Rebirth: I am in Jin-Cha-Ji

This secret meeting was held at 11:30 p.m.

It was already daybreak when the meeting ended.

Khrushchev knew that his secret meeting was too sudden and would inevitably cause an uproar. So after the meeting, he began to seek support. At the end of the meeting, Khrushchev sent a liaison officer to the Chinese Communist Party delegation.

The liaison officer sent by Khrushchev immediately informed the Chinese Communist Party delegation of the transcript of the secret report.

There is no text information.

The Soviet liaison officer read from memory, while the delegation's translator, Shi Zhe, translated the text on the spot, and the delegation's recorder took notes simultaneously. The Chinese Communist Party delegation was the first to learn of Khrushchev's secret report, aside from the Soviet CPSU's own national representatives.

After hearing the content, several people in the delegation were shocked.

Because the content inside is too "stimulating".

Khrushchev first delegitimized Stalin's status as Lenin's successor. Khrushchev then published Lenin's letter to the 12th Congress of the CPSU, which could be considered Lenin's last will and testament. In it, Lenin offered assessments of several CPSU leaders. Khrushchev highlighted Lenin's suggestion that the Congress remove Stalin from the position of General Secretary.

Of course, Khrushchev also took some of Lenin's "Testament" out of context, specifically picking out the parts that were unfavorable to Stalin.

This was to inform the CPSU representatives that Stalin was not Lenin's preferred successor. Comrade Stalin's previous claims that he was Lenin's student, comrade-in-arms, and legitimate successor were false.

This "will" of Lenin had previously been a confidential archive of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union.

After first denying the claim of being Comrade Stalin's legitimate successor, they then began to completely deny Comrade Stalin.

From the beginning of the purges until World War II, all the problems that arose were Stalin's fault. Regarding the purges, Khrushchev said they were Stalin's way of physically eliminating his political enemies. He physically eliminated any cadre who opposed Stalin's ideas.

The vocabulary in it is also very harsh.

The word "tyrant" was frequently used, and the term "executioner" was even used frequently. The faces of the delegation members were all serious; Zhang Wentian's face even turned livid, but they were all able to control their tempers.

Instead, it was Li Fuchun, who was usually the most steady, who stood up and wanted to say something.

Wei Hongjun, having long known about the "secret report," was able to maintain his composure. He still had the energy to observe the delegation members. So, when he saw Li Fuchun stand up, he immediately grabbed him. Then he shook his head at Li Fuchun. Li Fuchun took a breath, then a long sigh of relief as he sat down.

He just couldn't bear to listen anymore, so he stood up.

Because the contents of the secret report were too shocking.

After the Soviet liaison officer relayed the contents of the secret report, he left the Chinese Communist Party delegation.

"Playing the piano randomly."

Li Fuchun slammed the table.

The widespread criticism of Stalin at the 20th Congress of the CPSU had already surprised many people. But Li Fuchun had not expected such a thing to happen after the 20th Congress.

For Li Fuchun and others, Comrade Stalin is definitely a leader who cannot be ignored.

When the Communist Party of China was first established, the Soviet Union was an "ideal country" for young members. Many members dreamed of building China into a country like the Soviet Union. Consequently, they held a deep affection for Comrade Stalin.

Now, all of a sudden, the CPSU itself denied Comrade Stalin so much, even using so many harsh adjectives to describe Comrade Stalin, which made Li Fuchun emotionally unacceptable.

"Comrade Khrushchev acted impulsively."

Li Xiannian shook his head.

Li Xiannian wasn't as indignant as Li Fuchun. He was merely surprised, so he calmly analyzed the situation: "Comrade Khrushchev's report directly overturns the 30-year history of the CPSU. How can the CPSU rally the people and reevaluate its 30-year history? This will only confuse the minds of CPSU members and the Soviet people, leaving them bewildered. This is not what a mature leader should do."

Li Xiannian really didn't understand.

Politics is not black and white.

He wasn't a police officer catching criminals, so he couldn't make a clear distinction. Comrade Stalin made mistakes, but Li Xiannian believed they were not. Just like the horrific purges, which now shudder at the thought of them. Did Comrade Stalin make mistakes during the purges? Li Xiannian believed he did. This was because Comrade Stalin was the leader of the CPSU during the purges.

Just like during the CCP’s anti-counterrevolutionary campaign, many central leaders also made mistakes.

Even during the Yan'an Rectification Movement, Chairman Mao never suggested using the mistakes of the anti-counterrevolutionary movement to punish those central cadres who had made mistakes. This was because these weren't just the mistakes of one or two people. Nor could we treat them all as black or white, purging them all. If we did that, how could we maintain inner-party unity and continue the revolution?

Some cadres even had many personal grudges against the Chairman. Many of the Chairman's relatives and friends lost their lives due to the actions of certain leaders. But for the sake of party unity and the continuation of the revolution, the Chairman had no choice but to put aside these personal grudges.

But look at what Khrushchev did.

Stalin led the CPSU for thirty years, and the CPSU's thirty-year history and Comrade Stalin's thirty-year history almost overlap. You call Comrade Stalin a "devil" and a "butcher," completely denying Comrade Stalin. So what became of the CPSU under Comrade Stalin's leadership?

Including Khrushchev himself.

You were a general under Comrade Stalin. Where were you when Comrade Stalin made his mistakes? It is said that Comrade Stalin engaged in a "cult of personality." The person who flattered Stalin the most was Comrade Khrushchev.

Now if someone comes out to completely deny Comrade Stalin, how can he justify these things?

This is simply digging your own foundation.

How could a mature politician do such a thing? Even if you truly wanted to discredit Comrade Stalin, you shouldn't have done it so drastically. Instead, you should have criticized him gradually, waiting until both the Party and the outside world accepted Comrade Stalin's mistakes, and then make some adjustments. While criticizing Stalin, you should have maintained the legitimacy of the CPSU. But how can the CPSU maintain its legitimacy in this situation?

"This is going to be a big deal."

Zhang Wentian also expressed his own views.

Zhang Wentian's hands even kept shaking.

Zhang Wentian, a former Soviet-educated general, understood the aftereffects of the "secret report" even better. The CCP had experienced the Yan'an Rectification Movement. Even after this, Comrade Stalin still held considerable influence within the CCP.

What about other socialist countries’ political parties that have not experienced something similar to the Yan’an Rectification Movement?

They were practically founded with the help of the Soviet Union. Many of the leaders of socialist countries were single-handedly supported by the Soviet Union, and one could even say it was Comrade Stalin who single-handedly supported them. Many of them didn't really have the strength or prestige to be top leaders, but were pushed into the top positions by the Soviet Union.

The powerful groups in the country, including those inside and outside the Party, were all afraid of Comrade Stalin, so they had to admit his position as the top leader.

This at least maintains domestic balance.

But now that the CPSU itself has disavowed Comrade Stalin, chaos is sure to ensue in the socialist countries of Eastern Europe. There will undoubtedly be a struggle among the leaders inside and outside the Party. If the CPSU itself disavows Comrade Stalin, why should they obey the leadership that Comrade Stalin single-handedly supported? This will cause great chaos in the socialist countries of Eastern Europe.

"Comrades of the Red Army, what should we do now?"

Zhou Bin looked at Wei Hongjun.

Among the several people in this delegation, Wei Hongjun is the youngest but the highest-ranking.

Now he seems the calmest.

Everyone else was either filled with righteous indignation or at a loss, but Wei Hongjun's expression remained largely unchanged. The others also turned to look at Wei Hongjun. "Comrade Liu Xiao, you will send a telegram to the Central Committee later. Don't send Comrade Khrushchev's report directly. This is just something the liaison officer dictated, so there are bound to be some errors. The CPSU will probably hand over the original report to us later. So send a telegram to the Central Committee and tell them about this. Also, tell them that the CPSU just held a secret meeting where Comrade Khrushchev completely disavowed Comrade Stalin. Tell them to be prepared."

"Yes."

"Things have now gone beyond our expectations. Therefore, I am announcing a rule of discipline. From now on, no one in the delegation, including everyone in the embassy, ​​is allowed to talk about Comrade Stalin. Whether facing cadres of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union or cadres of other proletarian parties, anyone who mentions Comrade Stalin must avoid it. Anyone who says anything inappropriate at this critical juncture will be dealt with organizationally."

Wei Hongjun became very serious.

Soon, not just the CPSU, but proletarian parties around the world will contact the Chinese Communist Party delegation and the embassy where they are staying. They will undoubtedly want to hear the CCP's views. However, at this time, it is particularly important not to make rash statements.

"Yes."

Wei Hongjun continued to deploy work.

"Comrade Li Fuchun, Comrade Li Xiannian, things are more serious than we previously imagined. I am now 100% certain that after this secret meeting of the CPSU, Comrade Khrushchev will not be able to stabilize the situation and will definitely try his best to win us over. I will send a telegram to the Central Committee, asking you two to return to China first and stop your original itinerary. I will write a report, which you will take with you and submit to the Central Committee after you return. Then, quickly formulate a plan for accepting Soviet industrial assistance. We must try our best to obtain sufficient assistance from the Soviet Union within the scope of our financial affordability. Comrade Khrushchev will definitely agree."

"it is good."

According to the original itinerary, after attending the 20th Congress of the CPSU, the Chinese Communist Party delegation would visit several places in the Soviet Union.

Li Fuchun, Li Xiannian and others were originally going to inspect some large factories in the Soviet Union.

But it was too late.

Wei Hongjun wanted Li Fuchun, Li Xiannian, and others to return to China first. He prepared a report for the Central Committee, detailing Khrushchev's position within the Soviet Union and the socialist camp following the release of the "secret report." He believed that if Khrushchev could no longer maintain stability in the Soviet Union and the socialist camp, he would inevitably seek aid from China again to gain its support.

Therefore, China must quickly formulate a comprehensive, financially viable industrial aid plan to maximize its benefits. China already has a solid industrial foundation, established through the First Five-Year Plan. By seizing this opportunity, China will be able to establish a more comprehensive industrial base after the Second Five-Year Plan.

"Comrade Zhang Wentian, Comrade Liu Xiao, you two must pay close attention to the situation in various countries, as well as the situation within the Soviet Union. Don't miss any clues."

Both Zhang Wentian and Liu Xiao have connections in the Soviet Union.

Even if confidential matters cannot be found out, some movements can still be found out.

What Wei Hongjun wants is dynamic social change.

"Yes."

Wei Hongjun arranged various tasks calmly.

very busy.

There were constant telegrams between the central government and the government.

This was truly shocking. The top leaders of the Central Committee were all gathered together at this time, eating and sleeping in their offices. They exchanged telegrams with the delegation and discussed how to handle these matters. Despite Wei Hongjun's earlier telegram, Khrushchev's complete denial of Comrade Stalin still caused a huge stir in the Central Committee.

Everyone was somewhat relieved.

Fortunately, the 20th Congress of the CPSU was not reported in a big way. Otherwise, the current situation would be very embarrassing.

The Chairman approved Wei Hongjun's proposal.

Comrades Li Fuchun and Li Xiannian were the first to return to China.

The Chairman also wanted to see the report written by Wei Hongjun himself.

While Wei Hongjun was busy, Khrushchev sent someone to invite the Chinese Communist Party delegation to a symposium. Wei Hongjun, Zhou Bin, Zhang Wentian, Liu Xiao, and translator Shi Zhe attended the symposium.

Khrushchev was very enthusiastic.

After sitting down, Khrushchev said, "Comrade Wei Hongjun, this is the original text of the report. The Chinese comrades are our best friends, so we will send you the original text of the report as soon as we have compiled it. The Soviet Communist Party and the Chinese Communist Party were both victims of Stalin's 'personality cult.' Now we should work together to thoroughly criticize Stalin's 'personality cult' and dispel Stalin's false myth."

Khrushchev was direct.

Even when talking to Wei Hongjun, he no longer called Stalin "comrade".

Wei Hongjun said, "Comrade Khrushchev, this incident came too suddenly. We were not prepared."

"Comrade Wei Hongjun, there's no need for that. The Communist International's blind command of the Chinese Revolution caused great losses to the Chinese Revolution, and many Chinese comrades lost their precious lives under Stalin's blind command. But all of this is ultimately due to Stalin's great power chauvinism. Stalin was not a communist. He wantonly interfered in the internal affairs of other countries and the revolutions of other countries. Historically, Stalin's arbitrary rule deeply harmed the Chinese Revolution and the revolutionary friendship between the CPSU and the CCP. Now that we in the CPSU have begun to eliminate the negative impact left by Stalin's superstition, I believe the Chinese comrades should support us."

If it were just an internal matter of the Soviet Union, Khrushchev would not have been so humble.

After all, he now holds power in the Soviet Union.

No matter what problems arose within the Soviet Union, Khrushchev was still able to suppress them.

He tried so hard to win over the Chinese Communist Party delegation because the total negation of Comrade Stalin was a major issue for the entire socialist camp and the international communist movement. Khrushchev still wanted to lead the international communist movement and continue to lead the socialist camp.

Khrushchev was ready to share his "Secret Report" with the leaders of other socialist countries. However, he was not yet completely certain that these leaders would support his "Secret Report." He was also concerned that the release of the "Secret Report" would alienate the socialist countries from the Soviet Union and lead them to disobey Soviet orders. He was even more worried about losing his leadership of the international communist movement.

So Khrushchev needed China's support, the Chairman's support.

As long as the Chinese Communist Party delegation took the lead in supporting Khrushchev during the meeting, other socialist countries would have no choice but to follow suit.

Unfortunately, Wei Hongjun wasn't a young kid; there was no way he'd give in on such a serious issue. So, he continued practicing Tai Chi, saying, "Comrade Khrushchev, I will report everything you've said to the Central Committee without changing a word."

Seeing that Wei Hongjun did not respond, Khrushchev became a little angry.