Rebirth: I am in Jin-Cha-Ji

"Comrade Wei Hongjun, are you saying that Comrade Khrushchev is very likely to blame all the mistakes of the anti-counterrevolutionary movement on Comrade Stalin?"

"Ah."

Wei Hongjun nodded.

There was nothing left to hide by now. So Wei Hongjun spoke directly, "I've carefully studied Comrade Khrushchev's political reports, the contents of Soviet party newspapers over the past two years, and the current situation within the Soviet Union. While the Soviet Union may appear stable, it's internally unstable. Comrade Khrushchev rehabilitated nearly ten million people in the past two years. This massive rehabilitation was carried out without any specific procedures; it was simply rushed through in a short period of time. Furthermore, after the rehabilitation, in order to appease them, no constraints were placed on them. These people spoke freely outside, even organizing themselves and frequently going to government departments to demand explanations. But who can suppress the anger of so many rehabilitated individuals regarding the purge? Comrade Stalin will be solely responsible for the mistakes of the purge."

Khrushchev's idea was good.

After he took office, he was eager to gain support. Rehabilitating so many people would easily win people's hearts.

But that's the good side.

The downside is how to resolve the grievances of so many people in such a short period of time. Why is it said that Khrushchev was ambitious but incompetent? It is because he had ideas, but unfortunately his ability to implement them was really poor.

With so many people being rehabilitated, how should their treatment, compensation, and work be calculated?

There are no complete steps.

It was simply a rush of rehabilitation. Many of the "victims" of the purges received no substantial compensation or job placement after their release. As a result, they directly began to criticize the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and the Soviet government, even organizing groups to attack the Soviet government. Faced with this situation, Khrushchev was completely at a loss as to what to do. He couldn't just rehabilitate them after they had just been rehabilitated.

But they are causing so much trouble that we can't just leave them alone.

Since Khrushchev rehabilitated them, he must give them an explanation.

How to explain?

This time the political report has begun to reflect this.

"Comrade Khrushchev's report today focused on criticizing the 'cult of personality,' which was directed at Comrade Stalin. I believe Comrade Khrushchev will use the 'cult of personality' and the 'anti-counterrevolutionary movement' as excuses to launch a large-scale criticism of Comrade Stalin."

"This is going to be a big deal."

Zhang Wentian's expression was solemn as he spoke. "During today's meeting, I privately exchanged views with some leaders of Eastern European countries. Everyone is somewhat puzzled by the Soviet Communist Party's downplaying of Comrade Stalin over the past two years. They hope to take advantage of this opportunity, now that everyone is gathered together for the 20th Congress of the CPSU, to discuss this issue with the CPSU. Comrade Stalin is, after all, a leader of the international communist movement recognized by the world's proletarian parties. If the CPSU were to criticize Comrade Stalin on a large scale, it would confuse everyone's thinking."

Everyone nodded.

Comrade Stalin's mistakes can be criticized, but you cannot go too far.

After all, this was the leader of the world communist movement, not just the Soviet Union. Furthermore, criticism should be planned and step-by-step, and should be discussed with other socialist countries so that everyone is prepared, rather than launching a surprise attack.

"Yes. That's why I called a meeting with you all."

"If that's the case, then we must be very cautious when reporting on the 20th Congress of the CPSU in the country."

Zhou Bin spoke.

The 20th Congress of the CPSU was a major event for socialist countries. Major Chinese newspapers were already preparing extensive coverage of the 20th Congress. Wei Hongjun and his colleagues in the Soviet Union were required to report documents from the 20th Congress back to China daily.

Then the domestic reports on the contents of the 20th Congress of the CPSU.

However, if the 20th Congress of the CPSU follows this trajectory, then domestic reporting will need to be extremely cautious. Again, Comrade Stalin's influence is truly immense. Even in the past two years, China has followed the Soviet Union in downplaying Stalin's influence.

But it is impossible to eliminate Stalin's influence by fading it for just two or three years.

"Yes. I suspect that in the next few days, the 20th Congress of the CPSU will intensify its criticism of the 'cult of personality'. We cannot directly report this kind of content. I have written a report to the Central Committee, and I hope you will all take a look at it. Once it is complete, I will send it to the Central Committee for their reference."

Wei Hongjun wrote a relatively brief report.

The main purpose was to predict the direction of the 20th Congress of the CPSU so that the Central Committee would be mentally prepared. With preparation, they would not be as flustered as in the past.

"I think I can."

After reading it, Li Fuchun gave it to Zhou Bin.

Then, everyone read Wei Hongjun's report. Although it was more serious than they had imagined, everyone had similar thoughts: they preferred to assume the worst.

Wei Hongjun analyzed the worst-case scenario in his report and suggested that the central government lower the standards for domestic coverage of the 20th Congress of the CPSU.

Everyone signed it and sent it to the central government.

Wei Hongjun continued, "Comrades, when Comrade Khrushchev hosted us for dinner on the first day, he was already trying to gauge our opinions. When Comrade Khrushchev, Mikoyan, and I spoke, they intentionally or unintentionally brought up Comrade Stalin. This shows that Comrade Khrushchev's criticism of Comrade Stalin wasn't a whim; it was well-prepared. We were caught off guard by the changes that occurred at the 20th Congress of the CPSU. So from now on, we must be extremely vigilant."

"Now let's divide the work among ourselves. Comrade Li Fuchun, Comrade Li Xiannian, from now on, you two must actively contact cadres in certain industrial sectors in the Soviet Union to learn more about the development of Soviet industry. Carefully consider what areas of our current industry still need to be filled and strengthened. Comrade Stalin was the leader of the international communist movement for the first thirty years, and Khrushchev's criticism of him is not strong enough. He will definitely need to find an ally, and that is us, China. Therefore, an opportunity will arise soon, an opportunity for us to once again obtain support from the Soviet Union."

"You two are the Vice Premier in charge of heavy industry development, and the other is the Deputy Director of the Planning Commission. You are familiar with the current state of China's industrial development. Time is running out, and we have no more than two months. This means we must formulate a plan as soon as possible and not miss this opportunity."

Just over a month after Khrushchev’s “secret report”, he visited China.

The purpose is simple.

He hoped to gain China's support, primarily seeking the Chairman's support. Khrushchev soon realized he was becoming impulsive, and the aftereffects of his secret report were too severe for him to control. Therefore, Khrushchev needed a highly respected leader of the international communist movement like the Chairman to speak up on his behalf. Khrushchev had something to ask of China, and just like his first visit, he came with "sincerity." That was Khrushchev's willingness to provide further industrial assistance to China.

In April 4, Khrushchev visited China and brought 55 aid projects to China. After the Polish-Hungarian Incident, Chairman Mao visited the Soviet Union in 1957, and Khrushchev again provided China with a number of industrial aid projects.

It can be said that 1956, 1957, and 1958 were the years when Khrushchev, both in the Soviet Union and in the international communist movement, turned to China for help. This was also the period when China received the most aid.

This is a good opportunity.

Of course Wei Hongjun couldn't let it go.

We must be fully prepared. When Khrushchev arrives, we will ask him for the industrial assistance that China needs most.

"it is good."

Li Fuchun and Li Xiannian nodded.

Although both were experienced and high-ranking, Wei Hongjun was not only the head of the delegation but also the only Politburo member and the third deputy secretary of the State Council Party Leadership Group. He was therefore qualified to assign them jobs.

Neither of them necessarily completely agrees with Wei Hongjun's judgment.

But the current situation didn't allow them to object. If something happened, being prepared would give them the initiative. Even if it didn't happen, it wouldn't be a big deal; at most, it would just be a waste of effort.

"Comrade Zhang Wentian, Comrade Liu Xiao, the two of you should actively contact representatives of other proletarian parties participating in the 20th Congress of the CPSU, as well as the CPSU attendees, to understand their ideological trends. You should also organize the embassy staff to study the daily CPSU newspaper. Every evening, you must write me a report on your research."

"it is good."

"Comrade Zhou Bin, please accompany me these few days to have more contact and meetings with Soviet leaders."

Several people divided the work among themselves.

The "Secret Report" wasn't a good thing for either the Soviet Union or the international communist movement. But it was a tremendous opportunity for China. If it were seized, it would be a major leap forward. If it weren't, it could actually affect domestic stability.

So Wei Hongjun was very cautious.

981 Secret Report

After receiving the report from the delegation, the Prime Minister was shocked.

By the time the Premier received the delegation's report, it was already midnight Beijing time due to the time difference. Because the delegation's report was so important, the Premier didn't hesitate and immediately brought it to the Chairman. After reading it, the Chairman convened a meeting of several members of the Politburo Standing Committee that night.

After the founding of New China, why was the commander-in-chief, as one of the revolutionary leaders, gradually marginalized?

Age is a big factor.

The Commander-in-Chief is seventy years old this year. Just like now, meetings are held in the wee hours of the night. People like the Premier, Comrade Xiu Yang, Comrade Chen Yun, and Marshal Nie are still young and physically fit, and they can handle it. But the Commander-in-Chief is seventy years old, and while he's always been in good health, it's impossible for him to work at this high intensity.

My body and energy can’t keep up.

Therefore, I did not attend this meeting. The Chairman showed everyone the delegation's report and then discussed the current situation.

The Central Committee, aware of Khrushchev's rise to power, has been downplaying Comrade Stalin for the past two years. Even Stalin's name has been virtually absent from many major Soviet party newspapers. When discussing Soviet history, many CPSU newspapers primarily focus on Lenin, with Stalin completely invisible.

But the Central Committee did not expect that Khrushchev would severely criticize Comrade Stalin.

Downplaying and criticizing are completely different concepts.

Comrade Stalin was very influential and had high prestige, so it is understandable that Khrushchev, as his successor, wanted to downplay Comrade Stalin. After all, if he did not downplay Comrade Stalin, many of Khrushchev's policies would not be implemented.

Even the slightest inconsistency with Stalin's original policies would have led to doubts within the CPSU and among the people about their correctness. Therefore, to promote his own political vision, Khrushchev downplayed Stalin's influence, which was not a problem. Only by gradually downplaying Stalin's influence could Khrushchev's political vision be accepted within and outside the Party.

But criticism is another matter.

Even according to Wei Hongjun, the CPSU Central Committee was going to launch a comprehensive critique of Comrade Stalin. Of course, the current Central Committee did not know that Khrushchev was not going to comprehensively criticize Comrade Stalin, but to completely negate Comrade Stalin.

But the Central Committee considered it a big deal just to criticize Comrade Stalin in an all-round way.

One can imagine how influential Khrushchev's complete denial of Comrade Stalin's "secret report" was.

The Central Committee immediately canceled its original plan to report on the 20th Congress of the CPSU. The Central Committee instructed the Propaganda Department to downplay the event, and domestic newspapers were prohibited from casually reporting on the current events. A telegram was then sent to Wei Hongjun and his delegation, urging them to exercise caution in their words and actions in the Soviet Union, especially regarding topics involving Comrade Stalin.

This applies whether we are dealing with the CPSU or other proletarian parties in other countries. China currently has considerable influence, especially given its high status within the socialist camp, and many things cannot be freely expressed.

As for the division of labor proposed by Wei Hongjun within the delegation, the Central Committee did not express its position. The Chairman simply sent a telegram, asking the delegation to prioritize Comrade Wei Hongjun's opinions.

So from the second day of the 20th Congress of the CPSU, the entire delegation was very cautious.

On February 2, the second day of the meeting, representatives of proletarian parties from various countries attending the 25th Congress of the CPSU began to speak. Khrushchev arranged for Wei Hongjun, head of the Chinese delegation, to speak first.

Wei Hongjun made many revisions to the original report.

All speeches focused on Sino-Soviet unity.

The Chinese delegation was now extremely cautious. As Wei Hongjun had predicted, on February 2, the third day of the 26th Congress of the CPSU, Mikoyan once again fiercely criticized the cult of personality in his speech. Mikoyan stated bluntly, "I emphasize this old truth because for about 20 years we have actually had no collective leadership, and instead, we have been subject to the cult of personality that was long ago condemned by Marx and later by Lenin."

This is just short of mentioning Comrade Stalin.

Because the leader of the CPSU for more than twenty years was Comrade Stalin. When people say that the CPSU had no collective leadership but only a cult of personality during these twenty years, they are referring to Comrade Stalin.

This was the second time since the 20th Congress of the CPSU that the "cult of personality" had been harshly criticized. It was also the second time, after Khrushchev, that a high-ranking CPSU official publicly criticized the "cult of personality."

Of course, now that Michael Owen has spoken, it won't be that simple.

In the end, Mikoyan directly criticized Comrade Stalin's important work in his later years, "Problems of Soviet Socialist Economy," arguing that many of the analyses in this work were not necessarily helpful to the Soviet Union and were not necessarily correct.

This was the first time that the top leaders of the CPSU publicly criticized Comrade Stalin's political views.

Previously, the criticism had focused on Stalin's "personality cult," but there had been no public criticism of Stalin's political views. But at the 20th Congress of the CPSU, in front of all the CPSU representatives and so many proletarian parties around the world, Mikoyan criticized Stalin's political views for the first time.

Problems of Soviet Socialist Economy is a major work written by Comrade Stalin after summarizing thirty years of socialist economic development in the Soviet Union. It can be said that Stalin's most important political propositions on socialist economic development in his later years are contained in this book.

Now that Mikoyan has criticized Comrade Stalin's work, it shows that the top leaders of the CPSU have begun to directly criticize Comrade Stalin's political propositions.

This kind of thing continued to happen at the 20th Congress of the CPSU.

Senior officials of the CPSU Central Committee frequently discussed the issue of "personality cult." Wei Hongjun knew that Khrushchev was trying to build momentum for his "secret report" and to prepare the CPSU delegates.

So during the meeting, "personality cult" was criticized.

However, until the end of the 2th Congress of the CPSU, the CPSU Central Committee had only launched a large-scale criticism of the "cult of personality" and did not take any further action. However, after the 25th Congress of the CPSU closed on February , Khrushchev called the delegates back overnight and held a secret meeting.

At that time, some national representatives of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union had already left Moscow, but Khrushchev used various means of transportation to call them back.

It was at this secret meeting that Khrushchev made a personal report.

That was the famous report "On the Cult of Personality and Its Consequences," also known as the "Secret Report." In this report, Khrushchev disclosed many secrets of the Central Committee of the CPSU.

During the more than 30 years since the founding of the Soviet Union, many secrets were kept secret and confidential within the Central Committee of the CPSU. However, in this secret report, Khrushchev disclosed a large number of secrets in order to discredit Comrade Stalin.