-dogmatism movement has been expanded, targeting a wider range of targets. Once the reaction from the various military regions becomes significant, the Military Commission will inevitably launch an anti-dogmatism campaign.

Wei Hongjun had a headache.

If the CMC launched an "anti-dogmatism" campaign, the General Staff, the General Training Department, and the Nanjing Military Academy, currently China's top military academy, would be hardest hit. Wei Hongjun was most worried about Chen Zhonghe, the current deputy director of the General Training Department.

Wei Hongjun cannot intervene in the current situation.

So he said, "This matter should be reported to the Military Commission and let the Military Commission leaders make the decision." Wang Qiuyun's confrontation with the General Training Department was, at best, not a big deal. But at worst, any crime could be accused. Then he said to Wang Qiuyun, "Old Wang, you really need to change your bad temper. This is originally an issue between the Military Region General Staff and the General Training Department. If you intervene like this, it will easily become irreversible."

976 Turbulence

Because there was a lot of work to report to the Hubei Provincial Party Committee, the Hubei Provincial Government and the Wuhan Military Region, Wei Hongjun stayed in Wuhan for a while.

Wei Hongjun took note of all the issues they raised. Whether they were from the provincial party committee and government or issues arising from the military region, he kept detailed records. This was because many of the issues they raised were not isolated. Rather, they arose under current national policies.

This is not a problem that can be solved by treating the foot pain and the head headache.

Adjustments to overall policies are necessary. Just like the issue of local autonomy, the central government needs to adjust the relationship between the central and local governments at a macro level. Even the overall industrial development plan would need to be adjusted. Given the current situation, adjustments to these major national policies still need to be addressed simultaneously during the Ninth National Congress.

Only when the general route is determined can the following tasks be solved.

Therefore, Wei Hongjun could not solve these problems. He could only report them to the Chairman and ask him to continue to improve the political report of the Ninth National Congress.

Then continue south.

The mission to Guangzhou is the easiest.

Because Luo Qirong, Tao Zhu, and Chen Tao had just gone to Beijing to report on their work, they were more familiar with the central government's situation. It was Luo Qirong who had complained to the Chairman about Gao Gang.

Although Luo Qirong was a military cadre.

But after a long career in the Security Bureau, he transitioned to a political cadre, so he still had some political sensitivity. Many of Gao Gang's remarks in Guangdong and the Guangzhou Military Region were highly outrageous. Although Gao Gang was a member of the Politburo Standing Committee, Luo Qirong didn't take it seriously. Luo Qirong came from a well-established background within the Central Red Army Security Bureau, and had deep connections within the Central Committee and the North China factions, even to Marshal Lin Biao and other cadres of the First Red Army.

This is what Gao Gang is doing now.

If this had happened during the Red Army era, the consequences would have been unbearable. Although Luo Qirong wasn't afraid of Gao Gang, he remained cautious, fearing a change in the Central Committee. Therefore, he waited until he met the Chairman face-to-face before reporting to him. Throughout this journey, Wei Hongjun had only one thought: Gao Gang was truly delusional.

How can such a thing be so publicized?

If you had quietly spoken to some of the cadres you were close to, or discussed the Ninth National Congress personnel arrangements with them, the impact wouldn't have been as negative as it is now. Some of them would have advised Gao Gang, others would have supported him. But how could anyone else possibly indulge Gao Gang? Which of those local cadres, or even those in the military districts, could be easily co-opted? New China was only founded not long ago, and the factionalism among cadres was still very strong.

Each military region, including local cadres in each province, has their own background and faction.

Even in the central government, everyone has their own ways.

This situation is difficult to change in a short period of time.

Why should I support you Gao Gang?

They had no historical connection and had never worked together before, but who would have thought that Gao Gang would dare to make his ideas known to the public?

After meeting with local officials from Guangdong and Guangxi and the Guangzhou Military Region to convey the central government's directives, Wei Hongjun moved on to Fuzhou. Wei Hongjun was more familiar with the officials there, many of whom were veterans and former subordinates he had worked with for over a decade. Whether military or local officials, the majority came from the Shanxi-Chahar-Hebei region. Military region officials were primarily drawn from the Fifth Field Army, while local officials were primarily drawn from the North China Cadre Corps, which had moved south.

Besides, Fujian is Wei Hongjun’s hometown.

While talking with the local cadres, Wei Hongjun took time out to visit the Memorial to the Revolutionary Martyrs of Western Fujian. Western Fujian and the Shanxi-Chahar-Hebei region were the two most important places in Wei Hongjun's revolutionary career.

When the Western Fujian Soviet Area was established, the people there enthusiastically supported it. Among the Red Army troops in the Central Soviet Area, those from Western Fujian were the most numerous. Ultimately, only one in a hundred would actually live to see the founding of New China.

So when looking at the Monument to the Revolutionary Martyrs of Western Fujian, Wei Hongjun was really a little dazed.

I thought of a lot of things.

In 1929, the Red Army entered Fujian. Land was distributed during the Agrarian Revolution, and I joined the Red Army along with my father and brother. Twenty-six years have passed in a flash. Few of my fellow villagers, let alone my father and brothers, are still alive today.

At the urging of the Fuzhou Military Region and Fujian provincial leaders, Wei Hongjun inscribed the eight characters "The Spirit of the Revolutionary Martyrs Lives Forever" on the main entrance of the Western Fujian Revolutionary Martyrs Monument. Prior to Wei Hongjun, other early leaders of the Western Fujian Revolution, including Deng Zhihui, Zhang Dingcheng, Wei Jinshui, and Wu Hongxiang, had also inscribed the monument.

While Wei Hongjun was working to eliminate Gao Gang's negative influence at the local level, some turmoil had already begun to build within the central government. After the Chairman convened an enlarged meeting of the Secretariat, the Party committees of various departments began to convey the spirit of the meeting and began to emphasize the importance of unity within the Party.

Everyone has a keen sense of smell.

Although Gao Gang remained a member of the Politburo Standing Committee and General Secretary of the Central Committee after the enlarged Secretariat meeting and continued to participate in important Party meetings, his most important power, presiding over Secretariat meetings, was weakened.

Previously, Gao Gang presided over the daily work of the Secretariat, making it practically his personal domain. However, after the expanded Secretariat meeting, the Politburo Standing Committee decided to assign the daily work of the Secretariat to Gao Gang, Chen Tanqiu, and Xi Zhongxun. If an expanded Secretariat meeting was held for important matters, the Chairman would personally preside over it. This significantly reduced Gao Gang's power.

Gao Gang's condition is still good at the moment.

While Rao Shushi can now attend some Party meetings, he is no longer able to perform his duties as a member of the Secretariat. His most important position is Secretariat Secretary, and he previously worked alongside Gao Gang on Secretariat work. Now unable to handle the daily work of the Secretariat, he is effectively unemployed.

Even as a member of the Politburo, Rao Shushi was not seen at some important party meetings.

So many people immediately understood that something was going to happen to Gao Gang.

After all, Gao Gang was one of the founders of the Shaanxi-Gansu-Ningxia border area and had worked there for many years, so he had many old comrades and subordinates. The Shaanxi-Gansu-Ningxia border area is a very special place in the history of the Communist Party of China.

Because it provided a base for the Red Army during the Long March.

So even though the Shaanxi-Northern Base Area was small and the number of Red Army soldiers was small, it produced quite a number of senior cadres. In addition, Gao Gang personally worked in the Northeast Bureau, and many cadres in various fields of industry and agriculture worked in harmony with him.

As a result, he became a target.

The first person to be affected was Zhang Wentian, Executive Vice Minister of Foreign Affairs.

Gao Gang's primary role in spreading "bad things" about Comrade Xiu Yang and Comrade Wu Hao was to criticize him, primarily based on recent central government policies. He criticized him for not following the socialist path and for exhibiting ideological problems on issues such as land reform, rich peasant Party membership, rural cooperative economy, and trade unions. His views ran counter to the central government's major policies of recent years.

While publicly criticizing key central leaders in this way is indeed a violation of Party discipline, what he described were real events that occurred in recent years. Comrade Xiuyang's views on these issues were indeed inconsistent with the Central Committee's subsequent policies and diverged from the Chairman's line.

The Chairman had always limited these disputes to different views on socialist construction, saying they were just work-related disagreements. But Gao Gang elevated the matter to the question of whether to follow the socialist path.

But no matter what, Gao Gang's criticism of Comrade Xiuyang is well-founded and not something Gao Gang fabricated out of thin air.

But Comrade Wu Hao’s situation is different.

Comrade Wu Hao has always enjoyed an excellent reputation within the Party. Everyone, from senior central officials to local officials, gives him a thumbs-up when he's mentioned. This is because everyone trusts his character. Therefore, Gao Gang's "accusations" against Wu Hao are based on Zhang Wentian's criticisms of him at a Ministry of Foreign Affairs meeting.

Gao Gang summarized Zhang Wentian's words and then exaggerated them. As a result, the various crimes Gao Gang accused Wu Hao of were much more serious. But no matter how Gao Gang manipulated them, the source of these crimes was Zhang Wentian.

This would make things serious.

Gao Gang and Zhang Wentian had always been a perfect match, especially during their years in Northeast China, where they collaborated seamlessly on land reform, bandit suppression, and industrial development. Gao Gang repeatedly suggested to the Central Committee that Zhang Wentian be appointed Deputy Secretary of the Northeast Bureau.

Later, after the two arrived at the central government, they maintained a very friendly relationship.

For example, when Zhang Wentian returned from the Soviet Union, Gao Gang went to pick her up in person, and the two of them often interacted with each other.

Now that Gao Gang's side has run into problems, many people believe that Zhang Wentian was just cooperating with Gao Gang. As a result, at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs meeting, everyone attacked Zhang Wentian and demanded that he admit his mistakes for factionalism and sectarianism.

Who is Zhang Wentian?

A central cadre with a bookish air.

Faced with criticism from so many Ministry of Foreign Affairs officials, Zhang Wentian lost his temper and not only refused to admit his mistakes, but instead criticized the Premier again. He even directly stated that while Gao Gang's remarks at the local level were exaggerated and inappropriate, his criticism of the Premier was still very reasonable. Zhang Wentian firmly stated that as a Party member, he had the right to criticize the Premier.

Allow yourself to admit your mistakes?

Zhang Wentian refused to do it.

This made the conflict even more acute.

At the Party Leadership Group meeting of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, most people demanded that Zhang Wentian be removed from his post.

Zhang Wentian is the Executive Vice Minister of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. In Chen Shuai's absence, he oversees the Ministry's work. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs is directly under the Premier's jurisdiction, and the Premier is always involved in all matters, big or small.

Now that things have gotten to this point, regardless of Zhang Wentian's original reason for criticizing the Premier, everyone believes that it is difficult for the Premier and Zhang Wentian to work together. So everyone is suggesting that Zhang Wentian should no longer serve as Executive Vice Minister of Foreign Affairs.

Chen Shuai wanted to speak for Zhang Wentian.

Because although Zhang Wentian was a scholar, he was still very capable at work. Zhang Wentian was no longer the scholar who had just been parachuted into the Soviet area and only knew theory. However, the current situation was no longer in the hands of Marshal Chen to mediate.

The situation is still relatively good now.

No one brought up old issues.

Because the central government and the chairman were still unsure about how to deal with Gao Gang, they left some wiggle room for Zhang Wentian. If they really wanted to dig up the past, Zhang Wentian's problems were far more serious. After the Ministry of Foreign Affairs submitted the Party Group meeting report to the Premier, the Premier did not comment. Although this was a matter under the Premier's jurisdiction, he was always cautious in his actions.

This is to remove Zhang Wentian from his position in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.